Suchergebnisse

International audience ; This contribution recounts the history of the British military intervention in Ireland and later in Northern Ireland, and aims at emphasizing the evolutions of the general approach adopted by the armed forces in this-these territory(ies). By obeying to London's political power, the army followed the official discourse of an aid to the civil power, but simultaneously developed a doctrine closer to the counter subversive fight and the decolonisation experiences. By underlining how the British armed forces have participated to the evolution of emergency laws to « fight against terrorism », this article sheds light on the interactions between these emergency and exceptional laws, their interpretation and the practices of the British armed forces in Northern Ireland. ; Cet article retrace l'histoire de l'intervention militaire britannique en Irlande puis en Irlande du Nord et vise à souligner les évolutions de l'approche générale adoptée par les militaires dans ce(s) territoire(s). L'armée, obéissant au pouvoir politique de Londres, s'en tient au discours officiel d'une aide aux pouvoirs civils mais développe en parallèle une doctrine d'emploi des forces qui s'apparente à la lutte antisubversive et à l'expérience de la décolonisation. En retraçant la manière dont les forces de l'ordre ont participé pleinement à faire évoluer des lois spéciales introduites au nom de la "lutte anti-terroriste", cet article apporte un éclairage sur les interactions qui existent entre ces lois spéciales et dérogatoires, leurs interprétations et les pratiques des forces de sécurité en poste en Irlande du Nord.

No contexto político, entende-se por participação o envolvimento dos cidadãos na tomada de decisões, incluindo mecanismos para que as pessoas intervenham nas escolhas políticas e sociais, entre outras áreas de ação. Esses mecanismos são cruciais, pois a democracia depende da participação cívica na vida política. No entanto, na era do big data, a participação não é possível sem o acesso e controle de dados por parte das pessoas; isto é, os direitos civis tornam-se direitos digitais. Este artigo trata da literacia de dados como um filtro para a participação e do papel das pessoas comuns no ambiente e nos processos de datificação.Como a participação num mundo datificado depende da capacidade das pessoas de entrar na contenda, questões sobre onde se estabelecem as linhas de separação entre especialistas e não especialistas (ou seja, cidadãos comuns) e se a intervenção na infraestrutura de dados requer um grau de literacia de dados para participação efetiva constituem uma discussão relevante para a prática e teoria do ativismo como uma forma de envolvimento político ou cívico. O envolvimento político é entendido aqui como uma ação coordenada voltada para a resolução de problemas, campanhas e assistência aos cidadãos. Ou seja, para resgatar a participação política num domínio de dados, é necessário um certo grau de capacitação. Partindo de uma taxonomia do envolvimento em data mining (Kennedy, 2016) e casos empíricos de mapeamento de crises (Gutierrez, 2018a, 2018b), este artigo teórico propõe conceptualizações para pensar sobre as implicações da participação na contemporaneidade. ; In politics, participation can be understood as citizen involvement in decision making, including mechanisms for people to intervene in political and social choices, among other areas of action. Those mechanisms are crucial since democracy hinges on civic participation in political life. However, in the big data era, participation is not possible without people's access to and control of data; that is, civil rights become digital rights. This article deals with data literacy as a filter for participation in a datafied environment and the role of ordinary people in data processes. Because participation in a datafied world depends of people's ability to enter the fray, questions about where lines can be drawn to separate experts from non-experts (i.e. ordinary citizens) and whether intervention in the data infrastructure requires a degree of data literacy for effective participation constitute a relevant discussion for the practice and theory of activism as a form of political or civic engagement. Political engagement is understood here as coordinated action aimed at problem-solving, campaigning and assisting others. Namely, to rescue political participation in a datafied domain, a degree of skill is necessary. Drawing from a taxonomy of data mining involvement (Kennedy, 2016) and empirical cases of crisis mapping (Gutierrez, 2018a; 2018b), this theoretical article offers conceptualisations to think about what participation entails today.

Traditionally marginalized groups now have more access to new and unconventional means to participate in politics, transforming the media ecologies of existing political environments. Contemporary feminist scholarship has centered on how women use new media technologies to serve political agendas. However, this literature focuses predominately on women in the West, while women in developing countries, or Asia more generally, have been largely excluded from analysis. This article aims to fill in this gap by examining Thai women's online activities during the 2013/2014 Bangkok political protests. Specifically, we ask how the rise of social and digital media has altered what it means to participate politically in the context of Thai women's present-day political experience. To answer this question we looked at how women resorted to various digital and social media to discuss women's rights and political issues, including Yingluck Shinawatra's political leadership as Thailand's first female prime minister (2011-2014). Moving beyond traditional notions of participation, we argue that there is a need to recognize the emerging dynamics of women's online engagement in the political landscape of Thailand. In the context of a totalitarian state, speaking out against the ruling authority online embodies an additional layer of citizen resistance, a feature of digital life that is often taken for granted in Western democracies.

La autora elabora un estudio sobre la participación ciudadana en el Distrito Federal y el vínculo que existe entre esta variable y la reproducción de relaciones clientelares. Tomando variables como el nivel socioeconómico y la participación electoral en el Distrito Federal pretende dar una interpretación socio-política sobre la formación política de la población de esta entidad federativa. ; In this article the author elaborates a study about the citizen participation in the Federal District (Mexico City) and the relation it has with the reproduction of clientele relations. Taking variables such as socioeconomic level and electoral participation in the Federal District, she pretends to give a socio-political interpretation about the political formation of the population in the city.

AbstractWar heightens public interest in politics, especially when human lives are lost. We examine whether, and how, combat casualties affect the decision to vote in established democracies. Drawing from social psychology research on mortality salience, we expect increasing casualties to increase the salience of death, information that moves people to defend their worldview, especially nationalistic and ideological values. By heightening the importance of values, we propose that combat casualties increase the benefits of voting. In particular, we expect the effect of combat casualties to be pronounced among the least politically engaged. Using both cross‐national data of elections in 23 democracies over a 50‐year period and survey data from the United States and United Kingdom during the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, we found that mounting casualties increase turnout. Furthermore, as expected, we found the effect of casualties to be most pronounced among those least interested in politics.

Students of political participation have engaged in intensive study of voting behavior in democratic societies & of nonvoting in communist societies during their totalitarian stage. However, little effort has been made to study voting behavior in communist societies at the authoritarian stage. Using data gathered from China, this paper explores voting behavior during this critical stage of political development. The analyses show that voting behavior in noncompetitive plebiscitary elections is fundamentally different from voting behavior in semicompetitive elections. When provided with limited choice on election day, persons with greater political resources no longer abstain from voting as a form of protest. Survey data show that they vote in such elections to pursue their political interests. The desire to punish corrupt officals & to facilitate democratic transformation plays a crucial role in motivating traditionally politically active people to vote in limited-choice elections. 4 Tables, 53 References. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on books by (1) John Ehrenberg, Civil Society: The Critical History of an Idea (New York: New York U Press, 1999); (2) Elizabeth R. Varon, We Mean to Be Counted: White Women and Politics in Antebellum Virginia (Chapel Hill: U North Carolina Press, 1998); & (3) Judith N. McArthur, Creating the New Woman: The Rise of Southern Women's Progressive Culture in Texas, 1893-1981 (Urbana & Champaign: U Illinois Press, 1998). These works explore the notion of civil society, particularly in relation to the evolution of women's political participation in the southern US following the Civil War. Ehrenberg problematizes contemporary theory that reduces democracy to an active civil society, identifying several theoretically & politically troublesome conceptual areas. He argues that civil society cannot be considered autonomous from the state & the market, but interacts actively with these realms; the role of the state in stimulating volunteer activity & grassroots organizations is demonstrated. Ehrenberg's neglect of nonpolitical forms of participation in civil society is criticized. Such participation is exemplified by the civic engagement of southern women in the late 19th century. Varon demonstrates the active role of middle- & upper-class women of antebellum VA in civic & political life, though she avoids using the terminology of civil society. McArthur documents how women's early benevolence work was transformed into a full-fledged politicized movement of "gendered radicalism" in Progressive-era TX. Both these latter books demonstrate the contribution of women to the creation of the modern state & the contribution of voluntary associations/organizations -- even if primarily social -- to democratic society. K. Hyatt Stewart

Governments at central and sub-national levels are increasingly pursuing participatory mechanisms in a bid to improve governance and service delivery. This has been largely in the context of decentralization reforms in which central governments transfer (share) political, administrative, fiscal and economic powers and functions to sub-national units. Despite the great international support and advocacy for participatory governance where citizen's voice plays a key role in decision making of decentralized service delivery, there is a notable dearth of empirical evidence as to the effect of such participation. This is the question this study sought to answer based on a case study of direct citizen participation in Local Authorities (LAs) in Kenya. This is as formally provided for by the Local Authority Service Delivery Action Plan (LASDAP) framework that was established to ensure citizens play a central role in planning and budgeting, implementation and monitoring of locally identified services towards improving livelihoods and reducing poverty. Influence of participation was assessed in terms of how it affected five key determinants of effective service delivery namely: efficient allocation of resources; equity in service delivery; accountability and reduction of corruption; quality of services; and, cost recovery. It finds that the participation of citizens is minimal and the resulting influence on the decentralized service delivery negligible. It concludes that despite the dismal performance of citizen participation, LASDAP has played a key role towards institutionalizing citizen participation that future structures will build on. It recommends that an effective framework of citizen participation should be one that is not directly linked to politicians; one that is founded on a legal framework and where citizens have a legal recourse opportunity; and, one that obliges LA officials both to implement what citizen's proposals which meet the set criteria as well as to account for their actions in the management of public resources.

Cover -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- Introduction: Democracy and the Challenges Confronting It -- 1. Democracy, Education and Journalism in American History -- 2. Social/Cultural Challenges to Democracy -- Challenge 1-Education in Need of Renewal -- Challenge 2-Journalism in Free Fall -- Challenge 3-The Shifting World of Ideas -- Challenge 4-Fake News, Alternative Facts and the Assault on Truth -- Challenge 5-Declining Faith in Institutions and Leaders -- Challenge 6-The Need to Revitalize Character and Community -- 3. Political Challenges to Democracy -- Challenge 7-Voters in a Funk

According to the principles derived from his theory of discourse ethics, Habermas's model of deliberative democracy is justified only if the public is capable of making political decisions that advance the common good. Recent public-opinion research demonstrates that the public's overwhelming ignorance of politics precludes it from having such capabilities, even if radical measures were taken to thoroughly educate the public about politics or to increase the salience of politics in their lives. 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

Die vergleichende Analyse des Bankensektors in Deutschland, Frankreich, Großbritannien, Kanada und den USA untersucht die Abhängigkeit politischer Macht von den Organisationsstrukturen gesellschaftlicher Interessenverbände im System der Interessenvermittlung. Anhand empirischer Indikatoren (Mitgliederkonkurrenz, interne Ressourcen, horizontale Brücken und vertikale Integration) wird gezeigt, daß das deutsche und französische System der Interessenvermittlung die größten integrativen Kapazitäten aufweist und damit das höchste Potential für die Transformation von ökonomischer in politische Macht besitzt, während das amerikanische System durch eine starke Zersplitterung der Bankenverbände gekennzeichnet ist. (AuD-Ksl)

Women are key factors in any society. No doubt, their sidelining or exclusion in the political arena and other decision making process is a problem that cannot be overlooked or swallowed hook, line and sinker. In Rivers State, the Judiciary arm of government is on hold presently because of a female appointment into the office of the Chief Justice of the State. This development motivated the study which examined women participation in grass-root politics: A community development perspective. The study with a sample size of 500 respondents, identified economical disadvantage, phobia for political vices amongst others as barriers to women participation in Rivers State grass-root politics. On the influence of women participation in politics on community development, it was accepted that women participation in politics, will increase women commitment to community goals and objectives achievement, influence and promote policies and programmes for the advancement of the women. Based on these findings, the study recommended sensitization and continuous creation of awareness to inform women on the need to be economically empowered as a way of facilitating their entry and relevance into politics, which will hitherto enhance development of their communities.

The political landscape in Sweden has undergone considerable changes in recent decades The number of political parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight, and the socio-economic issues of the traditional political right–left scale has been challenged by socio-cultural issues relating to lifestyle and identity. Notably, the notion of Swedish exceptionalism and the particularities of its welfare state is lingering despite findings pointing in the opposite direction e.g. with the increased electoral support for the radical right, and its ethno-nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. The corporatist model has been challenged by new forms of political authority, participation and representation. New political actors, such as social movements and civil society actors, think tanks and policy professionals, are becoming increasingly engaged in political processes. The long-term trend suggests that traditionally marginalised groups, such as the young, women and groups of migrant background, are represented in decision-making forums to a higher degree than before. Yet, current conditions need further analysis. In this article, we provide a background to Sociologisk Forskning's special issue on the political landscape of the parliamentary election in 2018.