Suchergebnisse

Trotz friedensstiftenden Bemühungen zwischen der Ukraine und Polen ist der Konflikt zwischen den beiden Nationen, der im 20. Jahrhundert seinen gewaltsamen Höhepunkt erreichte, ungelöst. Mit Blick auf Andrei Sheptyts'kyi, ukrainisch griechisch-katholischer Metropolit zwischen 1901 und 1944, sowie Erkenntnissen aus der qualitativen Forschung mit zeitgenössischen Vertretern derselben Kirche wird argumentiert, dass Sheptyts'kyi als Friedensstifter betrachtet werden muss und dass Vertreter der ukrainisch griechisch-katholischen Kirche, seinem Beispiel folgend, einzigartig positioniert sind, um im polnisch-ukrainischen Konflikt friedensstiftend zu wirken. Abschließend schlägt die Autorin mehrere Wege für solche Friedensarbeit vor.

Die chinesische Führung hat angeboten, in Afghanistan einen "Versöhnungsprozess" zu organisieren. Peking kann dabei auf seit Langem bestehende Verbindungen zu den afghanischen Taliban und sein Sonderverhältnis zu Pakistan bauen. Aber kann China erreichen, was anderen Mächten - allen voran den USA - in der Vergangenheit misslungen ist? (IP)

Length: 135 minutes Oral history interview of Stan Willis by Richard Hughey

Zur Handlungsforschung sind sehr unterschiedliche persönliche und kulturelle Zugänge möglich. Doch trotz dieser Unterschiedlichkeit gibt es ein gemeinsames Weltverständnis, das wir als Praktiker(innen) teilen, unabhängig von unserer Disziplin- oder Gruppenzugehörigkeit. Kennzeichen dieses Verständnisses scheinen unser Widerstand gegen Unterdrückung ebenso wie unsere Bemühung um nicht-repressive Arbeitsweisen zu sein. Und wir sind ausgesprochen kritisch gegen die Definition von Gültigkeit(en). Gleichwohl stellt sich die Frage, wie wir in unserer Praxis ein Vorgehen entwickeln können, das uns selbst und andere – glaubwürdig – darüber informiert, dass unsere Position und unser Vorgehen tatsächlich partizipatorisches Lernen und Forschen erlaubt. Im folgenden werden einige Wege vorgeschlagen, die – angeleitet durch Erfahrungen von Versöhnung zwischen Menschen unterschiedlicher Rassen – eine solche Unterscheidung/Definition ermöglichen helfen sollen. Dabei greife ich auf eigene Erfahrungen zurück, die zeigen, wie ich als "Facilitator" im Rahmen partizipativer Handlungsforschung Prozesse zu erkennen und zu fördern versuche, und es wird auch deutlich werden, wie Prozesse, die Beispiele guter Praxis zu sein schienen, plötzlich zu Beispielen schlechter Praxis wurden. Oder um es genauer zu sagen: wie mitunter eine repressive Praxis entstehen kann trotz meines expliziten Widerstandes gegen Unterdrückung. Ich beschäftige mich hierbei insbesondere damit, wie Zweck/Ziele und Status den Aushandlungsprozess zwischen den verschiedenen Teilnehmer(inne)n eines Handlungsfeldes strukturieren:

Over the past year, medical malpractice and health care law in the Commonwealth have undergone significant changes. Major case decisions and significant legislative activity, both at the state and federal levels, have altered the playing field for many health care providers, insurers, and consumers.

Special Representative to the Secretary General (SRSG) Abdoulaye Bathily resigned from his position as the head of the United National Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in April 2024. He served as head of the Mission for 18 months, attempting to facilitate political reconciliation and disarmament in Libya without achieving any breakthroughs. His resignation is emblematic of the stagnation Libya finds itself mired in, dating back a decade to the start of the civil war in 2014. Libya is currently divided between rival governments in the east and west. National leaders are overwhelmingly concerned with furthering their own interests, and numerous foreign actors are competing for access to Libya's territory and resources. The international community may need to rethink its approach to Libya in the face of numerous failures with its current approach.Bathily's resignation is the culmination of endless frustrations and roadblocks since he assumed the position in September 2022. In his April 16 address to the UN Security Council, Bathily detailed the deterioration of Libya's political, security, and economic conditions. He described his efforts as "met with stubborn resistance, unreasonable expectation, and indifference to the interests of the Libyan people." Bathily told reporters that he did his best in the role. The lack of progress and apparent defiance of Libyan leaders in the face of Bathily's warnings of further disintegration, as well as efforts to facilitate elections, proved to be too much. Despite Bathily's efforts, Libya's electoral process remains stalled. Elections have been indefinitely postponed since 2021. Bathily earlier stated elections could and should occur in 2023, but they have not. The Libyan 6+6 electoral committee finalized electoral laws in October 2023 after months of deliberation, but national leaders have not accepted them. Each leader continues to set preconditions on the electoral process to attempt to mould it to each sides' narrower interests. Bathily has been unable to build a consensus among leaders, and his efforts have been undermined by meetings held among select leaders without UNSMIL's inclusion.Efforts to curb the power of Libya's militias remain similarly stalled. Bathily has been working with the 5+5 Joint Military Council to facilitate disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR). The group has produced little more than empty rhetoric that sounds good but does not lead to change. Promises of criminalizing violence and the withdrawal of militias from Tripoli have not materialized. Militias remain powerful actors across Libya with disproportionate influence. Tensions between militias remain high and clashes occur intermittently, creating an insecure and unstable environment.A renewed geopolitical competition over Libya augments its stagnation. International consensus towards Libya has dissolved as actors including Russia, Italy, Turkey, and the US operate independently in the country with their own agendas. Bathily called Libya a "playground for fierce rivalry" among foreign actors as they compete in a "renewed scramble for Libya" over political and economic interests. Many of these actors are interested in Libya's oil and gas resources and/or its location as a gateway to the African continent. The competition and lack of international consensus undermines UNSMIL's efforts. It is hard for UNSMIL to promote negotiations and consensus-building while foreign actors constantly seek to influence processes in line with their own interests. The rivalries may even be incentivizing stagnation because a weak Libya makes it easier for actors to pursue their own agendas. Bathily's resignation, on top of Libya's decade of stagnation, may be an indicator that it is time for the international community to reevaluate its priorities and approach towards Libya. There are numerous paths forward for the international community to consider. The UN could continue the same approach, but it is unlikely to produce different results any time soon. Negotiations without coercive powers behind them have proved unsuccessful thus far. Alternatively, the UN could modify its approach of empowering Libyan leaders and instead put more power behind UN-facilitated negotiations. This would likely require establishing a consensus among member states for such a UN approach in Libya to limit mixed signals. The UN could also consider a more hands-on approach of directly organizing and implementing elections, DDR, and SSR. Such an approach, however, would likely be met with contention from Libyans and contingents of the international community who would see it as too interventionist. Conversely, the UN could opt for a more hands-off approach, stepping back and allowing Libyan leaders to proceed as they see fit. This approach carries the risk of increased instability, complete political collapse, or a renewal of violence. Each approach has its strengths and weaknesses for the international community to consider as it determines how to move forward.

Special Representative to the Secretary General (SRSG) Abdoulaye Bathily resigned from his position as the head of the United National Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in April 2024. He served as head of the Mission for 18 months, attempting to facilitate political reconciliation and disarmament in Libya without achieving any breakthroughs. His resignation is emblematic of the stagnation Libya finds itself mired in, dating back a decade to the start of the civil war in 2014. Libya is currently divided between rival governments in the east and west. National leaders are overwhelmingly concerned with furthering their own interests, and numerous foreign actors are competing for access to Libya's territory and resources. The international community may need to rethink its approach to Libya in the face of numerous failures with its current approach.Bathily's resignation is the culmination of endless frustrations and roadblocks since he assumed the position in September 2022. In his April 16 address to the UN Security Council, Bathily detailed the deterioration of Libya's political, security, and economic conditions. He described his efforts as "met with stubborn resistance, unreasonable expectation, and indifference to the interests of the Libyan people." Bathily told reporters that he did his best in the role. The lack of progress and apparent defiance of Libyan leaders in the face of Bathily's warnings of further disintegration, as well as efforts to facilitate elections, proved to be too much. Despite Bathily's efforts, Libya's electoral process remains stalled. Elections have been indefinitely postponed since 2021. Bathily earlier stated elections could and should occur in 2023, but they have not. The Libyan 6+6 electoral committee finalized electoral laws in October 2023 after months of deliberation, but national leaders have not accepted them. Each leader continues to set preconditions on the electoral process to attempt to mould it to each sides' narrower interests. Bathily has been unable to build a consensus among leaders, and his efforts have been undermined by meetings held among select leaders without UNSMIL's inclusion.Efforts to curb the power of Libya's militias remain similarly stalled. Bathily has been working with the 5+5 Joint Military Council to facilitate disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR). The group has produced little more than empty rhetoric that sounds good but does not lead to change. Promises of criminalizing violence and the withdrawal of militias from Tripoli have not materialized. Militias remain powerful actors across Libya with disproportionate influence. Tensions between militias remain high and clashes occur intermittently, creating an insecure and unstable environment.A renewed geopolitical competition over Libya augments its stagnation. International consensus towards Libya has dissolved as actors including Russia, Italy, Turkey, and the US operate independently in the country with their own agendas. Bathily called Libya a "playground for fierce rivalry" among foreign actors as they compete in a "renewed scramble for Libya" over political and economic interests. Many of these actors are interested in Libya's oil and gas resources and/or its location as a gateway to the African continent. The competition and lack of international consensus undermines UNSMIL's efforts. It is hard for UNSMIL to promote negotiations and consensus-building while foreign actors constantly seek to influence processes in line with their own interests. The rivalries may even be incentivizing stagnation because a weak Libya makes it easier for actors to pursue their own agendas. Bathily's resignation, on top of Libya's decade of stagnation, may be an indicator that it is time for the international community to reevaluate its priorities and approach towards Libya. There are numerous paths forward for the international community to consider. The UN could continue the same approach, but it is unlikely to produce different results any time soon. Negotiations without coercive powers behind them have proved unsuccessful thus far. Alternatively, the UN could modify its approach of empowering Libyan leaders and instead put more power behind UN-facilitated negotiations. This would likely require establishing a consensus among member states for such a UN approach in Libya to limit mixed signals. The UN could also consider a more hands-on approach of directly organizing and implementing elections, DDR, and SSR. Such an approach, however, would likely be met with contention from Libyans and contingents of the international community who would see it as too interventionist. Conversely, the UN could opt for a more hands-off approach, stepping back and allowing Libyan leaders to proceed as they see fit. This approach carries the risk of increased instability, complete political collapse, or a renewal of violence. Each approach has its strengths and weaknesses for the international community to consider as it determines how to move forward.

PurposeThis article aims to provide a new paradigm for thinking about disability, which can be applied to other social groups, historically invisible and whose rights have been violated. The Model of Communication and Legitimate Acknowledgement of Disability (MCLAD) tries to break with the logic of continuing to add terms and euphemisms around the issue. The author proposes a new line to think about relationships in democratic societies. Taking the step from inclusion to acknowledgment does not imply another way of naming the disability, but rather addressing the problem from concrete practices of recognition. In order to arrive at the proposal of the MCLAD, the author will make a journey that addresses how disability has been understood throughout history, according to the study of different authors.Design/methodology/approachDisability has been perceived over time in many different ways, which led some authors to build models in order to explain certain social approaches to the subject. This article traces a journey from the first model to the present. In turn, it proposes a new one: the MCLAD, which is characterized by a paradigm shift: moving from inclusion to acknowledgment. To substantiate this, three categories are presented: acknowledgment, distance and vulnerability. The different theories and concepts that support the model will also be presented. The purpose of the MCLAD is to deepen the idea of empowering people with disabilities as part of today's diverse societies and closing historically constructed gaps which are still in force.FindingsThe MCLAD proposes three categories: acknowledgment, distance and vulnerability. In turn, in each of them, there is a link between three axes: person with disability/society/state, analyzing the dynamics of these relationships presented, will provide us with the necessary elements to understand the proposed turnaround.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough the different models will be presented according to the chronological order of definition over time, all of them still coexist today, in many cases in hybrid and naturalized ways in social practices. Recognizing what practices and conceptions are behind each model, allows us to recognize and resignify the ways of communicating toward people with disabilities (PWD) and on the issue of disability. It also allows other specific recognition practices, such as the legitimization of public policies from the laws that protect them.Practical implicationsTo replace the paradigm of inclusion for that of acknowledgment and to recognize how the three categories (acknowledgment, distance and vulnerability) are linked with the three issues (PWD – society and state) allowing specific relationship and practises of legitimate or not acknowledgement. When the author affirms that the MCLAD implies a paradigm shift, the author means that it provides some elements from legitimate acknowledgment to complement aspects which inclusion does not address, and that the other models did not take into account. These are: the self-acknowledgment of people with disabilities and the sense of responsibility linked to empowerment; vulnerability as a category of reconciliation, which is typical of every human being; the contribution of the Phenomenology of the Among to think about how relationships and practices actually occur in society and, finally, the role of the state, which must watch over all its citizens, avoiding the distance between discourse (laws) and practices and, above all, avoiding exclusion from the system due to lack of monitoring of actions.Social implicationsIt should be noted that the MCLAD starts from the idea of language as a constructor of realities and conceives communication as an enabler of the acknowledgment of the other, who is also subject to rights. At the same time, it vindicates the voice of people with disabilities as protagonists ("Nothing about us without us") and fosters the need for PWD themselves to be active in their struggles, promulgating legitimate acknowledgment. At the same time, it points out that the empowerment of PWD implies not only that they are aware of their rights but also that they themselves know and fulfill their duties within the democratic societies of which they are a part of and which, at least discursively, are regulated by laws. In other words, being empowered is also being responsible for living in society.Originality/valueThe main contribution that the MCLAD has to offer is to replace the paradigm of inclusion for that of acknowledgment. And, throughout the path followed in this article, an attempt has been made to establish that the turnaround is not to capriciously install a new concept (acknowledgment), but to demonstrate that the new paradigm involves three categories that sustain and support a model that seeks to be the basis for effective public policies, for a society that values diversity and for people who feel worthy and contribute to dignify others.