This study analyzes the effects on poverty incidence and other variables resulting from government expenditures associated with natural resource revenues, using Laos as a case study. The analysis uses a multi-sector/multi-household general equilibrium model of the Lao economy. The conceptual framework emphasizes the distinction between official and marginal expenditures financed by project revenues. A range of assumptions is considered regarding the direct distributional impact of the true marginal expenditures and their implications are compared. Poverty incidence declines under the entire range of distributional assumptions, but the most important determinant of these impacts is the degree of pro-rural bias.
This study reports on an effort to test the following hyp: exploitation of low-income consumers is a function of ES rather than minority group membership. The study was conducted by sending 3 low-income couples (black, Mexican-Amer, & Anglowhite) to preselected ghetto & non-ghetto stores to shop for identical merchandise. The findings from this Los Angeles study suggest that the poor pay more for products in ghetto stores regardless of their race or ethnicity & that merchants often discriminate against minorities in assessing credit charges. BACKGROUND COMMENTS maintain that the business world in Watts cannot ignore the Ur crisis. Analysis of the relationship between the poor Ur residents in Los Angeles & the business community serving those residents is made. The inequities which exist in the market world of the Ur ghetto were confirmed. Nevertheless, despite the signif amount of res on the business sphere of the ghetto, little has been done to alleviate the problems of the ghetto consumer; some local action has been taken, but no nat'l policy has been established. It is felt that until such action is taken the ghetto will continue to suffer at the hands of the corrupt market system within it. G. Satt.
This study aims to understand how the Political branding strategy developed by the Candidates for Governor and Vice governor with regard to poverty alleviation in the East Java region. This "political battle" becomes interesting because each pair of Khofifah and Emil or Saifullah Yusuf and Puti Guntur Soekarno are not new figures in the East Java political arena. The background and political capital of each partner seems to be at stake because of the long and deep history and closeness to East Java. In the context of the issue of poverty, it becomes important how they conduct public debates in order to do maneuver to overcome this classic problem and all parties agree that poverty must be fought. This study uses content analysis from the first session of the open debate on the Candidates for Governor and Vice governor of East Java. In the end, this study shows the superiority of the Khofifah and Emil Dardak in discussing the issue of poverty, but the Saifullah Yusuf and Puti Guntur Soekarno also have their own characteristics in discussing the issue of poverty. Each has its own political branding focus and strategy in conveying their ideas.
This paper presents trends in monetary and nonmonetary dimensions of wellbeing in Ethiopia using data from the Household Consumption and Expenditure and Welfare Monitoring surveys implemented in 2000, 2005, and 2011. The paper provides evidence on changes in overlapping deprivations using a non-index approach to multidimensional poverty. It assesses the performance of various dimensions in education, health, and living standards, taking one indicator at a time. It then examines the overlap between different dimensions of poverty and examines how this has changed over time in Ethiopia and across rural and urban areas. It highlights that although Ethiopia's multidimensional poverty index is very high, there have been improvements in overlapping deprivations and, as a result, the number of individuals deprived in multiple dimensions has fallen.
En Valledupar la pobreza ha incrementado durante los últimos cuatro años, pasando de 27% en 2014 a 33,4% para 2017. La distribución del ingreso también sufrió un revés importante durante el mismo periodo de tiempo, cuando el coeficiente de Gini pasó de 0,42 a 0,46, lo que indica que en 2017 hubo una mayor concentración de la riqueza que en 2014. Este documento estudia los principales factores que han incidido en el aumento de la pobreza y propone una serie de inversiones para contrarrestar la desmejora en las condiciones de vida de los valduparences. Los resultados indican que el deterioro en el mercado laboral (empleo, salarios e informalidad) y la calidad de la educación son los factores que explican el incremento en pobreza. Las inversiones propuestas en temas de educación, vivienda y trabajo, que reducirían la pobreza y generarían un entorno propicio para el desarrollo económico de Valledupar, requieren de $230 millones de dólares para los próximos 10 años, lo que implicaría un esfuerzo fiscal adicional por generar $22,8 millones de dólares adicionales anuales hasta 2030. ; Poverty rate increased six percentage points in the past four years in Valledupar. The income distribution deteriorated as well during the same period of time. This document studies the main factors that explain the rise in poverty in Valledupar during 2014-2017 and proposes a series of investments that will help the city to overcome this drawback in their economic and social development. The results show that the worsening in labor market conditions (wages, employment and informality rate) due to negative shocks in coal prices and low quality of education are the factors driving the poor performance of Valledupar in terms of poverty reduction. We propose a set of investments in education, labor policy and housing that cost $230 millions of dollars for the next 10 years, in order to create structural conditions for development and lower poverty. ; Enfoque La pobreza ha incrementado en Valledupar durante los últimos cuatro años, al pasar de 27% en 2014 a 33,4% en 2017. La distribución del ingreso también sufrió un revés importante durante el mismo periodo de tiempo, cuando el coeficiente de Gini pasó de 0,42 a 0,46, lo cual indica que en 2017 hubo una mayor concentración de la riqueza que en 2014 (DANE, 2018) Este documento estudia los principales factores estructurales y de coyuntura que han incidido en el aumento de la pobreza de Valledupar de los últimos años y propone una serie de inversiones para contrarrestar la desmejora en las condiciones de vida de los valduparences. Contribución El documento realiza un estudio detallado sobre las causas que llevaron al aumento de la pobreza en Valledupar usando técnicas de medición económica que permiten descomponer el incremento de la pobreza en sus principales determinantes, como lo son los cambios en el ingreso, cambios en la desigualdad y cambios en los precios. También logra identificar los barrios y las comunas más pobres de la ciudad, los cuales requieren atención prioritaria. Adicionalmente, propone un conjunto de inversiones puntuales y posibles fuentes de financiación, que buscan resolver los problemas estructurales más urgentes de la ciudad en materia de vivienda, empleo y educación para así reducir la pobreza en los próximos diez años. FRASE DESTACADA: Teniendo en cuenta la población que debe ser atendida y los costos actuales del bien o servicio requerido, se estima que serían necesarios $230 millones de dólares en los próximos 10 años. Resultados Los resultados indican que el deterioro en el mercado laboral (empleo, salarios e informalidad) y la calidad de la educación son los factores estructurales que explican el incremento en pobreza observado en los últimos cuatro años. Adicionalmente, hechos circunstanciales como la caída en los precios del carbón entre 2011 y 2016 también contribuyeron al incremento de la pobreza a través de su impacto en el deterioro del mercado laboral local (Arango, Flórez y Olarte, 2018). Con el objeto de reducir la pobreza en Valledupar al promedio nacional en un horizonte de diez años, el estudio propone unas inversiones en educación, vivienda y trabajo. Teniendo en cuenta la población que debe ser atendida y los costos actuales del bien o servicio requerido, se estima que serían necesarios $230 millones de dólares en los próximos 10 años. Este monto implicaría un esfuerzo fiscal para generar anualmente $22,8 millones de dólares adicionales hasta 2030.
A 2015 World Bank report on attainment of Millennium Development Goals concludes that the number of extremely poor has dropped substantially in all regions with the exception of Sub-Saharan Africa. We assess if poverty is in the African gene by revisiting the findings of Ashraf and Galor (2013, AER) and reformulating the 'Out of Africa Hypothesis' into a 'Genetic Diversity Hypothesis' for a 'Within Africa Analysis'. We motivate this reformulation with five shortcomings arising for the most part from the 2015 findings of the African Gerome Variation Project, notably: limitations in the concept of space, African dummy in genetic diversity, linearity in migratory patterns, migratory origins and underpinnings of genetic diversity in Africa. Ashraf and Galor have concluded that cross-country differences in development can be explained by genetic diversity in a Kuznets pattern. Our results from an exclusive African perspective confirm the underlying hypothesis in a contemporary context, but not in the historical analysis. From a historical context, the nexus is U-shaped for migratory distance, mobility index and predicted diversity while for the contemporary analysis; it is hump-shaped for ancestry-adjusted predicted diversity. Hence, poverty is not in the African gene from a within-Africa comparative standpoint. Policy implications are discussed.
In this article Polanyi's double move and Wæver's securitisation argument inform an analysis of poverty as a security issue. The inclusion of poverty on the security agenda confirms and complicates, rather than marginalises, the state as a central referent of security. It is argued that analytically and pragmatically qualitative and socially contextualised analysis of poverty offers deeper understanding than quantitative approaches. It is also argued that the rhetoric of inclusion currently espoused by the likes of the World Bank seeks to secure institutional hegemony rather than state or human security. Neo-liberal solutions to poverty premised on growth, as opposed to redistribution, mean that the states and peoples poorly equipped to compete in the capitalist game will remain impoverished. Markets and neo-liberal institutions serve to splinter, rather than coalesce, state and society.
