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From before the turn of the century, the great powers held large commercial, industrial and technological exhibitions to show off the fruits of progress and to give their citizens a glimpse of where civilization was headed. World fairs thus provided one window into the future. But it must be remembered that such events also constructed monuments to their own era—an age when jingoism and a paradoxical recognition of the shrinking nature of the globe coexisted before the road to war. In the final analysis, the grand exposition, with its curiosity about other peoples and nations and its faith nonetheless that mechanical invention would soon make everyone much the same, was a place where imperialists met in thinly disguised competition. How strange it must seem, then, to learn that the last Chinese dynasty, having just discovered the power of nationalism, attempted an international exposition of its own in the summer of 1910 at the same time that the 'Festival of Empire Exhibition' was booked into London's famed Crystal Palace.

An examination of House roll call voting from 1933 to 1956 shows that heavily partisan voting during the 1930s gave way by the early 1950s to voting strongly influenced by region. The regional fragmentation is, in part, due to the development of new, party- splitting issues. The Republican split on international involvement and the Democratic split on civil liberties can be accounted for by historic differences in regional culture. The change in voting alignments on the government management and social welfare dimen sions cannot be explained by a change in the type of legislation coming to a vote. In these issue domains the 1930s were the period of nonincremental policy change. The blurring of party lines occurs during a period of normal politics. Burnham's theory offers the most satisfactory explanation. Party realignments are characterized by highly partisan voting alignments in the Congress. Once the crisis which precipitated the realignment is per ceived to be over, however, centrifugal constituency related forces again became predomi nant and the sharp differences between the parties become blurred.

Abstract. Over the past three decades peat (or turf) production in Ireland has been transformed from a rudimentary hand‐won operation to a highly mechanized and commercially profitable national industry. Through a pragmatic admixture of government policy‐making and technological advancement 130,000 acres of bogland have been converted into a major fuel production complex. Peat has captured a large share of the domestic solid fuel market, both rural and urban, and accounts for one‐quarter of the nation's electricity output. Owing to recent international energy shortages and inflated fuel import costs, the economic viability of peat fuel has been greatly enhanced. As a consequence, a major expansion program has been initiated. Nascent recognition of the new "peat economics" has stimulated interest in other countries and prompted serious re‐examination of long‐neglected boglands. Apart from providing a valuable source of indigenous energy, the industry has made appreciable social and economic contributions, particularly in terms of buttressing balance of payments and generating employment in rural districts.

The present paper is an extension of an earlier study on
"Labour Content and Structure of Pakistan's Manufactured Exports". While
in the former study a partial method (labour employed in home goods
sectors only) was used to estimate the total labour requirements of
exports, the present paper takes into account all the inter-industry
linkage effects to calculate total labour requirements for manufactured
exports as well as for manufactured imports. The basic aim of this study
is to seek the verification of the HeckscherOhlin (H-O) theorem with
respect to Pakistan's trade of manufactured goods, i.e., to test whether
Pakistan's exports are relatively more labour intensive than her imports
or not? The paper has been divided into four sections. The first section
describes the methodology and data, while the second summarizes and
analyses the final results. An international comparison of labour
intensity has been made in the third section,• whereas the last section
discusses the conclusions and policy implications.

Last month I described eleven "successes" of Soviet foreign policy since the October, 1917. Revolution. Now it is time to turn to Soviet ""failures" and to the underlying factors that have shaped Soviet policy in the past and that should be weighed by Western policymakers in the years ahead. Partially by coincidence and partially with un eye to symmetry, I again come up with the number eleven.These assessments of success and failure are based on my own research, stimulated and refined by a survey (both written and oral) that tapped the views of other Soviet specialists visiting the Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. The "balance sheet."" of course, represents my own judgment. Readers will no doubt make their own distinctions, thus reducing or expanding the list; some may quarrel about whether a certain.event ought to be rated a failure or a " success given Moscow's apparent objectives; but I think the following represents a fair account in accord with the facts as we know them.

The purpose of this paper is to highlight significant growth and trade issues with respect to an eventual enlargement of the European Economic Community (EEC), after three Southern European economies formally applied for membership; Greece (on 12 June 1975), Portugal (on 28 March 1977), and Spain (on 28 July 1977). In the meantime, the EEC has entered into formal negotiations with Greece (since 27 July 1977) and Portugal (since 18 October 1978). The negotiations with Spain are expected to begin in spring 1979. The paper will first examine recent development trends in the three countries, assessing also the economic impact of the profound political changes which have taken place since the mid-seventies. Next, the structure of foreign trade and international competitiveness of the three economies will be analyzed. The last section will deal with some potential growth and trade implications of the EEC's enlargement from the point of view of the applicant's, the Community's and the third countries' interests.

Die "Frauenfrage" bezieht sich nicht nur auf individuelle, mikrosoziale Beziehungen, sondern betrifft alle gesellschaftlichen Bereiche in umfassender Weise und zwar sowohl im internationalen Maßstab wie auch im historischen Sinne. Ohne die Berücksichtigung von geschlechtsspezifischer Arbeitsteilung und Frauenausbeutung ist eine Charakterisierung und Typisierung der Logik der verschiedenen Produktionsweisen in der Geschichte nicht möglich. Das zeigt sich deutlich an den Versuchen, die Produktionsweisen und Produktionsverhältnisse in den Ländern der Dritten Welt zu erklären. Die fortdauernde historische Gleichzeitigkeit von "kapitalistischen" und "nicht-kapitalistischen" Bereichen in den Ländern der Dritten und Ersten Welt findet eine Analogie in den nicht-kapitalistischen Produzenten innerhalb der kapitalistischen Länder, den Hausfrauen. Hausfrauen, Subsistenzbauern und Marginalisierte in der Dritten Welt haben gemeinsam, daß sie unabhängig davon, ob sie zusätzlich Lohnarbeit verrichten oder nicht, unbezahlt Gebrauchsgüter für den direkten eigenen Konsum produzieren, um ihre Existenz zu sichern. Für das Kapital ist damit die kostenlose Reproduktion von Arbeitskraft verbunden; es eignet sich die von den unmittelbaren Produzenten geleistete Arbeit an und beginnt erst auf dieser Basis den eigentlichen Kapitalverwertungs- und Akkumulationsprozeß. Die ständige Wiederherstellung dieses außerhalb der Lohnarbeit bestehenden, aber nur scheinbar nicht-kapitalistischen Produktionsverhältnisses, entspricht somit einem Prozeß fortgesetzter ursprünglicher Akkumulation, der denselben Charakter hat, gleich ob es sich um das Makro-Verhältnis Erste Welt/Dritte Welt oder um das Mikro-Verhältnis Mann/Frau handelt. Der Kapitalismus als Totalität ist auf die Heterogenität der Produktionsverhältnisse angewiesen, um die Kapitalverwertung realisieren zu können. Obgleich Frauen heute in sich Teile aller historischen Formen der Ausbeutung in verschiedenen Gesellschaftsformationen vereinigen, ist die typische Frauenarbeit nach wie vor diejenige im Bereich der fortgesetzten ursprünglichen Akkumulation, ob in oder außerhalb der Familie. Der Imperialismus erzwingt die Durchsetzung und Aufrechterhaltung dieser Form der ursprünglichen Akkumulation als Makro- und Mikro-Verhältnis im Weltmaßstab. (HH)

The "national interest" has proven to be a highly resilient concept, not only in terms of its malleability in the hands of foreign policymakers and various publics but also in terms of its ability to retain currency among several generations of international relations scholars despite repeated efforts to discredit it. There have been several attempts recently to rehabilitate the concept, including one by the Commission on the Organization of the Government for the Conduct of Foreign Policy which recognized that repudiation of the term by academics did not absolve practitioners from their continuing responsibility to define it. However, the problem with recent attempts on the part of scholars as well as practitioners to reformulate the "national interest" is that they fail to take into account adequately the new realities of world politics which have tended to upset the normal calculus. If the identification of "national interests" has defied precise analysis in the past, it is an even more difficult task today.

Humanities Open Book Program, a joint initiative of the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation ; Farmers in the Forest, while using examples chiefly from northern Thailand, is concerned with complex problems found in all tropical countries. In these areas rapid population growth, increasing demands for food, and burgeoning international markets for forest products and other raw materials are associated with active competition for land and natural resources in upland areas. This book brings together studies by administrators, agronomists, anthropologists, forest ecologists, geographers and jurists, who describe a variety of swidden systems and their effect on soil, forest, society, and economy. They point to conflicts between traditional farming systems and modern legal and administrative constraints now being imposed, and they describe special and technological conditions that contribute to a marginal, stagnant upland economy, increasing socio-economic disparities with the lowlands, and the serious ecological consequences of these conditions. Several possible solutions are suggested to solve these problems.

Using the political career of the black socialist & labor leader A. P. Randolph as a framework, the dialectic between race & class struggle in the United States in the interwar period is discussed. By examining Randolph's confrontations with Garveyism, organized labor, & the Communist Party, it is argued that his inability to understand the significance of black nationalism for the development of class consciousness among Afro-Americans, & the inability of the Socialist & Communist Parties to develop a practice adequate to a black (& white) Working class in struggle, were both directly a result of the theoretical myopia & practicopolitical bankruptcy of the Second & Third Internationals. It is specifically suggested that Randolph's own failures as a socialist & his ultimate incorporation by state & capital must be seen in terms of the general failure of American socialists to transcend the temptation to uncritically apply the Bolshevik model, & develop a theory & practice adequate to the experience of the United States as an advanced capitalist society. AA.

Until recently few international law scholars and governments have paid much attention to the special sea law problems concerning mid-ocean archipelagos. The question of whether a group of islands can be considered as a unit in delimiting territorial sea has, according to most authorities, been adequately solved by general rules concerning the delimitation of the territorial sea of the mainland or island. The 1929 Harvard Draft on the Law of Territorial Sea contains no provision relating to groups of islands or archipelagos. Article 7 of the Draft provides that the territorial sea of islands should be measured in a similar way to that of the mainland. It is a contention of this article that no different rule should be established for groups of islands or archipelagos, except that, if the outer fringe of islands is sufficiently close to form one complete belt of marginal sea, then the waters within such a belt should be considered as territorial waters.

The concern of this inquiry is with management strategy in a large, international public accounting firm. The large accounting firm must deal with a variety of difficult problems in its efforts to grow and remain successful. Borrowing from the terminology of Emery and Trist, the interrelatedness of many of these problems tends to suggest a "turbulent field environment. " In this paper, an observation approach is used to discover the strategy which the large accounting firm employs in its attempt to deal with a complex and changing environment. Results indicate that there is a three pronged strategy consisting of providing clients with a tangible product (Doing), marketing the image of the firm to the business community (Representing), and marketing the image of competence and integrity of the firm to the government and society (Being). Indications are that the firm is successful in dealing with its environment on a piecemeal and short-run basis. Implications for the long run are less clear.

In accepting the Democratic presidential nomination in July of last year, candidate Jimmy Carter said that when the United States was founded its commitment to certain moral and philosophical principles "created a basis for a unique role for America: that of a pioneer in shaping more decent and just relations among peoples and among societies." He sketched the task facing us: "Nothing less than a sustained architectural effort to shape an international framework of peace, within which our own ideals gradually tend to become a global reality" (emphasis added). In his inaugural address of January 20 President Carterelaborated upon the concept: "We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that this trust which our nation earns is essential to our strength." He remarked that a new spirit now dominated the world: "People more numerous and more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place in the sun—not just for the benefit of their physical condition, but for basic human rights."

One of the most important developments in the last decade has been the movement by Africans to recover control of their own economy. A recent article in this Journal, XVI, 3, September 1976, gave a factual account of the extent to which foreign-owned industry in black Africa has been nationalised and indigenised, and discussed the inability of international law to provide guidelines for the settlement of this ongoing struggle between alien owners and host countries. Predictably, it was written by a lawyer because this field has been captured by lawyers almost to the exclusion of all others. But there is much that economists, sociologists, and political scientists could contribute concerning nationalisation, particularly in analysing its causes and effects, although up to now they have had little to say.1 This note makes a start on the question of the impact of nationalisation upon Africa and Africans, in the hope that the tentative conclusions reached here will lead to treatment of the subject by those with the tools for a deeper appraisal.

Book review in this ArticleTHE FAMILY AND THE STATE; CONSIDERATIONS FOR SOCIAL POLICY by R M Moroney.OLD PEOPLE AND THE SOCIAL SERVICES: A STUDY IN SUNDERLAND by Anthony M. Rees.THE EMPLOYMENT SERVICE by Brian Showier.ECONOMICS AND TRANSPORT POLICY by K. M. Gwilliam and P.J. Mackie.HEALTH CARE: AN INTERNATIONAL STUDY by R M Robert Kohn and Kerr L. White.SOCIAL CONTROL IN INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS by Peter Bowen.SECOND CITY POLITICS: DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES AND DECISION MAKING IN BIRMINGHAM by Kenneth Newton.REALITIES OF SOCIAL RESEARCH by Jennifer Platt.IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL WELFARE by Vic George and Paul Wilding.THE PERSONAL DISTRIBUTION OF INCOMES by A. B. Atkinson (ed.).GENERAL IMPROVEMENT AREAS by J. Trevor Roberts.ALL OUR CHILDREN by Jack Tizard, Peter Moss and Jane Perry.GOVERNMENT AND THE PLANNING PROCESS by P. H. Levin, Allen and UnwinTHE YEAR BOOK OF SOCIAL POLICY IN BRITAIN, 1975 edited by Kathleen Jones Routledge & Keegan PaulTRADITIONS OF SOCIAL POLICY edited by A. H. Halsey.PROVISION FOR THE DISABLED by Eda Topliss