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Domestic audience costs can help leaders establish credible commitments by tying their hands. Most studies assume these costs without explaining how they arise. I link domestic audience costs to the citizens' ability to sanction the leadership for pursuing a policy they would not want if they had the same information about its quality. How can citizens learn about policy quality? I model two information transmission mechanisms: one potentially contaminated by politically motivated strategic behavior (leader and opposition), and another that is noisy and possibly biased (media). In equilibrium, audience costs can arise from strategic sources only in mixed regimes under relatively restrictive conditions, and cannot arise in autocracies or democracies. However, in democratic polities the media can play a mitigating role and does enable leaders to generate audience costs. Still, their ability to do so depends on the institutional protections guaranteeing freedom of the media from political manipulation. Domestic audience costs are not necessarily linear in regime type, as often assumed in applied research. © 2006 International Studies Association.

Forschung an Fachhochschulen, machen wir uns nicht vor, ist ein hartes Brot. Zum einen wird Professoren an Fachhochschulen nach wie vor ein Lehrdeputat von achtzehn Semesterwochenstunden aufgebürdet, während die Kollegen an den Universitäten mit der Hälfte davonkommen. Jene kommen – völlig zu Recht – in den Genuss der "Forschungsvermutung"; Forschung gehört zu ihren originären Dienstaufgaben. An Fachhochschulen ist das anders. Zwar soll auch dort (auf englisch: an den Universities of Applied Sciences) "im Rahmen ihrer Aufgaben" anwendungsbezogene Forschung und Entwicklung betrieben werden, doch wird ihren Professoren nur wenig Zeit dafür zugestanden. Das wird sich auch in Zukunft aller Voraussicht nach nicht ändern, im Gegenteil: knappe Kassen und steigende Studentenzahlen werden die Lehrbelastung an den Fachhochschulen eher weiter steigen lassen. In den Jahren um 2012, und das ist gar nicht mehr so lange hin, werden die Abiturienten des klassischen neun- und des neuen achtjährigen Gymnasiums zu einem guten Teil gleichzeitig an die Türen der Hochschulen klopfen. Die Landesregierung macht kein Geheimnis daraus, dass sie die Bewältigung dieser Herausforderung vor allem bei den Fachhochschulen sieht. Dennoch bewegt sich die Forschung an der Hochschule der Medien seit Jahren auf einem guten Kurs; auch das Jahr 2005 Jahr war in diesem Sinne äußerst erfolgreich. Insgesamt wurden fast zweieinhalb Millionen, nämlich € 2.511.242,89 Euro an Drittmitteln eingeworben; davon ist (vorbehaltlich der Prüfung durch die zuständigen Gremien) gut eine Million "anrechnungsfähig" – fast eine Verdopplung gegenüber dem damals schon sehr guten Jahr 2004. Auch die anderen Drittmittel, die eher der Lehre zugeschrieben werden, dienen zumindest zum Teil der Forschung. Der Deputatsnachlass, der in der Forschung besonders aktiven FH-Professoren gewährt werden kann (und an der HdM auch gewährt wird), wiegt deren zusätzlichen Zeitaufwand sicher nicht auf. Umso mehr ist das Rektorat der HdM jenen Kollegen zu Dank verpflichtet, die sich über ihr Deputat hinaus der Forschung verschrieben haben. Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Faigle Prorektor für Forschung und Internationale Beziehungen

Atelier n°4 : « Elites et Leaders » ; International audience ; À la question Qui gouverne la gouvernance? je répondrai : les élites programmatiques. Rappelons ici que « la bonne gouvernance » est souvent présentée par les acteurs du jeu politique, mais aussi par certains social scientists, comme une reformulation heureuse du rapport entre la société civile et la pratique de la démocratie participative posant nouvellement les principes du gouvernement représentatif. En laissant de côté cette vision « enchantée », on déplacera le regard sur ce qui se passe concrètement au cœur de l'Etat pour essayer de saisir les formes de recomposition élitaire du pouvoir. L'hypothèse alors développée sera celle de l'émergence dans le cadre des pratiques liées à la gouvernance d'un nouveau type d'élites aux sommets des Etats occidentaux. Ces élites qualifiées de programmatiques sont dotées d'une forte capacité à façonner les programmes d'action publique qui peuvent induire de nouvelle forme de limitation pluralisme politique en démocratie. Il s'agira alors de revisiter la lecture « linzienne » des autoritarismes notamment à travers le rôle des policies planners dans l'institutionnalisation des régimes particuliers du pluralisme limité.

International audience ; Les lecteurs de Rousseau ont pendant longtemps opposé en lui le penseur à l'écrivain. Pour bon nombre de ses contemporains, surtout du côté de ceux qui se sentaient menacés par ses déclarations et par ses postures, il était réduit au statut d'éloquent sophiste, chevauchant des paradoxes dont les paralogismes étaient brillamment dissimulés par une exceptionnelle virtuosité dans le maniement des mots. La tâche de ses admirateurs a longtemps consisté à montrer au contraire que sa pensée faisait système, que ses contradictions apparentes pouvaient être résolues de l'intérieur, et que sous la virtuosité verbale s'articulait une théorie (métaphysique, anthropologique, éthique, politique) parfaitement consistante et digne de la plus haute philosophie. Malgré les références simplistes que certains commentateurs politiques font encore périodiquement au Contrat social pour fonder un idéal républicain baigné de nostalgie souvent malodorante, les temps où l'on pouvait réduire Rousseau à un " penseur politique " ou à un " grand écrivain ", en se croyant obligé de choisir entre les deux, sont heureusement révolus.

Willem Frijhoff, Emotions squaredOne can only approve of Catrien Santing's and Marjan Schwegman's plea to pay more attention to emotions in the public sphere as a political factor. Their argument concurs with the growing international trend for research into emotionology, emotional culture and emotional regimes. Although I support their argument, I wish to contend that it should involve two more steps. Firstly, emotions cannot properly be understood as agents of change without an analysis of the interference between the agent's psyche and their public expression. Secondly, as psyche-bound phenomena, emotions in history easily interfere with the historian's own emotions. In fact, most historical research involves an emotional commitment from the historian. He/she must discern how far his own emotions may be intertwined with his analysis of historical emotions, and use his historical metier to achieve a conscious and always critical mixture of involvement and distance. This article is part of the forum 'Debat over emoties'.

Increasing poverty in North Korea is forcing many North Korean women to seek better lives in China. They become victims of cross-border trafficking through a number of means, including being sold by their families & acquaintances or illegally migrating into China. Women are often promised better jobs or a good life as a wife in China, but their situations rapidly deteriorate when they fail to find jobs or suffer abuse by their new husbands. Some women are kidnapped & forced to work in the highly exploitive sex industry. If a woman is able to extricate herself from the trade & return to North Korea, she is often treated as a criminal instead of a victim, in many cases being imprisoned & forced to do hard labor. If she finally returns to her village, she is treated as a social pariah, creating heightened vulnerability to re-trafficking. Both the Chinese & North Korean governments deny a problem exists, &, despite international pressure, are taking no corrective action. Adapted from the source document.

The problem of labor is one of the key issues in the global era that invokessome important questions concerning value, technicality of being human, and the notionof choice. The idea of labor is closely related to the realization of human?s potentiality inits multidimensional complexity as well as with social structure and national identity ofman. This problem of labor is to do not only with economy, but also with social andpolitical system of a nation. In dealing with labor, there always been a tension betweencapital-owners, laborers, government and even international political power. As a religionthat is said to have made economics its ?curriculum?, Islam does have an ?objectivied?concept of labor represented in a kind of partnership that combines shirkah ?ina>n andija>rah. This partnership necessitates that all parties involved share profit-loss, if any. Inthis way, no party ?be him laborer, capital-owner, or government- is loosing. Moreover,this system offers three advantages, e.g employee-ownership, production-sharing andprofit-sharing.

The media uses the technique of framing to process and package information in order to make sense of the material and present a news 'story' which is accessible to the audience. International research reports demonstrate a consistent 'gendered' framing of media coverage. 'Gendering' refers to the highlighting of a person's gender, when this is not particularly relevant to the context. Usually gendering involves seeing the male as the norm, and the female as the remarkable. In terms of the media and politics, this gendering includes the under-representation of women politicians, an emphasis on their appearance, marital and maternal status, and personality rather than the policies and issues of debate. More recently, however, there is evidence that in some contexts the media is becoming less overtly biased in its representation of women politicians. While there are still many ways in which women are presented differently from their male counterparts, there is also some evidence that an emphasis on gender is initiated by the party campaigns rather than being a result of media agenda-setting.

This article explores how, in times of crisis, Chinese journalism is still heavily influenced by the Maoist era in which the news media served as the mouthpiece for government propaganda. From the seasonal flooding of China's great rivers to international controversies such as the 2001 US Spy-Plane incident, China's state-controlled media has called upon a complex interweaving of Chinese 'values' incorporating them into a patriotic narrative of nation-building. In times of adversity these familiar narratives operate within conceptual frameworks that serve to mobilise the masses and, ultimately, present a positive outcome in which 'the enemy' (a foreign aggressor, corrupt official or Mother Nature) is defeated. China's struggle against its foes becomes embodied in the heroic actions of a select individual or group. This article proposes that despite indications of a move from ideology to profit, the Chinese media returns to such 'hero narratives' in emergencies as a deliberate and considered means of operationalising existing frameworks for the control of mass audiences.

Multiple aspects of Ukraine's 2004 presidential election are studied including the electoral campaigns, the controversy surrounding the initial electoral outcome, & the results of the officially sanctioned outcome between candidates Viktor Yanukovych & Viktor Yushchenko. After providing overviews of Yanukovych's & Yushchenko's respective careers within the Ukrainian political system, the principal issues of the presidential campaign are reviewed, eg, preventing Ukrainian military forces from becoming involved in Iraq & whether Yushchenko's loyalties were to the Ukrainian people or Western companies & nations. Factors that discouraged the international community & the Ukrainian Supreme Court from sanctioning the initial second-round run-off election, in which Yanukovych received 49.5% of the popular vote, are identified; explanations for Yushchenko's majority victory in the second contest are subsequently provided, eg, increasing public support for Yushchenko's political platform in the Central & Northern regions of Ukraine. The election outcomes implications for Ukrainian politics are pondered, & the principal challenges facing the Yushchenko administration are contemplated. Tables, References. J. W. Parker

In the article the importance of the creation of the State Service on Right Protection for Plant Varieties as Governmental body of the state management in the sphere of right protection for plant varieties was grounded, as well as strategic tasks and ways for development of this Service. The main principles for the realization of the national policy in the sphere of the right protection for plant varieties according to the international requirements are formed. ; В статье описаны основные причины создания и усовершенствования семеноводческих хозяйств как основы развития селекционно- исследовательской работы с сахарной свеклой в Украине. Проанализированы селекционно-исследовательские направления работ первых семеноводческих хозяйств и описаны причины изменений ведения семеноводства с использованием селекционных методов. ; У статті висвітлено основні причини заснування та розбудови насінницьких господарств як основи започаткування і розвитку селекційно-дослідної роботи з цукровим буряком в Україні, описано їхні успіхи та недоліки. Проаналізовано селекційно-дослідні напрями діяльності перших насінницьких господарств та зміна способів ведення насінництва з використанням селекційних методів.

China is under increasing international scrutiny as the country's economic growth launches the previously isolated nation onto the world stage. As the national wealth increases at a record rate, the government is constantly modifying strategies to ensure its economic stability. In response to this nearly unmanageable growth, entire Chinese cities are remodeled and progressively more privatized, while urban dwellers are evicted from their homes in the name of economic development. These urban land acquisitions often occur with little or no compensation, while private developers reap the economic benefits. These policies follow a pattern of development replayed throughout history, notably in the nineteenth-century United States. This Comment focuses on these similarities, explores the fundamental differences between the American past and the Chinese present regarding property rights, acknowledges the improbability of China's adopting Western models of governance wholesale, and ultimately argues the national government should reform its policies on urban requisitions to include viable venues of just compensation for victims of forced evictions.

This paper considers the relationship between external aid and development in Mozambique from 1980 to 2004. The main objective is to identify the specific mechanisms through which aid has influenced the developmental trajectory of the country and whether one can plausibly link outcomes to aid inputs. We take as our point of departure a growth accounting analysis and review both intended and unintended effects of aid. Mozambique has benefited from sustained aid inflows in conflict, post-conflict and reconstruction periods. In each of these phases aid has made an unambiguous, positive contribution both enabling and supporting rapid growth since 1992. At the same time, the proliferation of donors and aid-supported interventions has burdened local administration and there is a distinct need to develop government accountability to its own citizens rather than donor agencies. In ensuring sustained future growth, Mozambique will have to develop its capacity to maximise the benefits from its natural resources while ensuring at the same time the necessary framework is put in place to promote constructive integration in international markets

This paper discusses Brazil's efforts to provide essential medicines for its population while meeting international trade obligations. In the 1950s and 1960s, Brazil's pharmaceutical industry was largely overtaken by foreign companies. To counteract this, Brazil enacted a law in 1971 that allowed the production of patented drugs in order to provide affordable medicines, encourage research and development, and reduce dependency on imports. Eventually, pressure from the United States government (through tariffs and sanctions) drove Brazil to introduce pharmaceutical patent laws. Local interests prevailed, however, through Brazil's liberal interpretation of the TRIPS Agreement, which included a provision that pharmaceutical products must be "worked" or manufactured locally or the government could turn to the use of compulsory licensing. Brazil's willingness to use the threat of compulsory licensing compelled drug companies to lower HIV/AIDS drug prices substantially. Finally, the paper discusses how Canada can facilitate improving drug access in Latin America through helping Brazil expand its role as a manufacturer and providing medicines to countries without manufacturing capabilities.

Every year, WHO produces the World health report: the 2005 report concentrated on maternal, neonatal and child health. But what is the value of these reports? Are they ritualistic publications designed to promote WHO, or are they worthy of proper discussion and debate? One would think that given the current crises in global health, the annual report of the UN's primary agency for health would be important. However, unless there is evidence that these reports are taken seriously, discussed and debated, and shown to have an effect, a conclusion might be drawn that they are largely insignificant. And that would consign WHO to a level of insignificance that it does not warrant. In this discussion of the 2005 report, I aim to provoke a response from both WHO and the international health community to demonstrate that the annual World health reports are meaningful. Furthermore, I suggest here that WHO shows its commitment to the recommendations of the 2005 report by monitoring how well recommendations have been taken forward.