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For all their differences, both Austria and Switzerland have long been considered to represent key examples of consociational democracy. Since the 1990s, both countries have however faced major challenges to their respective consociationalist regimes. One of the shared features of regime evolution and change in Austria and Switzerland, which can be meaningfully referred to as 'deconsociationalisation', concerns the successful exploitation of external shocks by powerful populist parties. Taking stock of the developments in four different areas (the electoral, the parliamentary and the executive arena as well as interest group/state relations), we identify a complex dynamic which has made the two countries more similar in some respects, but more different in others. Overall, two decades into the twentyfirst century, Austria is significantly less of a consociationalist regime than Switzerland. ; (VLID)5613040 ; Version of record

International audience ; To admit the central role of the State on the world economic structures supposes that the concept of economic war cannot be thus integrated into the traditional liberal current, which rejects interventionism out of its field of analysis. The problem is that the concept of war economic remains very vague and that it covers a multiplicity of policies. is the economic war a phenomenon definitely admitted in the contemporary world economy or is it only the manifestation of the last increasingly impotent sudden starts of States, whose capacity is diluted in economic universalization? Contrary to some ideas announcing the end of the policy, it appears that new economic interventionism reinforces the political power of States. All the countries are however not equal in the economic war. In fact, it seems that the American economic offensive inevitably does not meet much resistance on behalf of the other countries. Economic war are mainly well framed by the United States

International audience ; To admit the central role of the State on the world economic structures supposes that the concept of economic war cannot be thus integrated into the traditional liberal current, which rejects interventionism out of its field of analysis. The problem is that the concept of war economic remains very vague and that it covers a multiplicity of policies. is the economic war a phenomenon definitely admitted in the contemporary world economy or is it only the manifestation of the last increasingly impotent sudden starts of States, whose capacity is diluted in economic universalization? Contrary to some ideas announcing the end of the policy, it appears that new economic interventionism reinforces the political power of States. All the countries are however not equal in the economic war. In fact, it seems that the American economic offensive inevitably does not meet much resistance on behalf of the other countries. Economic war are mainly well framed by the United States

Much of the recent work on Palestinian female suicide bombers (shahidas) explains their violence in domestic and maternal language. These descriptions read shockingly similar to the maternalist position. Maternalism typically equates women's participation in the political arena with peace and non-violence, and is criticized for essentializing women's role. The application of a 'twisted' maternalism to women's political violence also appears to be essentializing and objectifying. This body of work, then, analyzes the application of maternalism to the Palestinian shahidas. This characterization arguably subordinates women's choices to engage in political violence in a way that relies upon gendered assumptions about what it means to be a woman. Adapted from the source document.

I am grateful for the opportunity to respond to the rejoinders to my article, "The Flawed Logic of Democratic Peace Theory" (Rosato 2003). In each case, I summarize the core issues at stake and explain why I do not believe that my critics have succeeded in casting serious doubt on my original argument.

The interplay between peace and justice plays an important role in almost any contemporary conflict. Peace and conflict studies have generally devoted more attention to conflict than to peace. Peace is often described in adjectives, such as negative/positive peace, liberal peace or democratic peace. But what elements make a peace just? Just war theory, peacebuilding, or transitional justice provide different perspectives on the dialectic relation between peace and justice and the methods of establishing peace after conflict. Experiences such as the Colombian peace process show that peace is increasingly judicialized. This volume analyses some of the situational, normative, and relational elements of peace in processes of transition. It explores six core themes: conceptual approaches towards just peace, macro-principles, the nexus to security and stability, protection of persons and public goods, rule of law and economic reform and accountability. It engages with understudied issues, such as the pros and cons of robust UN mandates, the link between environment protection and indigenous peoples, the treatment of illegal settlements, the feasibility of vetting practices or the protection labour rights in post-conflict economies. It argues that just peace requires only not negotiation, agreement and compromise (e.g., moderation), but contextual understandings of law, multiple dimensions of justice and strategies of prevention. It complements the two earlier volumes on the legal contours of jus post bellum, namely Just Post Bellum: Mapping the Normative Foundations (2014) and Environmental Protection and Transitions from Conflict to Peace: Clarifying Norms, Principles and Practices (2017).