Suchergebnisse

"Es ist in der EU-Integrationsdebatte ein geläufiges Argument, dass zwischen Integrationsumfang und Integrationstiefe ein trade off besteht. Dieses Argument beruht auf der Annahme, dass ein zunehmender Integrationsumfang mehr Heterogenität und dass mehr Heterogenität weniger Integrationstiefe bedeutet. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Annahme werden aus Unterschieden zwischen Altmitgliedern und potentiellen Neumitgliedern Argumente gegen ihre Aufnahme in die EU gemacht. Empirisches Anschauungsmaterial dazu liefert zurzeit die Debatte um die EU-Mitgliedschaft der Türkei. Der politischen Praxisrelevanz solcher Argumente sind allerdings enge Grenzen gesetzt. Denn die Erweiterungsdynamik der EU wird von komplexen Kalkülen angetrieben, in denen Unterschiede zwischen Alt- und Neumitgliedern nur eine begrenzte und ambivalente Rolle spielen. Einerseits ist man im Interesse anderer mit der Erweiterung verfolgter Ziele bereit, eine Zunahme von Heterogenität in Kauf zu nehmen. Und andererseits wird die Erweiterung selbst als Mechanismus zum Abbaus von Heterogenität interpretiert. In dem Beitrag will ich das Verhältnis von Erweiterung und Heterogenität kurz skizzieren und dann auf die folgenden Fragen eingehen: Welche Unterschiede zwischen den EU-Mitgliedern und Kandidatenländern lassen sich empirisch erheben, und welche Unterschiede sind für welche Formen der EU-Integration von Belang? Setzt sich die Erweiterungsdynamik der EU über die zunehmende Heterogenität hinweg und verändert allenfalls die Integrationsform der EU? Oder führt die EU-Erweiterung zum Abbau der Heterogenität? Was kann man aus den Erfahrungen mit früheren 'Heterogenitätsschüben' (Süderweiterung der EU in den 80er Jahren) für die zweite Welle der Osterweiterung und vor allem für die Beitrittsproblematik der Türkei lernen? Der Beitrag läuft auf diese These hinaus: Dass die Aufnahme der Türkei für die EU einen (weiteren) immensen Heterogenitätsschub bedeutet, ist für die Frage, ob die Türkei EU-Mitglied werden soll/wird, von untergeordneter Bedeutung, da diese Entscheidung von einer anderen Logik dominiert wird. Die Heterogenität spielt allerdings eine wichtige Rolle für die Folgen, die für die EU aus dieser Erweiterung zu erwarten sind" (Autorenreferat)

Günümüz dünyasında yönetim sistemleri hızla değişime uğramakta. Özellikle demokratikleşme ve sürdürülebilir kalkınma prensiplerini uygulamakta kararlılık gösteren ülkeler temsili demokrasiden katılımcı demokrasiye doğru geçişte oldukça somut adımlar atıyor. Yönetim olgusunun yerini giderek yönetişim anlayışı alıyor. Şüphesiz ki Avrupa Birliği de bu değişimden payına düşeni almakta. Son derece karmaşık bir yapının işleyişini sağlamanın zorluklarını her alanda yaşayan Avrupa Birliği için yönetişim yeni ve zorlu bir rakip olarak kendini gösteriyor.Bu tez çalışması, yönetişim kavramı ve yönetişimin Avrupa Birliği'ne etkilerini incelemek amacıyla hazırlanmıştır. Bir yandan yönetişim kavramının farklı tanımlarından hareketle, özellikle bu kavramı uluslararası gündeme taşıyan Dünya Bankası ve Birleşmiş Milletlerin yönetişime bakış açısı yansıtılırken, öte yandan da Avrupa Birliği'nde yönetişim anlayışı, atılan adımlar ve geleceğe yönelik öngörüler, Birlik'in bu konuda yerel yönetişim boyutuna vermesi gereken önemin de üzerinde durularak incelenmiştir. Governing systems of today's world are going under a rapid transformation. Especially nation-states which show determination for following principles such as democratization and sustainable development, take solid steps towards participatory democracy. The concept of government slowly leaves its throne to the idea of governance. Without a doubt, European Union gets ist share from these developments. As a supranational organization carrying the burden of having a complex and delicate system, governance appears as new challenge for EU.The aim of this thesis is to analyze governance as a concept and its impact on European Union. One focus point is the different definitions of governance and the way it is perceived by World Bank and UN, which have been effective in carrying the concept into the global agenda. As an other discussion point, the perception of governance in EU, the steps that are taken and the future of European Governance are analyzed; emphasizing the importance of local governance in EU

When we mention social inclusion, most of us think of political participation, social rights, civil liberties, equal access to race, ethnicity and gender, access to social services and the labour market, basically to a broader concept than social development. Social inclusion is a concept that can actually be defined, which means it can probably be measured. On this basis, a continuous effort is being made to measure the social inclusion elements, so the results can be used to build new indicators that help measure the multiple dimensions of social inclusion: The Social Inclusion Index, the Human Opportunity Index. This paper presents the development, based on multivariate data analysis techniques and methods, of an aggregated indicator of social inclusion for the member countries of the European Union which, besides the traditional variables (GDP), also measures the factors related to civil and political rights, women's rights or perception of the LGBT community. First published online 06 October 2021

The EU customs system is currently a complex arrangement of customs institutions operating within the public and market space of the European Union, institutions which are strongly interlinked and perform multi-faceted tasks resulting from present challenges of the customs policy. The aim of the article is to analyze the definition of the customs system as well as to characterize the legal and organizational dimensions of the Union customs system against the background of challenges related to globalization, with a particular focus on customs administrations of Member States. The methodology employed in the paper consists in a descriptive analysis, preceded by a review of the subject literature and the EU secondary legislation as well as a comparative analysis. The research findings allowed a conclusion to be drawn that the customs system of the European Union efficiently and effectively adapts to new challenges and ever-increasing demands resulting from the changing conditions of the international trade, both in the legal aspect, i.e. regulations on trade in goods, as well as in the organizational dimension, i.e. activities of EU institutions shaping the customs system and customs administrations of Member States.

This article examines the European Union (EU) as an actor in international trade negotiations and calls into question constructivist notions of the European Union as a 'Normative Power'. The article argues out of an institutionalist perspective that the distribution of competences between Commission, Council and European Parliament (EP) in EU trade policy systematically privileges strategic and economic interests over normative objectives. Drawing on a principal-agent approach, it analyses the case of the EU-India negotiations on a free trade agreement. Results suggest that the close cooperation between Council and Commission before and during the negotiations prevent EU trade policy to be more guided by normative objectives. The European Parliament, as the voice of normative concerns, could influence negotiations, due to the EP's new powers in the ratification process. However, since the EP is institutionally excluded from the agenda-setting-process and can hardly control the Commission during the bargaining process, it capacities to set the negotiation goals ex ante are very constrained. Only when negotiations are in full play can the EP try to kick questionable demands off the EU's trade agenda and strive for normative aims. Therefore, issues like the inclusion of human rights and labour and environmental clauses seemed to have gained some importance, while economic development concerns hardly seem to influence the EU's trade negotiations.

3.4.1. Narrow Measures of Capital Flight (Hot Money Method)3.4.2. Broader Measures of Capital Flight; 3.4.3. Sources of Funds and Uses of Funds Method; 3.4.4. Errors and Omissions as a Proxy for the EU's Illicit Capital Flows; Chapter 4; The Theory and Empirics of Economic Growth and Convergence; 4.1. Harrod-Domar Model; 4.1.1. Calibration of the Model (Predicting the Growth Rate); 4.2. The Neoclassical Model of Economic Growth; 4.2.1. Controversies in Empirical Findings; 4.2.2. Global Divergence but Club Convergence: New Empirical Evidence

Western European Union (WEU) is unique in the family of European organizations. Its membership comprises Great Britain in addition to the inner circle of the six nations of Little Europe. As such it was hailed as a big step forward from the continental limitations of European integration. Its special task, besides residuary powers in the cultural, social, and economic field, has been defense and the control of armaments. Western European Union was erected on the ruins of the European Defense Community (EDC) by the Paris Agreements of October 1954. Its legal basis was the Brussels Treaty Organization of 1948, a defensive alliance against future German aggression which over the years had left its military functions to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and had concentrated on its cultural and social role.

Nationalism both within the European Economic Community and in nations outside the EEC framework is diluting the effectiveness of European unity movement in stimulating international co-operation. Isolation tendencies in the EEC, residual in the political parties that opposed Euro pean union, threaten to disintegrate the Community. At the same time, the rising wall of tariff exclusiveness and plans for a Europe-Africa preferential trade zone manifest a nationalism that infuses the entire EEC. Nationalism on both the nation- state and the Community-wide bases makes the EEC a divisive force in the world. Persistence of nationalism is largely re lated to the small number of members in EEC. The establish ment of the Community was a miscalculation which calls for new policies by countries which are not EEC members.

This article examines the importance of political leadership in the modern conditions of widespread migration processes around the world. Particular attention is paid to the characteristic features of political leadership in the countries of the European Union. The above mentioned problem was rarely raised in the works of Russian and foreign researchers, and therefore it acquires special relevance and need for consideration. In addition, the importance of studying the role of political leadership in managing migration processes in the European Union is due to the fact that at present political leadership has largely remained beyond the vision of migration researchers. The paper describes in detail the existing concepts, reflecting the possibility of the impact of political leadership tools on the regulation of migration processes, and considers practical examples of the use of effective migration policy. At the same time, attention is also paid to local political leadership in some states of the European Union, which makes it possible to study the problem in more detail. As a result, possible ways of transforming the migration policy of the European Union countries on the part of political leaders are given, and practical measures and mechanisms for effective border management are considered.

"This book analyses the case-law of the European Court of Justice on free movement in the energy sector. Sirja-Leena Penttinen provides a comprehensive review of the interpretation and application of the free movement provisions in the energy sector by the European Court of Justice (ECJ), which allow for cross-border energy trade (free movement of goods) and energy investments (free movement of capital). Through detailed analysis of ECJ case-law, Penttinen tracks the development of the legislative framework at EU level in response to the growth of the energy sector, as well as exposing the various political and economic nuances at play. In addition, she sheds light on the dynamic relationship between the EU Member States and their regulatory autonomy, the EU legislator, the Commission and the Court in the establishment of the EU internal energy market. Taking a coherent, systematic approach, this volume will be of great interest to scholars of EU law and energy policy, as well as policymakers and professionals working in this sector"--

The government of Ecuador is seeking to negotiate a trade agreement with the European Union (EU). This study examines the impacts of such a trade agreement on rural and urban poverty in Ecuador by combining a household income and occupational choice model with a computable general equilibrium model. The results suggest that a trade agreement with the EU may have a significant impact on poverty. However, the nature and extent of the impact varies depending on the degree of initial tariff reduction, labor market considerations, and whether Ecuadorian bananas are granted better access to the EU market.