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USING DATA FROM A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF AGRICULTURAL POLICY ON POLITICAL ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOR OF FARMERS AND LABORERS IN TWO INDIAN VILLAGES, THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE PLURALIST MODEL AS IT RELATES TO DEVELOPMENT. IT QUESTIONS ITS BASIC ASSUMPTION THAT POLITICAL MOBILIZATION AND PARTICIPATION ARE CRITICAL TO DISTRIBUTION.

Interview in which Thompson argues that she benefited from never being encompassed by academic institutions. Participation in the labour and peace movements provided political and social networks affording new perspectives for the task of writing history. If society needs engaged scholars, intellectuals themselves suffer if they allow themselves to be enclosed in a self-sufficient academy.

A paper which purports to take a reductionist approach to the study of nat'l decision-making for focusing on the psychopathology of the individual decision-maker, who has any influence on the internat'l system. By 'psychopathology' is meant the study & existence of mental illness & aberration. Rationality of decisions, the utility concept in pol'al decision-making (connecting private motives & frustrations with public acts), psychopathology & the dictator, psychopathology & democratic participation, & psychopathology in the pop are among the topics under consideration. A variety of studies on the problem are discussed. 2 decision models are compared: the maximization-of-utility model & the Lasswell displacement model. Suggestions as to res on the connection between mental health & pol'al participation are offered. A res project on pol'al participation was undertaken in ward council gov within a psychiatric hosp. The limits of the project are found to be balanced by the accuracy of the available diagnoses & data. The instit'al setting assures the stability of variables which otherwise could only be assumed to be stable or randomly distributed. The res proceeded in 4 stages including the drawing of a random sample, interviewing, examining of R's files, & assessing the level of ward council participation & mental health level of each R. Results indicate that the members of the councils were more heterogeneous than homogeneous. They came from greatly diff backgrounds ranging from an attorney to a laborer. mean/average age was 37.44 yrs. It is concluded that there is little diff in pol'al interest between individuals in society & individuals with severe mental illness. No tendencies to engage in extremist or fighting-group pol were found. Paranoids emerged at both ends of a continuum running from totalitarianism to democratic proximate groups. This suggests the proposition that the paranoid is a general pol'al type. The characteristics of paranoia & their nexus with decisionmaking & participation are discussed. Future res should include identification of paranoid personality types among nonhosp'ized individuals & investigate the degree to which paranoia may be soc'ly functional rather than incapacitating to the individual. Finally, the hypothesis of possible paranoid personalities among pol'al decision makers is linked with the rhetoric of disarmament. M. Maxfield.

Examines how the ideology, activities, & accomplishments of the National Peasant Assoc of Colombia (ANUC) changed over time. Data obtained during 5 years of fieldwork in regions affected by 1970s agrarian struggles included a significant number of interviews with political activists, government officials, peasant leaders, & regular ANUC members. An overview of Colombia's historical background offers insights into the nature of Colombia's political regime & the economic context of a transitional period in the process of capitalist development. Aspirations of the peasants that led to a shift to a radical revolutionary stance are discussed & an account of peasant struggles of the 1970s is presented. Factors that influenced the rise & decline of ANUC are explored, with special attention given to three phases of ANUC's evolution: its organization as part of a reformist alliance project; confrontation based upon radical convictions; & its final conservative conciliatory reaction to the concessions offered by the state. The deeper meanings propelling each phase are discussed, along with the overall effects of peasant struggles of the 1970s. 1 Figure, 65 References. J. Lindroth

Examines how the ideology, activities, & accomplishments of the National Peasant Assoc of Colombia (ANUC) changed over time. Data obtained during 5 years of fieldwork in regions affected by 1970s agrarian struggles included a significant number of interviews with political activists, government officials, peasant leaders, & regular ANUC members. An overview of Colombia's historical background offers insights into the nature of Colombia's political regime & the economic context of a transitional period in the process of capitalist development. Aspirations of the peasants that led to a shift to a radical revolutionary stance are discussed & an account of peasant struggles of the 1970s is presented. Factors that influenced the rise & decline of ANUC are explored, with special attention given to three phases of ANUC's evolution: its organization as part of a reformist alliance project; confrontation based upon radical convictions; & its final conservative conciliatory reaction to the concessions offered by the state. The deeper meanings propelling each phase are discussed, along with the overall effects of peasant struggles of the 1970s. 1 Figure, 65 References. J. Lindroth

In the past decade numerous scholars have mediated on the political efficacy of a socially engaged, interactive art practice, tracing its histories in relation to debates concerning a perceived crisis in community and collective responsibility today. This essay explores these debates in relation to Lygia Clark'sCollective BodySeries, which she developed while teaching at L'Université Paris-Sorbonne from 1972 to 1976. I argue that the conceptual and artistic frameworks that have been developed regarding participatory art practices alongside the trajectory of Clark's work do not account for the complexity and radical potential inherent in the kind of collective bodies established in the work she produced between 1972 and 1976 in Paris. My primary focus with Clark concerns how the elaboration of collectivity in these interactive works, which she called propositions, can be brought to bear on a contentious and uncertain moment wherein the perceived promise of participation and collectivity ostensibly failed. That is, by situating her work within the immediate wake of May 1968, my analysis reconsiders what participation and collectivity could look like in the wake of 'failed' revolt.

The proponents of cyberspace promise that online discourse will increase political participation and pave the road for a democratic utopia. This article explores the potential for civil discourse in cyberspace by examining the level of civility in 287 discussion threads in political newsgroups. While scholars often use civility and politeness interchangeably, this study argues that this conflation ignores the democratic merit of robust and heated discussion. Therefore, civility was defined in a broader sense, by identifying as civil behaviors that enhance democratic conversation. In support of this distinction, the study results revealed that most messages posted on political newsgroups were civil, and further suggested that because the absence of face-to-face communication fostered more heated discussion, cyberspace might actually promote Lyotard's vision of democratic emancipation through disagreement and anarchy (Lyotard, 1984). Thus, this study supported the internet's potential to revive the public sphere, provided that greater diversity and volume of discussion is present.

The state of Assam is also not left behind where women have enjoyed equal rights with men since ancient times. In this part of the country women have earned the status of symbol of strength. They have shown their strength in the freedom movement of the country. Women power of Kanaklata Barua, Bhogeswari Phukanani and Khahuli Nath is the best example in the history of Assam. During the first part of twentieth century when the wave of women up rise was blowing in the country and Mahatma Gandhi started non-cooperation movement against the British rule, the women from Assam took leading part in the struggle. Even Gandhi had expressed his view that in non-cooperation movement women's participation was more important than that of the men, because they were the symbol of strength. His message encouraged the womenfolk of Assam to come out of the four walls of their homes and participate in social and political activities.

Abstract
In the past few years, a wave of protest has spread across the world. The particularity of these uprisings lies in the way the Internet is used to support them. Scholars have analyzed these movements as being closely related to a generation that relies on the Internet as a means of organizing themselves as a force of social change. That is, the Internet is seen as a way of promoting the active participation of young people in political issues. Public opinion and the mass media hail the Arab Spring revolutions as movements beneficial to the democratization of oppressive regimes. By contrast, when disobedient movements emerge in democratic countries, they are generally more cautious in evaluating these movements as enriching democracy. This cautious opinion also concerns the use of social media. In this article, the so-called Twitter revolutions are discussed in light of the theories of social psychology that analyze the relationship between disobedience and democracy.

This Special Issue explores the problematique of the consensus and conflict binary that has emerged in the critical analysis of the post-political urban condition. Focusing on the interstitial spaces existing between consensus and conflict reveals a more relational dynamic that positions consensus and conflict as co-constitutive and continuously being shaped by the performance of politics by state and non-state actors. Critiques of the post-political tend to fail to engage with the conditions that lead to citizen actors acting in political ways beyond the formal processes of planning and decision-making, or when consensus or conflict is used by oppressive politics to produce exclusion and reproduce inequality. In addition to introducing the five papers appearing in this special issue, in this opening editorial, we argue the need to cast attention towards the new expressions of political participation generated by different citizen actors. Critically engaging with these varied expressions may reveal new ways of conceptualising participation that can create new informal spaces where injustices and inequalities are voiced and the structures and hegemonies created are exposed.

Abstract Background Social participation is known to predict longevity. However, little is known about the effect of social participation according to an individual's position in civic groups. We evaluated the influence of social position on mortality, using data from a large cohort of Japanese older adults (the AGES cohort). Methods Of 14,804 individuals aged 65 years and older enrolled in the AGES, 14,286 individuals were followed up for approximately 5 years from 2003 to 2008. We performed inverse probability of treatment weighted (IPTW) Cox proportional hazards regression with multiple imputation of missing values to compute hazard ratios (HR) for all-cause mortality according to the individual's position in the community organization(s) to which they belonged. We examined participation in the following civic groups: neighborhood association/senior citizen club/fire-fighting team, religious group, political organization or group, industrial or trade association, volunteer group, citizen or consumer group, hobby group, and sports group or club. The values for IPTW were computed based on demographic variables, socioeconomic status, and self-reported medical condition. Results During 22,718 person-years of follow-up for regular members of community groups and 14,014 person-years of follow-up for participants in leadership positions, 479 deaths and 214 deaths were observed, respectively. Relative to regular members, crude HR for all-cause mortality for occupying leadership positions (e.g. president, manager, or having administrative roles) was 0.72 (95 % CI:0.62–0.85). The IPTW-HR was 0.88 (95 % CI: 0.79–0.99) for participants occupying leadership positions. Conclusions Holding leadership positions in community organization(s) may be more beneficial to health than being regular members.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Global Trends in Local Governance -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Demographic, Urban and Digital Transition Trends -- 1.3 Decentralization and the Global Development Agendas -- 1.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 2: Recent and Contemporary Trends in European Studies of Local Government and Local Politics -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 New Public Management in Contemporary Perspective -- 2.3 The Concept of Turn from Local government to Local Governance -- 2.4 Concepts of Re-scaling, Europeanization and Multi-level Governance -- 2.5 Contemporary Trends in European Studies of Local Governments -- 2.5.1 The Renaissance of Comparative Research -- 2.5.2 Decentralization and Local policies in Front of 2008 Economic Crisis -- 2.5.3 The Renaissance of Territorial reforms and Discussions on the Issue of Economies of Scale -- 2.5.4 Management of Metropolitan Areas -- 2.5.5 Deficit of Democracy -- 2.6 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Governance Without Power? The Fight of the Hungarian Counties for Survival -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 International Trends in Territorial Governance -- 3.2.1 The Rise and Fall of Hungarian Counties in the History of Territorial Governance -- 3.3 Governance Without Power and Own Resources - Findings of an Empirical Survey -- 3.3.1 Methodological Characteristics -- 3.3.2 Organisational Features -- 3.3.3 Characteristics of the Operation of the County Self-Governments -- 3.4 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: From Financial Centralisation to Political Centralisation. The Focal Points of the Municipal Reforms from the Transition Until Present Day Hungary -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Frameworks of Public Administration Structures -- 4.3 Changes in the Financial Environment -- 4.4 Relations Between Financial and Municipal (Public) Tasks.