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What kind of capital does a particular group possess and how does it go about reproducing that capital? How does this capital get converted into new socio-political currencies? How do the elites grapple with competing notions of social morality and their place in it? What are the performative strategies that are at work, legitimating certain types of elites but not others? Are elites interest groups, or do they mutate into identity groups in changing social environments? Do the elites reflect a new social order or create one; are they conscience keepers of a society or do they produce a particular consciousness? How do cultural elites position themselves vis-à-vis the state, class, caste and gender or the people, the masses? The following papers of this special issue, in varying degrees, address some of these questions. They bring together scholars, junior and senior, Indian and European, who have worked intensively on the Indian subcontinent and its elites.

To resolve conflicts and disagreements in planning, a compromise is often necessary. Where immediate consensus is unlikely and where antagonistic conflicts can lead to worse outcomes, a compromise is especially valued. Yet a compromise is also likely the least desired resolution, except for failure to reach a resolution. In this way, a compromise educes a mixed morality: A compromise has to presume some cooperative goodwill, yet forging a compromise often means violating important principles or abandoning some desired goods. If planners compromise, then this compromise ought to be an ethical one. But what is an ethical compromise in planning? In this article, we examine three cases of planning conflict: namely, the case of the Storm Surge Barriers in the Eastern Scheldt, the Netherlands; the case of the Cross Island Line in Singapore; and, finally, the case of the Calamity Polders, the Netherlands. Through these case studies, we draw out and illustrate three different ideal types of compromises important to planning and further describe the practical and ethical implications of a compromise.

Confucius and Mencius differ in many ways in describing and demonstrating benevolence. For Confucius, benevolence is a basic concept, with filial piety at its core, and entails socially and culturally regulated action; benevolence symbolizes self-perfection while sagacity symbolizes perfection of all things in the universe. In contrast, for Mencius, who transforms the Confucian universe of unending life into a philosophical universe and changes Confucian benevolence of familial respect into a universal and absolute moral sentiment or instinct, the universe is a basic concept. With the universe as the metaphysical core, Mencius changes benevolence from the fruit of intention to an object of thought, so it is no longer a relation between life and its projects but, rather, a relation between the mind and its cultivation. Confucius talks about benevolence through the individual and familial morality while Mencius does so through the universe and human nature. Distinguishing Confucian and Mencian benevolence has theoretical importance for Confucianism and practical importance in our lives.

Much of Xunzi's philosophy can be characterized as a deepening of themes introduced by Confucius and, at the same time, a reaction against Mencius' brand of Confucianism. For Xunzi, the idea of learning was a critical concept in achieving both of these goals. In Xunzi's philosophy, learning is not simply the accumulation of knowledge but, rather, the process of coming to understand morality as a lifelong process of self-cultivation and self-improvement. Xunzi did not agree with Mencius that human nature was inherently good; instead he believed that human nature was bad, which is why individuals must actively learn to control their base desires. It is no coincidence that, in Xunzi's project of self-cultivation based on learning to overcome one's primal nature, chapter 1 of his anthology is "Encouraging Learning." Reexamining the respective moral philosophies of Xunzi and Mencius from the perspective of learning and its role in moral cultivation can provide a deeper understanding of their overall philosophy.

Rather than a definition or redefinition of masculinity, or masculinities, this article asks what can masculinities do? To explore this question, I map the possibilities that Deleuze and Guattari's philosophy of immanence offer masculinities theory. Through a theoretical encounter with Deleuze, Guattari, Spinoza, and Gatens, I seek to open up an alternative conceptualization of masculinities that moves away from morality—transcendent judgments of good or bad—and toward an ethics that privileges our capacities for affecting and being affected. While masculinities studies and gender theory has proposed related notions concerning gender fluidity and resisting gender binaries, this article proposes an alternative through Deleuze's and Gatens' readings of Spinoza's Ethics that radically challenges the mind–body split that informs traditional lineages of Western philosophy. What is at stake for this essay is the ability to conceive of masculinities as creative force with no allegiance to the male body other than its capacity to affect or be affected.

Explorations of political attitudes and ideologies have sought to explain where they come from. They have been presumed to be rooted in processes of socialization; to be imposed by elites through partisan affiliations, the social milieu, and experiences; or to result from psychological traits. Far less attention has been focused on the inherent component of attitudes and where attitudes lead. Synthesizing research across academic fields, we propose that attitudes are a core constituent element of individual temperament, with far-reaching influence on many aspects of psychological and social functioning. Once instantiated, political values guide human behavior across domains, including affiliation into social networks, mate selection, physiological perception, psychological disposition, personality characteristics, morality construction, decision making, and selection into the very environments that influence political preferences. Here, we reconceptualize the ontology of political attitudes and ideologies from both a top-down and bottom-up perspective and as a combination of biological and environmental processes that drive an entire suite of coordinated downstream effects across the life course.

We have analyzed the use of Brechtian techniques in the films of the director Sérgio Bianchi to question the status quo in Brazilian culture. His films, Quanto vale ou é por quilo? and Cronicamente inviável, presents filmic techniques that allow the spectator to have a more critical view of national current affairs. The oeuvre of Bianchi is politically engaged and it includes several polemic themes, for instance, the corruption of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), racial prejudice, exploitation of people in need to obtain financial profit etc. Bianchi uses techniques that deconstruct supposed truths and untouchable concepts of a society with false morality. Brecht's techniques seem chaotic, but the chaos make it possible for spectators to deconstruct rooted principals in the Brazilian society. Brecht argued that cinema can generate a convincing illusion that does not give the chance for spectators to have critical thinking (2000). In order to overcome this trend, his techniques break the sequence of the filmic plot through the insertion of different textual genres.

We revisit the Tragedy of the Commons in an dynamic overlapping generations economy peopled of shepherds who decide how many sheepthey let graze on a common parcel of land, while relying on di fferent forms of rationality (Nash players, Pure or Impure Kantian players). Weexamine the dynamics of heterogeneity and land congestion when the prevalance of those di fferent forms of rationality evolves over time follow-ing a vertical/oblique socialization process a la Bisin and Verdier (2001).We study the impacts of a quota and of a tax on the congestion of land, and we show that introducing a quota may, in some cases, reduce theproportion of Kantians (Pure and Impure), and worsen the Tragedy of Commons with respect to the laissez-faire. Finally, we examine whethera government should promote either a Pure or an Impure Kantian morality, by comparing the relative fi tness of Pure/Impure Kantians, and theirinteractions with the congestion of land.

We revisit the Tragedy of the Commons in an dynamic overlapping generations economy peopled of shepherds who decide how many sheepthey let graze on a common parcel of land, while relying on di fferent forms of rationality (Nash players, Pure or Impure Kantian players). Weexamine the dynamics of heterogeneity and land congestion when the prevalance of those di fferent forms of rationality evolves over time follow-ing a vertical/oblique socialization process a la Bisin and Verdier (2001).We study the impacts of a quota and of a tax on the congestion of land, and we show that introducing a quota may, in some cases, reduce theproportion of Kantians (Pure and Impure), and worsen the Tragedy of Commons with respect to the laissez-faire. Finally, we examine whethera government should promote either a Pure or an Impure Kantian morality, by comparing the relative fi tness of Pure/Impure Kantians, and theirinteractions with the congestion of land.

We revisit the Tragedy of the Commons in an dynamic overlapping generations economy peopled of shepherds who decide how many sheepthey let graze on a common parcel of land, while relying on di fferent forms of rationality (Nash players, Pure or Impure Kantian players). Weexamine the dynamics of heterogeneity and land congestion when the prevalance of those di fferent forms of rationality evolves over time follow-ing a vertical/oblique socialization process a la Bisin and Verdier (2001).We study the impacts of a quota and of a tax on the congestion of land, and we show that introducing a quota may, in some cases, reduce theproportion of Kantians (Pure and Impure), and worsen the Tragedy of Commons with respect to the laissez-faire. Finally, we examine whethera government should promote either a Pure or an Impure Kantian morality, by comparing the relative fi tness of Pure/Impure Kantians, and theirinteractions with the congestion of land.

We revisit the Tragedy of the Commons in an dynamic overlapping generations economy peopled of shepherds who decide how many sheepthey let graze on a common parcel of land, while relying on di fferent forms of rationality (Nash players, Pure or Impure Kantian players). Weexamine the dynamics of heterogeneity and land congestion when the prevalance of those di fferent forms of rationality evolves over time follow-ing a vertical/oblique socialization process a la Bisin and Verdier (2001).We study the impacts of a quota and of a tax on the congestion of land, and we show that introducing a quota may, in some cases, reduce theproportion of Kantians (Pure and Impure), and worsen the Tragedy of Commons with respect to the laissez-faire. Finally, we examine whethera government should promote either a Pure or an Impure Kantian morality, by comparing the relative fi tness of Pure/Impure Kantians, and theirinteractions with the congestion of land.

This master thesis project explores the ways in which the deserving/undeserving immigrant binary politically targets subject for incorporation into a national neoliberal project, while excluding others. Simultaneously, I also investigate the ways in which these targeted subjects have organized in response to structural inequities and in the process, have been making their own sense of political subjectivity. In this research I ask, what are the myths of good immigrant that have been created around undocumented immigrant students that produces a kind of exceptionalism that justifies incorporation? In what ways are undocumented student organizers consenting and contesting these narratives? I examine the process of subjectification, "being made" through social norms and laws and "self-making" through everyday modes of resistance, of undocumented immigrant student organizers. I argue that undocumented immigrant student organizers have deployed a differential consciousness that has allowed them to identify ideological differences and oppositional expressions of power as opportunities for coalitions of resistance to challenge inequities within higher education and the dehumanization of immigrant morality binaries.

© 2015, © The Author(s) 2015. What qualities make a political leader more influential or less influential? Philosophers, political scientists, and psychologists have puzzled over this question, positing two opposing routes to political power—one driven by human virtues, such as courage and wisdom, and the other driven by vices, such as Machiavellianism and psychopathy. By coding nonverbal behaviors displayed in political speeches, we assessed the virtues and vices of 151 U.S. senators. We found that virtuous senators became more influential after they assumed leadership roles, whereas senators who displayed behaviors consistent with vices—particularly psychopathy—became no more influential or even less influential after they assumed leadership roles. Our results inform a long-standing debate about the role of morality and ethics in leadership and have important implications for electing effective government officials. Citizens would be wise to consider a candidate's virtue in casting their votes, which might increase the likelihood that elected officials will have genuine concern for their constituents and simultaneously promote cooperation and progress in government.

As a very fundamental principle of the 1945 Constitution, principle of equality and prohibition of discrimination does not only serve as the basic norm, but most importantly it also have functions as the source of morality for the constitution, as well as for the practices of politics, socio-economics and law in Indonesia. This article will pick and analyses significant and landmark decisions that made by the Constitutional Court of Indonesia in its 10 years existence related to principle of equality and prohibition of discrimination to understand how the Court interpreted the constitution and which principle that usually used by the Court in its practices. The result is based on its 10 years of experiences, The Constitutional Court of Indonesia have gave tremendous contribution for the protection of human rights and the advancement of democracy and nomocracy in Indonesia, especially for the establishment of the principle of equality and the prohibition of discrimination based on 1945 Constitution and the principle of proportionality.

We revisit the Tragedy of the Commons in an dynamic overlapping generations economy peopled of shepherds who decide how many sheepthey let graze on a common parcel of land, while relying on di fferent forms of rationality (Nash players, Pure or Impure Kantian players). Weexamine the dynamics of heterogeneity and land congestion when the prevalance of those di fferent forms of rationality evolves over time follow-ing a vertical/oblique socialization process a la Bisin and Verdier (2001).We study the impacts of a quota and of a tax on the congestion of land, and we show that introducing a quota may, in some cases, reduce theproportion of Kantians (Pure and Impure), and worsen the Tragedy of Commons with respect to the laissez-faire. Finally, we examine whethera government should promote either a Pure or an Impure Kantian morality, by comparing the relative fi tness of Pure/Impure Kantians, and theirinteractions with the congestion of land.