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In 'Against Longtermism', Eric Schwitzgebel writes: "I accept much of Ord's practical advice. I object only to justifying this caution by appeal to expectations about events a million years from now."  He offers four objections, which are interesting and well worth considering, but I think ultimately unpersuasive.  Let's consider them in turn.(1) There's no chance humanity will survive long-term:All or most or at least many future generations with technological capabilities matching or exceeding our own will face substantial existential risk -- perhaps 1/100 per century or more. If so, that risk will eventually catch up with us. Humanity can't survive existential risks of 1/100 per century for a million years.If this reasoning is correct, it's very unlikely that there will be a million-plus year future for humanity that is worth worrying about and sacrificing for.This seems excessively pessimistic.  Granted, there's certainly some risk that we will never acquire resilience against x-risk.  But it's hardly certain.  Two possible routes to resilience include: (i) fragmentation, e.g. via interstellar diaspora, so that different pockets of humanity could be expected to escape any given threat; or (ii) universal surveillance and control, e.g. via a "friendly AI" with effectively god-like powers relative to humans, to prevent us from doing grave harm.Maybe there are other possibilities.  At any rate, I think it's clear that we should not be too quick to dismiss the possibility of long-term survival for our species.  (And note that any non-trivial probability is enough to get the astronomical expected-value arguments off the ground.)(2) "The future is hard to see."  This is certainly true, but doesn't undermine expected value reasoning.Schwitzgebel writes:It could be that the single best thing we could do to reduce the risk of completely destroying humanity in the next two hundred years is to almost destroy humanity right now... that might postpone our ability to develop even more destructive technologies in the next century. It might also teach us a fearsome lesson about existential risk....What we do know is that nuclear war would be terrible for us, for our children, and for our grandchildren. That's reason enough to avoid it. Tossing speculations about the million-year future into the decision-theoretic mix risks messing up that straightforward reasoning. But that isn't really "reason enough to avoid it", because if Schwitzgebel were right that immediate nuclear war was the only way to save humanity, that would obviously change its moral valence.  It would be horribly immoral to let humanity go extinct just because saving it would be "terrible for us".  When interests conflict, you can't just ignore the overwhelming bulk of them for the sake of maintaining "straightforward reasoning".  (I'm sure confederate slaveowners regarded the abolition of slavery as "terrible for us, for our children, and for our grandchildren," but it was morally imperative all the same!)Of course, I don't really think it's remotely credible that nuclear war has positive expected value in the way that Schwitzgebel speculates.  The hope that it "might" teach us a lesson seems far-fetched compared to the more obvious risks of permanently thwarting advanced civilization. (We're not even investing seriously in future pandemic prevention!  If we can't learn from the past two years, I'm not confident that a rebuilt civilization centuries or millennia hence would learn anything from tragedies in its distant history.  And again, there are serious risks that civilization would never fully rebuild.)So I think longtermism remains practically significant for raising the moral stakes of existential risk reduction.  However important you think it is to avoid nuclear war, it's much more important once you take the long term into account (assuming you share my empirical beliefs about its expected harmfulness).  It also suggests that there's immense expected value to research that would allow us to form better-grounded beliefs about such matters.  We shouldn't just pre-emptively ignore them, as Schwitzgebel seemingly recommends.  If it's remotely possible that we might find a way to reliably shape the far-future trajectory in a positive direction, it's obviously important to find this out!(3) "Third, it's reasonable to care much more about the near future than the distant future."  Schwitzgebel stresses that this concern can be relational in form (tied to particular individuals or societies and their descendants), which avoids the problems with pure time discounting.  That's an important point.  But I don't think any reasonable degree of partiality can be so extreme as to swamp the value of the long-term future.To see why, just imagine a Parfitian "depletion" scenario, where we imagine that the harms of global warming are delayed by two centuries.  Imagine that everyone currently alive (and a couple of generations hence) could reap a bonanza by burning all the planet's fossil fuels, condemning all distant future people to difficult lives in a severely damaged world.  Or they could severely limit consumption while investing significantly in renewables, lowering quality of life over these two centuries while protecting the planet for all who come in the further future.  Should they choose depletion or preservation?  Obviously preservation, right?  It's clearly immoral to drastically discount future generations when the trade-offs are made this explicit.(4) "Fourth, there's a risk that fantasizing about extremely remote consequences becomes an excuse to look past the needs and interests of the people living among us, here and now."It's always possible that a moral view is self-effacing, but that's no objection to the truth of the view. Empirically speaking, the people I know to be most concerned about the far-future (i.e., effective altruists) are also the people who seem to do the most to help the global poor, factory-farmed animals, etc.  So this fear doesn't seem empirically well-grounded.By contrast, I think there's a much more credible risk that defenders of conventional morality may use dismissive rhetoric about "grandiose fantasies" (etc.) to discourage other conventional thinkers from taking longtermism and existential risks as seriously as they ought, on the merits, to take them.  (I don't accuse Schwitzgebel, in particular, of this.  He grants that most people unduly neglect the importance of existential risk reduction.  But I do find that this kind of rhetoric is troublingly common amongst critics of longtermism, and I don't think it's warranted or helpful in any way.)Of course, it's possible that enthusiasts might end up drawn towards bad bets if they exaggerate their likely efficacy on influencing the far future.  But that's just more reason to think that it's really important to investigate these questions carefully, and get the empirical estimates right.  It's not a reason to reject longtermism wholesale.

Досліджено специфіку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу як важливих форм інтерпретацій минулого на основі результатів, положень та висновків, висловлених у працях вітчизняних та іноземних вчених. Розглянуто особливу їх актуальність в період трансформаційних змін суспільства. Проаналізовано проблему взаємодії та взаємозв'язку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу та їх вплив на систему цінностей суспільства. ; Исследована специфика исторической памяти и современного социального мифа как важных форм интерпретации прошлого на основе результатов, положений и выводов, изложенных в трудах отечественных и зарубежных ученых. Рассмотрена особая их актуальность в период трансформационных изменений общества. Проанализирована проблема взаимодействия, взаисвязи исторической памяти и современного социального мифа, а также их влияние на систему ценностей общества. ; Problem setting. The analysis of the phenomenon of interpreting of the past history as a factor in constructing reality raises the interest of many contemporary thinkers. At the same time, in the modern world, the innovation is the use of historical memory and modern social myth to explain and construct the picture of the past. The power elites are actively using historical memory to form the image of the state and the nation, creating an official version of history in confronting their opponents in the international arena, seeking self-determination, positioning in the modern world, and most importantly - their own internal self-determination and consolidation. The special relevance of the research is given by the specifics of modern Ukrainian society, when in the conditions of the domination of the social uncertainty of a globalized world, recourse to the origins of national-civilizational identity becomes necessary in order to strengthen social and political stability. The rule of pluralism of ideas of comprehension of the past acts as the foundation for purposeful development of society, as well as stave one of the sources for the formation of new social perspectives. An important factor in increasing the need for a new interpretation of history can be recognized as the "acceleration of time", the distance from the past, requiring its explanation. The search for a "new" historical past, "other" interpretations of known historical facts is offset by mythological design.Recent research and publications analysis. Historiography of the author determined by the problem is large. The basis for understanding the modern myth was the work of M. Eliade, K. Levy-Strauss, R. Bart, B. Malinowski, M. Eliade, C. G. Jung, E. Cassirera. A. Schopenhauer, J. Sorel, P. Gurevich. The domestic scientific tradition of studying a social myth is only formed and characterized rather by the formulation of problems rather than their solution. The works of F. Anckersmith, T. Adorno, P. Nora, A. Assmann, P. Hutton, M. Khalbwax and others are devoted to the original interpretation of the philosophical interpretation of the phenomenon of historical memory. , and also in the range of scientific interests in the research of such contemporary Ukrainian scholars as Y. Hrytsak, L. Zashkilnyak, Y. Zerny, A. Kiridon, I. Girich, V. Masnenko, O. Smolyar, O. Udod, Yu. Shapoval and other.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to understand the specificity of historical memory and modern social myth as forms of interpretation of the past history, explication of positive and negative in their interaction and the essence of their influence on the state of consciousness of society.Paper main body. The transformational state of society is always characterized by attempts to reconsider experience, to rearrange the content of historical memory, to adapt it to temporal political interests. The content and semantic content of knowledge about the ancient times often depend on subjective aspects, are constructed in the present and reflect the vision of the experience of the community in favor of certain power elites of light. An analysis of scientific literature on the problems of historical memory can distinguish its essential features. The main characteristics of historical memory are its social determinism, the basis for the formation of individual and social consciousness, which is why it directly affects the historical public consciousness. It is a significant component of the axioms of culture, not only presents itself as a value, but also realizes the need to preserve the integrity of the domestic spiritual space. The basis of historical memory is the connectivity. It reproduces the heredity and continuity of social existence, despite the fact that in some periods it exists in a latent form and is actualized in certain historical conditions. For specific features of historical memory belongs selectivity, value color, tendency to irrationality, binarism, as a constant the process of memorizing and forgetting. Historical memory in modern political realities is not a constant. It is modeled and varied depending on the interests and tasks of political groups and parties.At the same time, the mechanisms of the mythologization of history, which considerably increases the importance of understanding the features of the myth as a form of interpretation of history, become of no less importance in the modern world. the most important properties of social myth as a form of interpretation of the historical past is its fundamental difference from the classical, archaic. The archaic myth was the basis of its creation folk art, aimed at protecting the family, people, the state, to preserve the health of man, people, country, nature, the accumulation of mass energy, which mobilized people for certain actions. The modern myth does not have such a clear positive orientation - the duality of its consequences lies in the fact that it can both consolidate society and threaten the absolute destruction of society. Among the main features of the social myth, researchers distinguish his artificiality, purposeful construction in the interests of certain social groups, in contrast to the spontaneously formed archaic myths; he is increasingly rationalized and ideologized. It is also important to note that modern myth has a purely functional, not cognitive value. Consumption as a sign of modern myth leads to the fact that he is not "burdened" by moral intentions.The modern myth has a dual character: the constructive role of the myth manifests itself in the ability to ensure the integrity of society. A destructive role manifests itself in its ability to radically change the cultural and moral guidelines of society. The technical capabilities of the information society, the excessive amount of information have become the cause of activating myth-making activity.Conclusions of the research. Historical memory and contemporary social myth as a form of interpretation of the past history have rather common features and influence each other vigorously. Also, their actualization and active inclusion in the comprehension of life occur in the crisis periods of history, when there is a need to overcome real or imaginary "breaks of being", to fill the fragmentation of scientific, philosophical, moral and religious searches. For us, it is important:first, the attraction of objective scientific research to the modern interpretation of the historical past, and secondly, their ethicization, filling the moral assessments of the events of the past from the standpoint of universal values of our time since they have a powerful mobilizing influence on the public consciousness and are really capable of changing the course of modern events.

Досліджено специфіку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу як важливих форм інтерпретацій минулого на основі результатів, положень та висновків, висловлених у працях вітчизняних та іноземних вчених. Розглянуто особливу їх актуальність в період трансформаційних змін суспільства. Проаналізовано проблему взаємодії та взаємозв'язку історичної пам'яті та сучасного соціального міфу та їх вплив на систему цінностей суспільства. ; Исследована специфика исторической памяти и современного социального мифа как важных форм интерпретации прошлого на основе результатов, положений и выводов, изложенных в трудах отечественных и зарубежных ученых. Рассмотрена особая их актуальность в период трансформационных изменений общества. Проанализирована проблема взаимодействия, взаисвязи исторической памяти и современного социального мифа, а также их влияние на систему ценностей общества. ; Problem setting. The analysis of the phenomenon of interpreting of the past history as a factor in constructing reality raises the interest of many contemporary thinkers. At the same time, in the modern world, the innovation is the use of historical memory and modern social myth to explain and construct the picture of the past. The power elites are actively using historical memory to form the image of the state and the nation, creating an official version of history in confronting their opponents in the international arena, seeking self-determination, positioning in the modern world, and most importantly - their own internal self-determination and consolidation. The special relevance of the research is given by the specifics of modern Ukrainian society, when in the conditions of the domination of the social uncertainty of a globalized world, recourse to the origins of national-civilizational identity becomes necessary in order to strengthen social and political stability. The rule of pluralism of ideas of comprehension of the past acts as the foundation for purposeful development of society, as well as stave one of the sources for the formation of new social perspectives. An important factor in increasing the need for a new interpretation of history can be recognized as the "acceleration of time", the distance from the past, requiring its explanation. The search for a "new" historical past, "other" interpretations of known historical facts is offset by mythological design.Recent research and publications analysis. Historiography of the author determined by the problem is large. The basis for understanding the modern myth was the work of M. Eliade, K. Levy-Strauss, R. Bart, B. Malinowski, M. Eliade, C. G. Jung, E. Cassirera. A. Schopenhauer, J. Sorel, P. Gurevich. The domestic scientific tradition of studying a social myth is only formed and characterized rather by the formulation of problems rather than their solution. The works of F. Anckersmith, T. Adorno, P. Nora, A. Assmann, P. Hutton, M. Khalbwax and others are devoted to the original interpretation of the philosophical interpretation of the phenomenon of historical memory. , and also in the range of scientific interests in the research of such contemporary Ukrainian scholars as Y. Hrytsak, L. Zashkilnyak, Y. Zerny, A. Kiridon, I. Girich, V. Masnenko, O. Smolyar, O. Udod, Yu. Shapoval and other.Paper objective. The purpose of the article is to understand the specificity of historical memory and modern social myth as forms of interpretation of the past history, explication of positive and negative in their interaction and the essence of their influence on the state of consciousness of society.Paper main body. The transformational state of society is always characterized by attempts to reconsider experience, to rearrange the content of historical memory, to adapt it to temporal political interests. The content and semantic content of knowledge about the ancient times often depend on subjective aspects, are constructed in the present and reflect the vision of the experience of the community in favor of certain power elites of light. An analysis of scientific literature on the problems of historical memory can distinguish its essential features. The main characteristics of historical memory are its social determinism, the basis for the formation of individual and social consciousness, which is why it directly affects the historical public consciousness. It is a significant component of the axioms of culture, not only presents itself as a value, but also realizes the need to preserve the integrity of the domestic spiritual space. The basis of historical memory is the connectivity. It reproduces the heredity and continuity of social existence, despite the fact that in some periods it exists in a latent form and is actualized in certain historical conditions. For specific features of historical memory belongs selectivity, value color, tendency to irrationality, binarism, as a constant the process of memorizing and forgetting. Historical memory in modern political realities is not a constant. It is modeled and varied depending on the interests and tasks of political groups and parties.At the same time, the mechanisms of the mythologization of history, which considerably increases the importance of understanding the features of the myth as a form of interpretation of history, become of no less importance in the modern world. the most important properties of social myth as a form of interpretation of the historical past is its fundamental difference from the classical, archaic. The archaic myth was the basis of its creation folk art, aimed at protecting the family, people, the state, to preserve the health of man, people, country, nature, the accumulation of mass energy, which mobilized people for certain actions. The modern myth does not have such a clear positive orientation - the duality of its consequences lies in the fact that it can both consolidate society and threaten the absolute destruction of society. Among the main features of the social myth, researchers distinguish his artificiality, purposeful construction in the interests of certain social groups, in contrast to the spontaneously formed archaic myths; he is increasingly rationalized and ideologized. It is also important to note that modern myth has a purely functional, not cognitive value. Consumption as a sign of modern myth leads to the fact that he is not "burdened" by moral intentions.The modern myth has a dual character: the constructive role of the myth manifests itself in the ability to ensure the integrity of society. A destructive role manifests itself in its ability to radically change the cultural and moral guidelines of society. The technical capabilities of the information society, the excessive amount of information have become the cause of activating myth-making activity.Conclusions of the research. Historical memory and contemporary social myth as a form of interpretation of the past history have rather common features and influence each other vigorously. Also, their actualization and active inclusion in the comprehension of life occur in the crisis periods of history, when there is a need to overcome real or imaginary "breaks of being", to fill the fragmentation of scientific, philosophical, moral and religious searches. For us, it is important:first, the attraction of objective scientific research to the modern interpretation of the historical past, and secondly, their ethicization, filling the moral assessments of the events of the past from the standpoint of universal values of our time since they have a powerful mobilizing influence on the public consciousness and are really capable of changing the course of modern events.

The main purpose of this study is to provide a comparative analysis on dock labour systems in two European ports, focusing in particular on the container global industry. The research aims at analysing the impact of the market players' strategies along the maritime-logistics chain on dock labour dynamics in the last years, stressing the role of the institutional, material and structural constraints. By comparing two distinct case studies, the study aims to answer the following research questions: 1. How is the search for economies of scale achieved by market players along the maritime-logistics chain shaping port labour systems, schemes and work organizations in the European ports? 2. To what extent do terminal operating companies respond to the constraints driven by market players, European policies and national regulations, in order to maximize the performance of dock labour in two distinct ports/container terminals? The observation of the entire logistics chain characterizes the peculiar approach of this study. This approach fosters an analysis not only of the dynamic and complex structure of the maritime supply chain, but also of the background tendencies occurring in the overall dimension in which ports are situated, and hence the variety of dock labour systems. The focus on the container handling and the labour that incorporates it underlines the triple nature of the maritime-logistics chain, given the function of the intermodal transport unit. Consequently, this study argues that an "intermodal gaze" is required to grasp the main trends concerning labour in the pivotal link of the maritime-logistics chain. The empirical findings gathered during the fieldworks in the ports of Genoa and Antwerp are presented and discussed. The empirical evidence shows how in the Belgian case shipping companies vertically integrated with global terminal operators, particularly in the container business, demand direct employment for a significant number of their own workers, whereas casual workers are increasingly deployed during periods of peak demand. This setting in principle does not differ from the Italian case. Besides the different business models, dock labour schemes and arrangements, port employers in both cases hire a large part of the dockworkers daily, via "informal agreements", on an almost continual basis. In addition, the changing dynamics caused by exogenous factors are provoking a higher deployment of casual workers in Genoa, whereas in Antwerp this trend could further increase in the future, with the new possibility given by the ongoing port reform (after the infringement procedure sent by the European Union to the Belgian government, concerning the port labour system). The strategic action of the main players along the maritime-logistics chain is modifying the working mechanisms of both port labour systems, altering the matching of labour supply and demand, opening up new decision-making prospects for transnational terminal operating companies. In this frame, dock labour policies to date have not been carried out, except for de-regulation processes, mainly driven at supranational level and then acquired at national level. In other words, the organizational models of labour in the ports selected seem to be undermined by the processes of globalization, cutthroat competition along the entire logistics chain, and Europeization of the port labour policies. The comparative analysis displays to what extent the de-structuring processes of the organizational patterns are crossing the ports / container terminals analysed, besides the constraints partially common among the cases and partially specific to each of them. Significant dynamics, notwithstanding the institutional path dependencies and the specific global production networks, occur similarly in both the ports observed. The homogeneous pressures, however, engage with the history at national and local level, the institutional structures and practices that dictate the differences among the cases. This in turn reveals a process in which, as this study hypothesizes, such differences are more and more converging towards a commonly variegated trajectory. Beyond the different dock labour scheme and work organization, a similar division – or fragmentation – between permanent and casual workforce has been observed. Moreover, the dock labour systems and schemes compared in this study are differently managed but commonly affected by exogenous and endogenous pressures along the maritime-logistics chain. Furthermore, by looking at the port performance indicators, it has been possible to compare the terminal productivity (linked to the costs) of one cargo handling company operating in both ports, besides the significant differences among the container terminals analyzed (e.g dimension, equipment, etc). Despite the limited data availability, this comparative analysis explores how terminal operating companies behave for maximizing labour productivity in light of the dock labour schemes and regulations in two distinct environments. In short, it turns out that terminal operating companies involved in container handling apply the tariff to their customers starting from the Cash Cost per Box as parameter. The Cash Cost per Box (CCPB) is the indicator that represents how much a container handling company spends only in terms of out-of-pocket costs for each volume unit handled. In this cost structure, labour composes the main value in both cases. Being labour cost the main value, the lower amount of CCPB in the Belgian case with respect to the Italian case is mainly – but not exclusively – due to a lower number of workforce employed to handle one container with respect to the Italian case. The amount of workforce per container handled, determined also by different social relations of production in the ports selected, is the key aspect to set a proper comparison between the ports/terminals, linking the productivity indicators to the cost structure. Furthermore, it has been assessed the difference of the wages in both ports (and the distribution in terms of occupational contexts), which are lower in the Italian case and higher in the Belgian case. These findings show that, in a certain sense, the occupational port labour system in the Italian case remunerates more people by distributing lower wages, whereas in the Belgian case it remunerates less people by distributing higher wages. However, the incidence of labour cost does not changes so much in both contexts, but tends to be similar, being the difference mainly a matter of labour quotas differently distributed (and socially produced). Paradoxically, the organization of port labour in Antwerp replicated in Genoa would require, in theory, as a preliminary condition, the exclusion of a certain amount of workforce currently employed in the port operations. The main difference therefore concerns the greater or lower socialization of costs. In turn, these settings have an impact on terminal productivity, the Gross Crane Rate, due to several factors (i.e. labour force composition, work organization at quayside, terminal layout, endogenous and exogenous factors, terminal facilities, capacity, economies of scale, gang system, motivation and structural constraints, etc.). Following the previous reasoning, the empirical findings show that in Genoa the social equilibrium is given by a lower productivity compared to the Belgian case, acknowledged by the port actors involved in order to keep higher workforce in the port operations. The port labour system in Genoa absorbs more work than in the port of Antwerp, but at the same time, the model is less efficient in terms of performances.

The dissertation is devoted to the development of a methodology for the systematic study of the geo-economic imperatives of the functioning of financial markets, as well as the justification on this basis of geo-economic strategies for their integration in the global economic space in conditions of its instability and turbulence.Regularities, geoeconomic imperatives and modern features of the development of the world economy have been studied. The essence is determined and the modern economic space is characterized on a structurally valuable basis. The theoretical approaches are analyzed and the practice of market adaptation of economies in the geoeconomic space is assessed. The modern geo-economic space is represented as a complex set of meta-regional entities that act as new sutnosti global universe. It is shown that integration and regionalization occupy an important place in the fragmentation of geoeconomic space.The essence of the reformatting of the financial markets of the post-Soviet countries as a geo-economic region of the present is revealed, which gives grounds to assert that the modern financial market has a global character, a complex hierarchical structure, and financial markets and financial entities are connected by a comprehensive international telecommunications network. The modern tendencies in increase of competitiveness of national financial institutions are characterized. Transnational banks and global financial corporations act in the context of globalization as centers of economic power and ensure the redistribution of resources through the use of new financial technologies.The main directions of the influence of the dynamic changes in the world monetary and financial system on the national financial markets of the countries are identified: strengthening the urgency of the task of liberalizing capital flows; maintaining a high level of dollarization of the economies of these countries as an effect of expanding the dollar supply of money and global imbalances combined with low stability of the national monetary system; the growth of exogenous risks of the balance of payments of countries, due to global financial instability and the possibility of reducing the propensity of investors to take risks; changes in the currency structure of receipts and payments on the current and financial account of the balance of payments, reflecting both global trends and the effect of specific regional factors.The directions and mechanisms of the influence of the debt burden in developed countries on the state of international finance in the post-crisis period are characterized by an increase in the degree of economic uncertainty and pressure on the level of world interest rates; a reduction in bank lending to the corporate sector and a slowdown in the pace of private investment; increased liquidity risks and solvency of borrowing governments, worsens prospects for debt sustainability and macrofinance stability; a decrease in global risk and an increase in the volatility of the global financial market, negatively affects the cost of external financing for emerging markets.It is proved that in conditions of financial globalization such a system of redistribution of financial resources has formed, in which less risky capital is absorbed by the most developed countries of the world, and speculative (with a higher rate of profit) is attracted by countries with a transformational economy. In the context of globalization, not only the preservation of the traditional conditions of nonequivalent exchange occurs, but an irreversible systemic gap between developed countries and countries with a transformational economy becomes possible.The change in the vector of development of national financial markets in the direction of geo-finance under the contraction of the economic space, where national financial systems are transformed in the direction of globalization, is studied. At the same time, global financial capital is extraterritorial, freely moves in the world economic space and turns the geo-economic space in its own interests, acts as a catalyst for changes in economic relations, parameters and institutions, transforms the process of reproduction regardless of national boundaries, exercises supranational control over it, forcibly forms a mechanism for redistribution value created within national economies.In the modern methodological concept regularities are revealed and the evolution of market functioning models is investigated. The options for multi-level integration of the financial markets of developing countries are analyzed. The characteristic of global corporatization, regional localization and institutional organization of financial markets was carried out. Essential signs of cyclical crisis, turbulence and security of the global financial environment are revealed. From geo-economic positions, regulatory mechanisms for the stable and transparent functioning of financial markets have been identified. In the new configuration of international financial organizations, the methodology of the economic policy of emerging markets is outlined. Generalized geoeconomic approaches to predictive modeling of the global financial market. The geoeconomic strategy of the development of Ukraine's financial market in a globally unstable environment is grounded. ; Диссертационная работа посвящена разработке методологии системного исследования геоэкономических императивов функционирования финансовых рынков, а также обоснованию на этой основе геоэкономических стратегий их интеграции в глобальном экономическом пространстве в условиях его нестабильности и турбулентности.Исследованы закономерности, геоэкономические императивы и современные особенности развития мировой экономики. Определена сущность и охарактеризовано современное экономическое пространство на структурно ценностной основе. Освещены теоретические подходы и осуществлена оценка практики рыночной адаптации экономик в геоэкономическом пространстве. Современное геоэкономическое пространство представлено как сложная совокупность метарегиональних образований, выступающих в роли новых cутностей глобального универсума. Показано, что важное место в фрагментации геоэкономического пространства занимают процессы интеграции и регионализации.В современном методологическом концепте выявлены закономерности и исследована эволюция моделей функционирования рынка. Проанализированы варианты многоуровневой интеграции финансовых рынков развивающихся стран. Осуществлено характеристику глобальной корпоратизации, региональной локализации и институциональной организации финансовых рынков. Выявлено сущностные признаки циклической кризисности, турбулентности и безопасности глобальной финансовой среды. С геоэкономических позиций идентифицировано регулятивные механизмы стабильного и прозрачного функционирования финансовых рынков. В новой конфигурации международных финансовых организаций обозначена методология экономической политики стран с развивающимися рынками. Обобщены геоэкономические подходы к прогностическому моделированию глобального финансового рынка. Обоснована геоэкономическая стратегия развития финансового рынка Украины в глобально нестабильной среде. ; Дисертаційну роботу присвячено розробці методології системного дослідження геоекономічних імперативів функціонування фінансових ринків, а також обґрунтуванню на цій основі геоекономічних стратегій їх інтеграції у глобальному економічному просторі в умовах його нестабільності і турбулентності.Досліджено закономірності, геоекономічні імперативи та сучасні особливості розвитку світової економіки. Визначено сутність та охарактеризовано сучасний економічний простір на структурно ціннісній основі. Висвітлено теоретичні підходи та здійснено оцінку практики ринкової адаптації економік у геоекономічному просторі. Сучасний геоекономічний простір представлено як складну сукупність метарегіональних утворень, що виступають у ролі нових cутностей глобального універсуму. Показано, що важливе місце у фрагментації геоекономічного простору посідають процеси інтеграції та регіоналізації.У сучасному методологічному концепті виявлено закономірності та досліджено еволюцію моделей функціонування фінансового ринку. Проаналізовано варіанти багаторівневої інтеграції фінансових ринків, що розвиваються. Здійснено характеристику глобальної корпоратизації, регіональної локалізації та інституціональної організації фінансових ринків. Виявлено сутнісні ознаки циклічної кризовості, турбулентності та безпечності глобального фінансового середовища. З геоекономічних позицій ідентифіковано регулятивні механізми стабільного і прозорого функціонування фінансових ринків. У новій конфігурації міжнародних фінансових організацій окреслено методологію економічної політики країн з ринками, що розвиваються. Узагальнено геоекономічні підходи до прогностичного моделювання глобального фінансового ринку. Обґрунтовано геоекономічну стратегію розвитку фінансового ринку України у глобально нестабільному середовищі.

Contexte et enjeux: Les espaces arborés peuvent prendre différentes formes dans les paysages à dominante agricole en France et en Europe tempérée : bois, bosquets et plantations, mais aussi haies, alignements d'arbres et plantations agroforestières. Ils sont en interaction étroite avec les activités agricoles, de culture ou d'élevage dans dynamiques particulières. Il peut s'agir (1) d'interactions socio-techniques entre acteurs et ressources lorsque des agriculteurs possèdent, gèrent ou utilisent des portions de forêt, (2) d'interactions biophysiques spatiales entre ressources quand l'activité agricole est influencée par la proximité des forêts, mais aussi (3) d'interactions sociales entre acteurs agriculteurs et forestiers qui vont parfois déterminer certains modes de gestion forestière. Ces différents points de vue expliquent la difficulté à bien délimiter les forêts des paysages ruraux agricoles, ainsi que le manque de connaissance à leur égard. Ces espaces arborés sont dynamiques et, durant les 2 derniers siècles, leur répartition spatiale a fortement changé, avec des processus de fragmentation par endroits et de défragmentation dans les zones de déprise agricole. Néanmoins, comparativement aux espaces agricoles environnants soumis aux rotations de cultures, ils apparaissent relativement stables et constituent de ce fait ce qu'on appelle des infrastructures écologiques influant très significativement les caractéristiques des milieux voisins. Ils sont ainsi souvent vus comme des réservoirs de biodiversité dans les paysages agricoles. Problématique: Etudier les relations entre ces espaces arborés des paysages et l'agriculture est crucial pour aider à concevoir des territoires ruraux valorisant au mieux et de façon durable l'ensemble de leurs ressources, agricoles et forestières, et des services qui y sont liés. Cette problématique s'inscrit dans les priorités nationales pour une agriculture plus agroécologique. Méthodes: A partir de plusieurs exemples de travaux récents en écologie, géographie, agronomie et ethnologie, la présentation montre les différents aspects de ces interactions entre espaces arborés et agriculture, comment elles influent sur des propriétés clés des territoires et comment elles pourraient être mieux valorisée. Ces exemples s'appuient sur des recherches interdisciplinaires et conduites en partenariat, combinant des approches écologiques avec des analyses socio-techniques. Résultats: De nombreux travaux ont largement montré les rôles clés des espaces arborés dans la dynamique de population d'espèces contribuant à des services écosystémiques importants pour l'agriculture comme la régulation des bioagresseurs ou la pollinisation. Ainsi des suivis spatialisés de la répartition des carabiques, prédateurs auxiliaires des cultures de part et d'autre de lisières forestières montrent clairement que les bois peuvent fournir un surcroit d'individus qui vont chasser dans les cultures adjacentes. De plus, plusieurs résultats laissent penser que cet effet est crucial surtout quand des évènements extrêmes réduisent drastiquement les populations déjà présentes dans les champs. Les espaces arborés joueraient ainsi un rôle de réservoir pour contribuer à reconstituer les populations d'auxiliaires. Des travaux similaires montrent des phénomènes comparables pour les pollinisateurs, en particulier sur l'intérêt des lisières dans la fourniture de ressources florales tout au long de l'année et de leur capacité à abriter des sites de nidification et d'hivernation. Les caractéristiques des lisières jouent un rôle important et mal connu dans ces échanges ; on peut supposer qu'ils pourraient être favorisés par une gestion particulière de ces interfaces. Les espaces arborés sont à l'origine d'un grand nombre de services écosystémiques. Le projet Terafor, soutenu par la Fondation de France, en a ainsi identifié près de 70 ; ils ont été intégrés dans un système d'analyse multi-critères destiné à aider à élaborer des projets de territoires agri-forestiers valorisant l'ensemble de ces services. Parallèlement, des recherches exploratoires tentent d'utiliser les données satellitaires nouvelles pour fournir des cartographies de niveaux potentiels de services. Enfin, il convient de signaler que si les espaces arborés sont sources de services pour l'agriculture, l'inverse est aussi vrai : les bois et forêts bénéficient de services issus des autres composantes des paysages ; la régulation des insectes défoliateurs des arbres s'avère par exemple plus élevée en lisière, tandis que les mouvements de chevreuils entre les cultures où ils se nourrissent et les bois semblent contribuer à la fertilisation du sol forestier. Le bois produit par les espaces arborés contribue à satisfaire l'accroissement de l'usage de la biomasse pour se substituer aux énergies fossiles, ou les compléter. Il existe maintenant de multiples formes de valorisation du bois qui s'adaptent aux conditions locales et aux possibilités des opérateurs. L'association Bois Paysan en Ariège a ainsi développé des circuits courts de vente de bûches aux particuliers. En réponse à une demande croissante, des filières nouvelles et originales se mettent en place, avec l'émergence, parfois, de véritables « ateliers bois » dans des exploitations agricoles qui diversifient ainsi leurs activités. Les usages du bois se sont aussi élargis et l'agriculture commence à en utiliser plus fréquemment, pas seulement comme source d'énergie ou de matériaux de construction. Dans le APIL en Ariège, par exemple, les multiples usages du bois en exploitation agricole sont testés : litière pour les animaux ou paillage pour les plantations. Au-delà du bilan matériel et économique pour les exploitations, ces démarches de valorisation des produits des espaces arborés des paysages agricoles contribuent aussi à renforcer des projets de territoires en valorisant des ressources dispersées par des usages les plus proches possibles. Grâce aux possibilités de communication actuelles et de mise en réseau, la dispersion des ressources en bois n'est plus toujours un handicap et devrait contribuer à une relocalisation d'une partie des approvisionnements en énergie et matériaux. Enfin, des recherches en sciences sociales ont clairement montré que les espaces arborés sont associés à une dimension culturelle particulière dans la perception qu'ont les habitants de leur environnement et de son devenir. Ainsi, dans le Sud-Ouest de la France, nous avons montré que les bois sont un marqueur social fort qui relie les familles d'aujourd'hui à leur histoire et s'inscrivent dans une tradition de transmission des patrimoines et de gestion à objectif d'autosuffisance particulière. Connaitre ces dimensions sociales est essentiel, tant pour les respecter et les préserver comme partie d'un patrimoine culturel spécifique, que pour pouvoir les faire évoluer et lever des blocages qui limiteraient des développements durables. A cet égard, les démarches participatives de co-construction de ces projets de développement semblent une façon pertinente de prendre en compte les multiples attentes des habitants d'un territoire agricole et forestier. Discussion et conclusion: Ces exemples soulignent combien la séparation entre gestion forestière et agriculture dans bien des régions est artificielle et mériterait d'être remise en cause dans les projets d'aménagement des territoires. Pourtant, les politiques actuelles, comme le récent Plan National Forêt Bois, semblent tourner le dos à la valorisation de ces interactions, privilégiant des approches par filières cloisonnées. La foresterie tout comme l'agriculture, et d'autres activités humaines, tireraient un bénéfice à mieux coordonner leurs objectifs et leurs actions. Des initiatives locales vont dans ce sens et la recherche montre comment ces interactions écologiques, techniques et socio-culturelles s'avèrent importantes dans une perspective de développement plus durable.

Contexte et enjeux: Les espaces arborés peuvent prendre différentes formes dans les paysages à dominante agricole en France et en Europe tempérée : bois, bosquets et plantations, mais aussi haies, alignements d'arbres et plantations agroforestières. Ils sont en interaction étroite avec les activités agricoles, de culture ou d'élevage dans dynamiques particulières. Il peut s'agir (1) d'interactions socio-techniques entre acteurs et ressources lorsque des agriculteurs possèdent, gèrent ou utilisent des portions de forêt, (2) d'interactions biophysiques spatiales entre ressources quand l'activité agricole est influencée par la proximité des forêts, mais aussi (3) d'interactions sociales entre acteurs agriculteurs et forestiers qui vont parfois déterminer certains modes de gestion forestière. Ces différents points de vue expliquent la difficulté à bien délimiter les forêts des paysages ruraux agricoles, ainsi que le manque de connaissance à leur égard. Ces espaces arborés sont dynamiques et, durant les 2 derniers siècles, leur répartition spatiale a fortement changé, avec des processus de fragmentation par endroits et de défragmentation dans les zones de déprise agricole. Néanmoins, comparativement aux espaces agricoles environnants soumis aux rotations de cultures, ils apparaissent relativement stables et constituent de ce fait ce qu'on appelle des infrastructures écologiques influant très significativement les caractéristiques des milieux voisins. Ils sont ainsi souvent vus comme des réservoirs de biodiversité dans les paysages agricoles. Problématique: Etudier les relations entre ces espaces arborés des paysages et l'agriculture est crucial pour aider à concevoir des territoires ruraux valorisant au mieux et de façon durable l'ensemble de leurs ressources, agricoles et forestières, et des services qui y sont liés. Cette problématique s'inscrit dans les priorités nationales pour une agriculture plus agroécologique. Méthodes: A partir de plusieurs exemples de travaux récents en écologie, géographie, agronomie et ethnologie, la présentation montre les différents aspects de ces interactions entre espaces arborés et agriculture, comment elles influent sur des propriétés clés des territoires et comment elles pourraient être mieux valorisée. Ces exemples s'appuient sur des recherches interdisciplinaires et conduites en partenariat, combinant des approches écologiques avec des analyses socio-techniques. Résultats: De nombreux travaux ont largement montré les rôles clés des espaces arborés dans la dynamique de population d'espèces contribuant à des services écosystémiques importants pour l'agriculture comme la régulation des bioagresseurs ou la pollinisation. Ainsi des suivis spatialisés de la répartition des carabiques, prédateurs auxiliaires des cultures de part et d'autre de lisières forestières montrent clairement que les bois peuvent fournir un surcroit d'individus qui vont chasser dans les cultures adjacentes. De plus, plusieurs résultats laissent penser que cet effet est crucial surtout quand des évènements extrêmes réduisent drastiquement les populations déjà présentes dans les champs. Les espaces arborés joueraient ainsi un rôle de réservoir pour contribuer à reconstituer les populations d'auxiliaires. Des travaux similaires montrent des phénomènes comparables pour les pollinisateurs, en particulier sur l'intérêt des lisières dans la fourniture de ressources florales tout au long de l'année et de leur capacité à abriter des sites de nidification et d'hivernation. Les caractéristiques des lisières jouent un rôle important et mal connu dans ces échanges ; on peut supposer qu'ils pourraient être favorisés par une gestion particulière de ces interfaces. Les espaces arborés sont à l'origine d'un grand nombre de services écosystémiques. Le projet Terafor, soutenu par la Fondation de France, en a ainsi identifié près de 70 ; ils ont été intégrés dans un système d'analyse multi-critères destiné à aider à élaborer des projets de territoires agri-forestiers valorisant l'ensemble de ces services. Parallèlement, des recherches exploratoires tentent d'utiliser les données satellitaires nouvelles pour fournir des cartographies de niveaux potentiels de services. Enfin, il convient de signaler que si les espaces arborés sont sources de services pour l'agriculture, l'inverse est aussi vrai : les bois et forêts bénéficient de services issus des autres composantes des paysages ; la régulation des insectes défoliateurs des arbres s'avère par exemple plus élevée en lisière, tandis que les mouvements de chevreuils entre les cultures où ils se nourrissent et les bois semblent contribuer à la fertilisation du sol forestier. Le bois produit par les espaces arborés contribue à satisfaire l'accroissement de l'usage de la biomasse pour se substituer aux énergies fossiles, ou les compléter. Il existe maintenant de multiples formes de valorisation du bois qui s'adaptent aux conditions locales et aux possibilités des opérateurs. L'association Bois Paysan en Ariège a ainsi développé des circuits courts de vente de bûches aux particuliers. En réponse à une demande croissante, des filières nouvelles et originales se mettent en place, avec l'émergence, parfois, de véritables « ateliers bois » dans des exploitations agricoles qui diversifient ainsi leurs activités. Les usages du bois se sont aussi élargis et l'agriculture commence à en utiliser plus fréquemment, pas seulement comme source d'énergie ou de matériaux de construction. Dans le APIL en Ariège, par exemple, les multiples usages du bois en exploitation agricole sont testés : litière pour les animaux ou paillage pour les plantations. Au-delà du bilan matériel et économique pour les exploitations, ces démarches de valorisation des produits des espaces arborés des paysages agricoles contribuent aussi à renforcer des projets de territoires en valorisant des ressources dispersées par des usages les plus proches possibles. Grâce aux possibilités de communication actuelles et de mise en réseau, la dispersion des ressources en bois n'est plus toujours un handicap et devrait contribuer à une relocalisation d'une partie des approvisionnements en énergie et matériaux. Enfin, des recherches en sciences sociales ont clairement montré que les espaces arborés sont associés à une dimension culturelle particulière dans la perception qu'ont les habitants de leur environnement et de son devenir. Ainsi, dans le Sud-Ouest de la France, nous avons montré que les bois sont un marqueur social fort qui relie les familles d'aujourd'hui à leur histoire et s'inscrivent dans une tradition de transmission des patrimoines et de gestion à objectif d'autosuffisance particulière. Connaitre ces dimensions sociales est essentiel, tant pour les respecter et les préserver comme partie d'un patrimoine culturel spécifique, que pour pouvoir les faire évoluer et lever des blocages qui limiteraient des développements durables. A cet égard, les démarches participatives de co-construction de ces projets de développement semblent une façon pertinente de prendre en compte les multiples attentes des habitants d'un territoire agricole et forestier. Discussion et conclusion: Ces exemples soulignent combien la séparation entre gestion forestière et agriculture dans bien des régions est artificielle et mériterait d'être remise en cause dans les projets d'aménagement des territoires. Pourtant, les politiques actuelles, comme le récent Plan National Forêt Bois, semblent tourner le dos à la valorisation de ces interactions, privilégiant des approches par filières cloisonnées. La foresterie tout comme l'agriculture, et d'autres activités humaines, tireraient un bénéfice à mieux coordonner leurs objectifs et leurs actions. Des initiatives locales vont dans ce sens et la recherche montre comment ces interactions écologiques, techniques et socio-culturelles s'avèrent importantes dans une perspective de développement plus durable.

The European Red List is a review of the conservation status of European species according to IUCN regional Red Listing guidelines. It identifies those species that are threatened with extinction at the regional level, so that appropriate conservation action can be taken to improve their status. This Red List publication summarises results for all hitherto described native European Orthoptera species (grasshoppers, crickets and bush-crickets). All Orthoptera species (grasshoppers, crickets and bushcrickets) native to or naturalised in Europe before AD 1500 (a total of 1,082 species), have been assessed in this Red List. The geographical scope is continent-wide, extending from Iceland in the west to the Urals in the east, and from Franz Josef Land in the north to the Canary Islands in the south. The Caucasus region is not included. Red List assessments were made at two regional levels: for geographical Europe, and for the 28 Member States of the European Union in 2016. The status of all species was assessed using the IUCN Red List Categories and Criteria (IUCN 2012a), which is the world's most widely accepted system for measuring extinction risk. All assessments followed the Guidelines for Application of IUCN Red List Criteria at Regional and National Levels (IUCN 2012b). The assessments were compiled based on the data and knowledge from a network of leading European experts on Orthoptera. The assessments were then completed and reviewed at six workshops held in Italy, Greece, France, Bulgaria, Spain and Germany as well as through email correspondence with relevant experts. More than 145 experts participated in the assessment and review process for European Orthoptera species. Assessments are available on the European Red List website and data portal: http://ec.europa.eu/environment/nature/ conservation/species/redlist and http://www.iucnredlist. org/initiatives/europe. Overall, 25.7% and 28% of Orthoptera species are assessed as threatened at the European and EU 28 levels, respectively. However, the exact proportion of threatened species is uncertain, as there are 107 (10%) Data Deficient (DD) species in Europe and 84 DD species (8.5%) in the EU 28. Estimating that a similar relative proportion of the DD assessments are likely to be threatened (IUCN 2011), the best estimate of the threatened share of Orthoptera species is thus 28.5% in Europe and 30.6% in the EU 28. Further research on DD species to clarify their status is therefore critical. A further 13.9% (149 species) and 13% (128 species) are considered Near Threatened in Europe and in the EU 28, respectively. By comparison, the best estimate of threatened species of those other groups that have been assessed comprehensively in Europe is 58% of freshwater molluscs, 40% of freshwater fishes, 23% of amphibians, 20% of reptiles, 17% of mammals, 16% of dragonflies, 13% of birds, 9% of butterflies and bees, 8% of aquatic plants and marine fishes and 2% of medicinal plants (IUCN 2015). Additional European Red Lists assessing a selection of species showed that 22% of terrestrial molluscs, 16% of crop wild relatives and 15% of saproxylic beetles are also threatened (IUCN 2015). No other groups have yet been assessed at the European level. Looking at the population trends of European Orthoptera species, 30.2% (325 species) have declining populations, 7.6% (82 species) are believed to be more or less stable and 3.2% (34 species) are increasing. However, the population trends for the majority of species (59%, 634 species) remain unknown. Out of the 739 species that are endemic to Europe (i.e., they are found nowhere else in the world), 231 (31.3%) are threatened, highlighting the responsibility that European countries have to protect the global populations of these species. Overall, the European areas with the highest diversity of species are found in southern Europe, especially in the Mediterranean region and the Balkans. Hotspots of endemic species are found in the Iberian, the Italian and the Balkan Peninsulas, and in some large mountain areas (the Alps, Pyrenees, Carpathians and Appenines). The greatest concentration of threatened species is found along some Mediterranean coasts and Mediterranean mountain blocks. Finally, the number of Data Deficient species reflects the general distribution of Orthoptera species, being highest in the Mediterranean and the Lower Volga region in southern European Russia. The main threat to European Orthoptera is the loss, degradation and fragmentation of their habitats as a consequence of agricultural land use intensification. This includes direct destruction by transformation of permanent grassland or shrubland habitats into cropland, degradation of habitat quality caused by overgrazing, abandonment, use of fertilisers or heavy machinery and direct mortality from frequent mowing or the use of pesticides. Other important threats to Orthoptera are the increasing frequency of wildfires, touristic development and urbanisation, climate change, afforestation and intensive forest management, drainage and river regulations, recreational activities, deforestation, limestone quarrying and sand excavations and invasive species.Orthoptera are a diverse group of insects with more than 1,000 species known to occur in Europe and play important roles in the ecosystem such as being part of the food chain and prey to many vertebrate species. They are also good indicators of land use intensity, which makes them one of the most important invertebrate groups for environmental monitoring and assessment. Conservation strategies for the European Orthoptera species with the highest extinction risk should be developed and implemented. The European Red List should be used to inform nature and biodiversity policies to improve the status of threatened species. The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) should be enhanced by promoting traditional low-intensity agricultural land use systems, particularly pastoralism in Europe, and committing to a long-term reduction in the use of pesticides and fertilisers, encouraging the uptake of alternative pest management. Orthoptera species should be made a standard group for inclusion in Environmental Impact Assessments to avoid negative impacts of new development projects on threatened species.Degraded habitats of threatened Orthoptera species throughout Europe should be restored and guidelines for the optimal management of Orthoptera habitats should be developed. The protection of Orthoptera habitats throughout Europe should be improved, so that each threatened and endemic European species is present in at least one protected area with an adequate adaptive management scheme and monitoring for threatened Orthoptera species. Orthoptera inventories in protected areas should be made mandatory to identify priority species for the respective area and develop strategies for their protection. A pan-European monitoring programme for Orthoptera species should be developed, by merging all existing recording schemes. Specific research on those species that have not been recently recorded in Europe to clarify if they may be Extinct or Regionally Extinct, or have been assessed as Data Deficient should be conducted and funding mechanisms should be put in place to support this research. The effects of the lesser understood threats (e.g., wildfires, pesticides, climate change) on Orthoptera should be studied. The European Red List of Grasshoppers, Crickets and Bush-crickets should be revised at regular intervals of ten years, and whenever new data becomes available.

Congestion is the saturation of urban and architecturals pace uses and activities utilizing all resources available construction and management, this action on society have established throughout the recent history of the city, by the profusion of events, environments and procedures for space or urban setting that achieves the highest concentration and densification. Similarly, it is a noticeable fact granted by mastering operations carried out according to the needs of space or place and a high population density. Similarly, congestion,by their impact and forceful statement in cities, buildings and extensive projects or massive structures, be they residential, residential and administrative blocks, equipment or facilities of basic services, etc.,in which the spatial dimension and saturation content manifest as an indication of its technical and technological determinism, as well as the favorable disposition toward a knowledge that facilitates the realization of architecture and the city. Congestion as an ideology of space comes from contemporary urban grid,an immediate present, not despite its historic fabric and its closed city high densities. Since the current arrangement implied rational city, both in form and in its functions it is to express the utilitarian and symbolic content as a result of the association of dominant interests of political and economic character. Congestion in the modern city and the contemporary city is run efficiently by a closed checkerboard that will accommodate indifferently on the ground, as the ideal arrangement for a conditioning urban space to a minimum without any concession to collective interactions They produced in the past in the traditional city. This led to control almost all processes and future of the city, and the society that produced them. Since the consequences of these procedures domain of urban structure is not now found under a hierarchical structure or a sovereign power, but under bureaucratic administration aims to control and predict the future development of the city. Congestion is part of the development of the city and imbalances that have addressed the metropolis from orbitto institute investment dynamics and efficiency criteria, either from the creation and reinforcement of the means of production, as well as to the gradual adjustment of the city before the arrival of emerging companies. Congestion is committed from the proper functioning of the economy and fundamental ways from this process have been created, congestion is a unilateral process that affects the development of the city and presented by his sudden economic boom from mid-nineteenth century, when by way of the expansion of manufacturing and fluctuations of the urban environment in relation to population growth, the effective demand for housing, the needs created by the extension of an exponential consumption, as well as the new relationship between the urban dweller and the new training parameters that have validated their actual improvement. These processes converge in economic pragmatism, in a specialization of the social structure and cultural fragmentation have facilitated the expansion of the congestion from short-term success at the outset of these circumstances in the development of the city, but also by the failure of these measures by cities branched long term, constituting a problem peculiar to the urbanization of the city and its close relationship with the rational and productive forces. ; La congestión es la saturación del espacio urbano y arquitectónico de usos y actividades que utiliza todos los recursos de gestión y de construcción disponibles, esta acción sobre la sociedad se han logrado establecer a lo largo de la historia reciente de la ciudad, mediante la profusión de sucesos, ambientes y procedimientos para que ese espacio o escenario urbano logre la mayor concentración y densificación. De igual manera, es un hecho perceptible otorgado por el dominio de operaciones que se realizan en función de las necesidades de espacio o de lugar y por una elevada concentración poblacional. Igualmente, la congestión, por su incidencia y afirmación contundente en las ciudades, proyecta edificaciones y estructuras extensivas o masivas, ya sean viviendas, bloques residenciales o administrativos, equipamientos o instalaciones de servicios básicos, etc.,en los que la dimensión espacial y la saturación de contenidos se manifiestan como una indicación de su determinismo técnico y tecnológico, así como por la disposición favorable hacia un conocimiento que facilita la realización de la arquitectura y la ciudad. La congestión como una ideología del espacio proviene de la cuadricula urbana contemporánea ,de un presente inmediato, no de la ciudad histórica a pesar de su tejido cerrado y sus densidades elevadas. Ya que la actual disposición sobreentendida de la ciudad racional, tanto en su forma, como en sus funciones, es expresar los contenidos utilitaristas y simbólicos como resultado de la asociación de intereses dominantes de carácter político y económico. La congestión en la ciudad moderna y en la urbe contemporánea es ejecutada de manera eficiente por medio de un damero cerrado que se acomoda indiferentemente sobre el terreno, como la disposición ideal para un espacio urbano acondicionado al mínimo sin ninguna concesión a las interacciones colectivas que se producían en otras épocas en la urbe tradicional. Esto condujo al control de casi todos los procesos presentes y futuros de la ciudad, como de la sociedad que los produjo.Ya que las consecuencias de estos procedimientos de dominio de la estructura urbana no se encontraban ahora bajo una estructura jerárquica o un poder soberano,sino bajo la administración burocrática que pretende controlar como predecir el futuro desarrollo de la ciudad. La congestión hace parte del desarrollo de la ciudad y de los desequilibrios que han abordado la metrópoli desde su órbita de instituir dinámicas de inversión y criterios de eficiencia, ya sea desde la creación y reafirmación de los medios de producción,como también ante el ajuste gradual de la ciudad ante la irrupción de las sociedades emergentes. La congestión se encuentra comprometida a partir del buen funcionamiento de la economía y de las formas fundamentales que a partir de este proceso han sido creadas, la congestión es un proceso unilateral que afecta el desarrollo de la ciudad y se presenta por su repentino auge económico desde mediados del siglo XIX, en que por vías de la expansión de la manufactura y las fluctuaciones del medio urbano en lo referente al aumento de la población, la demanda efectiva de vivienda, las necesidades creadas por la extens ión de un consumo exponencial,así como por las nuevas relaciones entre el habitante urbano y los nuevos parámetros formativos que han validado su actual perfeccionamiento. Estos procesos que confluyen en una pragmatismo económico,en una especialización de la estructura social y en un fraccionamiento cultural, han facilitado la expansión de la congestión a partir del éxito a corto plazo en un primer momento de estas circunstancias en el desarrollo de la ciudad, pero también por el fracaso de estas medidas que se ramificaron por las ciudades a largo plazo, constituyendo una problemática propia de la urbanización de la ciudad y de su estrecha relación con las fuerzas racionales y productivas. ; Postprint (published version)

Congestion is the saturation of urban and architecturals pace uses and activities utilizing all resources available construction and management, this action on society have established throughout the recent history of the city, by the profusion of events, environments and procedures for space or urban setting that achieves the highest concentration and densification. Similarly, it is a noticeable fact granted by mastering operations carried out according to the needs of space or place and a high population density. Similarly, congestion,by their impact and forceful statement in cities, buildings and extensive projects or massive structures, be they residential, residential and administrative blocks, equipment or facilities of basic services, etc.,in which the spatial dimension and saturation content manifest as an indication of its technical and technological determinism, as well as the favorable disposition toward a knowledge that facilitates the realization of architecture and the city. Congestion as an ideology of space comes from contemporary urban grid,an immediate present, not despite its historic fabric and its closed city high densities. Since the current arrangement implied rational city, both in form and in its functions it is to express the utilitarian and symbolic content as a result of the association of dominant interests of political and economic character. Congestion in the modern city and the contemporary city is run efficiently by a closed checkerboard that will accommodate indifferently on the ground, as the ideal arrangement for a conditioning urban space to a minimum without any concession to collective interactions They produced in the past in the traditional city. This led to control almost all processes and future of the city, and the society that produced them. Since the consequences of these procedures domain of urban structure is not now found under a hierarchical structure or a sovereign power, but under bureaucratic administration aims to control and predict the future development of the city. Congestion is part of the development of the city and imbalances that have addressed the metropolis from orbitto institute investment dynamics and efficiency criteria, either from the creation and reinforcement of the means of production, as well as to the gradual adjustment of the city before the arrival of emerging companies. Congestion is committed from the proper functioning of the economy and fundamental ways from this process have been created, congestion is a unilateral process that affects the development of the city and presented by his sudden economic boom from mid-nineteenth century, when by way of the expansion of manufacturing and fluctuations of the urban environment in relation to population growth, the effective demand for housing, the needs created by the extension of an exponential consumption, as well as the new relationship between the urban dweller and the new training parameters that have validated their actual improvement. These processes converge in economic pragmatism, in a specialization of the social structure and cultural fragmentation have facilitated the expansion of the congestion from short-term success at the outset of these circumstances in the development of the city, but also by the failure of these measures by cities branched long term, constituting a problem peculiar to the urbanization of the city and its close relationship with the rational and productive forces. ; La congestión es la saturación del espacio urbano y arquitectónico de usos y actividades que utiliza todos los recursos de gestión y de construcción disponibles, esta acción sobre la sociedad se han logrado establecer a lo largo de la historia reciente de la ciudad, mediante la profusión de sucesos, ambientes y procedimientos para que ese espacio o escenario urbano logre la mayor concentración y densificación. De igual manera, es un hecho perceptible otorgado por el dominio de operaciones que se realizan en función de las necesidades de espacio o de lugar y por una elevada concentración poblacional. Igualmente, la congestión, por su incidencia y afirmación contundente en las ciudades, proyecta edificaciones y estructuras extensivas o masivas, ya sean viviendas, bloques residenciales o administrativos, equipamientos o instalaciones de servicios básicos, etc.,en los que la dimensión espacial y la saturación de contenidos se manifiestan como una indicación de su determinismo técnico y tecnológico, así como por la disposición favorable hacia un conocimiento que facilita la realización de la arquitectura y la ciudad. La congestión como una ideología del espacio proviene de la cuadricula urbana contemporánea ,de un presente inmediato, no de la ciudad histórica a pesar de su tejido cerrado y sus densidades elevadas. Ya que la actual disposición sobreentendida de la ciudad racional, tanto en su forma, como en sus funciones, es expresar los contenidos utilitaristas y simbólicos como resultado de la asociación de intereses dominantes de carácter político y económico. La congestión en la ciudad moderna y en la urbe contemporánea es ejecutada de manera eficiente por medio de un damero cerrado que se acomoda indiferentemente sobre el terreno, como la disposición ideal para un espacio urbano acondicionado al mínimo sin ninguna concesión a las interacciones colectivas que se producían en otras épocas en la urbe tradicional. Esto condujo al control de casi todos los procesos presentes y futuros de la ciudad, como de la sociedad que los produjo.Ya que las consecuencias de estos procedimientos de dominio de la estructura urbana no se encontraban ahora bajo una estructura jerárquica o un poder soberano,sino bajo la administración burocrática que pretende controlar como predecir el futuro desarrollo de la ciudad. La congestión hace parte del desarrollo de la ciudad y de los desequilibrios que han abordado la metrópoli desde su órbita de instituir dinámicas de inversión y criterios de eficiencia, ya sea desde la creación y reafirmación de los medios de producción,como también ante el ajuste gradual de la ciudad ante la irrupción de las sociedades emergentes. La congestión se encuentra comprometida a partir del buen funcionamiento de la economía y de las formas fundamentales que a partir de este proceso han sido creadas, la congestión es un proceso unilateral que afecta el desarrollo de la ciudad y se presenta por su repentino auge económico desde mediados del siglo XIX, en que por vías de la expansión de la manufactura y las fluctuaciones del medio urbano en lo referente al aumento de la población, la demanda efectiva de vivienda, las necesidades creadas por la extens ión de un consumo exponencial,así como por las nuevas relaciones entre el habitante urbano y los nuevos parámetros formativos que han validado su actual perfeccionamiento. Estos procesos que confluyen en una pragmatismo económico,en una especialización de la estructura social y en un fraccionamiento cultural, han facilitado la expansión de la congestión a partir del éxito a corto plazo en un primer momento de estas circunstancias en el desarrollo de la ciudad, pero también por el fracaso de estas medidas que se ramificaron por las ciudades a largo plazo, constituyendo una problemática propia de la urbanización de la ciudad y de su estrecha relación con las fuerzas racionales y productivas. ; Postprint (published version)

В период господства Золотой Орды регионы и разнородное население Центральной Азии были впервые интегрированы в единую политическую целостность. Как и большинство империй, Золотая Орда охватывала разнородные культуры. Она стала пристанищем различных религиозных общин, которые не только сосуществовали, но и работали и торговали друг с другом, что привело к беспрецедентной интенсификации взаимных обменов, особенно в Поволжье в ее центральном районе. Золотая Орда оказала большое влияние на торговую экспансию середины XIII середины XIV веков, и ее экономическое и политическое правление в высшей степени способствовало глобализации Старого Света. ; During the Golden Horde's dominion, the regions and populations of central Eurasia were integrated for the first time and became politically unified. Like most empires, the Golden Horde was intrinsically cross-cultural. It accommodated diverse religious communities which not only co-habited but also worked and traded together, leading to an unprecedented intensification of the exchanges, especially in the Volga valley, its core area. The Golden Horde had a major impact on the expansion of trade in the 1250s-1350s and its economic and political regime highly contributed to the globalization of the Old World. Historians have revealed that after the Chinggisid conquests, a phenomenal trade boom transformed the human and cultural landscape in Eurasia. The so-called "Fur Road" interconnected with the "Silk Road" at the Lower Volga Basin. Here two major routes were passable: the eastern one through Central Asia towards north India and China, and the western one through the Crimean peninsula towards the Mediterranean world and the Middle East. The Golden Horde served as the stage for this dramatic change. Jöchid khans and begs played a leading role in the new inter-regional order. It was not due to hazard that during this flourishing time, cities and villages burgeoned in the Volga Valley, in the Crimea, as well as in the steppe land corridor from Siberia to Hungary. As nomadic elites converted to Islam, the khan's court became a major hub of the Islamic world. Wandering scholars and craftsmen from Anatolia, Central Asia, Egypt and Syria were welcomed in the ulus of Jöchi. The Golden Horde's regime had deep consequences on the political, economic and cultural map of modern Eurasia. Scholars have shown the unique way in which Islam unified and socially integrated peoples, by shaping community life and collective memory and by combining shamanist practices and local Sufism. The origin stories of the Tatars, and other Central Eurasian communities, extend back to the period when the khans Berke and Uzbek converted to Islam. Many Muslim peoples now living in the Russian Federation see it as a formative period in their history. Indeed, Islamization is one of the Golden Horde's most important legacies. The Golden Horde is part of the common heritage of mankind. It allowed a new sophisticated culture to grow in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, at the hinge of the nomadic and sedentary worlds. The western academic sphere has started only recently to recognize the significance of this phenomenon while, in Russian-speaking academia, scholars have long ago understood the uniqueness of its legacy. It has raised the interest not only of historians but also of archaeologists, art historians and numismatists from the Russian Federation, and especially from Tatarstan. Thanks to their works, to the important questions they raise, and to the results of their researches, the Golden Horde studies is now a field on its own rights. Western academia needs to get better acquainted with this rich scholarship. On the one hand, the historical period of the Golden Horde should integrate history course books in US, in UK, in France and in Europe in general. World history needs to be taught through a non-European lens to get a deeper perspective on our collective past without which we cannot decipher today's globalized world. On another hand, it is also crucial that the current scholarship on the Golden Horde takes into account new historiographical debates and concepts developed by global historians. A 'world' is a category of global history, recently identified by historians as a meaningful notion that goes beyond the narrower notion of empire. Indeed, empires and kingdoms did not exist in isolation, but were dependent of bigger worlds. The challenge of the new global history is to identify these worlds and to understand their mechanisms. The Golden Horde survived the fragmentation of the Mongol Empire; it grew and deeply influenced its surrounding world. This world included the successors states of the Mongol empire in China, Afghanistan, India, Persia and Anatolia as well as Byzantium, Russia, Europe and the Middle East. The density of the connections from the Mediterranean Sea to the Caspian Sea and as far as China illustrates how deeply the ulus of Jöchi was enmeshed with the wider world. Therefore, the history of the Golden Horde should not be disconnected from this world-shaping phenomenon. Nationalist historiographies are inclined to distort history, to create and disseminate self-serving clichés. The first task of historians is to avoid inaccurate terminology such as "the Tatar Yoke", in order to encourage inquiries into more important questions: how to deal with the notion of a collective history when it crosses the borders of modern nations? What then are the role and the legacy of the Golden Horde in world history? The Golden Horde in World History gives some answers to these important questions. It achieves a twofold aim: to bring to a larger academic audience a cutting-edge research that remains barely known outside the circle of specialists and to integrate this research into the broader perspective of world history. It combines diverse approaches and questions not only to offer an exhaustive picture of the state of the field, but also to herald the most profitable directions of research and the most fruitful advances made. This comprehensive new synthesis is the result of the collaboration of leading scholars coming from major academic institutions: Sh.Marjani Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences, Institute of Russian History of Russian Academy of Sciences and Oxford University. I wish to address my deepest thanks to those who turned a bold editorial project into this impressively compelling collective book: Rafael Khakimov, Ilnur Mirgaleev, Roman Hautala, Vadim Trepavlov. Thanks to the fantastic energy of our colleagues from the Sh.Marjani Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences and its M.A.Usmanov Centre for the Golden Horde studies, Kazan proved to be and remains a wonderful venue for historians, archaeologists and numismatists working on the Golden Horde and ready to confront their views. The understanding of the Golden Horde world, at the crossroad of Asia, Europe and the Middle East, requires such a dialogue between researchers who have different expertise. International collective publications are crucial to expanding and furthering complex fields of research, and writing history is a collective undertaking that can benefit immensely from institutional collaboration all the more so when it crosses borders. This international book will be the first to offer the readership the research outcome of the best experts in the field of the Golden Horde studies and to make the avant-garde concepts of the new global history accessible.

Intensive use of pesticides in agriculture has environmental and sanitary impacts that led to the need for less harmful techniques. Policy makers are claiming for an "ecological transition" of the sector but they are facing technological lock-ins : pesticides-based solutions remain dominant because of institutional and cognitive factors that prevent the development of other alternatives (Cowan, Gunby, 1996; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008…). In this context, the idea of enlarging the participation of new actors in technological decisions has gained success as it is supposed to enlarge the range of available evidence and lead to better and fairer technological choices (Barber, 1984; Callon et al., 2001; Elgert, 2010)This PhD research aims at questioning the idea of participation as a way to unlock technological lock-ins , using the case of Conservation Agriculture (CA) in France and Brazil, an innovation presented as based on participatory dynamics of R&D and a way to achieve sustainable agriculture, in spite of the dependence of some practices on an intensive use of herbicides. Data was collected from academic literature, documentary analysis, and semi directive or collective interviews with 51 actors both in France and Brazil. Results show the deep changes the regime of knowledge in agriculture has undergone in the last decades under the liberalization of the sector- and why referring to the idea of participation is unefficient to counterbalance these structural changes, or can even have perverse effects.Academic literature described the evolution of agricultural policies, at the international, European and French levels, analyzing the "environmental" turn of the 1980s and the "liberal" turn of the 1990s-2000s (Fouilleux, 2003; Muller, 2000; Trouvé, 2007). But few studies focused on the impacts these changes had on how decision makers and farmers have access to scientific and technical evidence to innovate and cope with new situations. This PhD research shows how the regime of knowledge in France evolved from the modernization period (1960s) - when access to reliable evidence was an issue of public concern and funding in the State administrations and extension services; to a turning point in the 2000s when the State progressively disengaged from the debate on the technological trajectory of the sector and private firms became more and more implicated. In the case of CA, the results of a policy networks analysis show the concentration of material resources to produce robust evidence (R&D, extension services, databases ) in the hands of private firms wishing to develop technological packages based on the use of pesticides. On the other hand, local farmers trying to reduce their consumption of pesticides lack resources to systematically evaluate the innovations they produce.In this context, the idea of participation refers to organizing big national consultations (as the Grenelle de l'Environnement) that rather aim at producing consensus than shedding light on existing controversies and alternatives. It is also used to discharge the responsibility for producing pesticide-less alternatives to different kinds of partnerships at a local level (sometimes associating private firms with commercial interests in selling pesticides).This research therefore shows that, besides other institutional and cognitive factors, the issue of accessing adequate evidence is of crucial importance to understand changes in policy making and the State and at the heart of great economic and socio-political conflicts. It also highlights the importance of taking into account structural determinants and evidence-related power games in order to evaluate the impacts of "participation" on improving technological choices. ; Les modèles techniques agricoles fondés sur l'utilisation de produits phytopharmaceutiques (pesticides) ont des impacts environnementaux et sanitaires face auxquels les pouvoirs publics affichent la volonté d'une « transition écologique ». Dans ce contexte, on s'interroge de plus en plus sur la notion de verrouillage technologique pour comprendre la persistance de ces modèles et les obstacles au développement d'alternatives techniques moins consommatrices de ces produits (Cowan, Gunby, 1996 ; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008). Les analyses mettent en avant l'importance des dimensions cognitives pour expliquer les situations de verrouillage (influence des cadres cognitifs et normes pour l'action, dispositifs matériels d'accès aux connaissances techniques – Stassart, Jamar, 2009 ; Labarthe, 2010). Parallèlement, la « participation » est souvent invoquée comme un moyen d'améliorer la mobilisation des connaissances dans les situations de choix technologiques (Barber, 1984 ; Callon et al., 2001…).L'objectif de cette thèse est de mettre à l'épreuve cette conviction sur la participation, à partir de l'étude du cas de l'agriculture de conservation (AC) en France et au Brésil. L'AC est un modèle technologique innovant qui émerge comme « candidat » à l'agriculture durable dans le débat public, en dépit de la dépendance de certaines techniques à l'utilisation d'herbicides.Pour comprendre les effets de la participation sur la capacité des acteurs à accéder aux connaissances et à faire des choix technologiques, la thèse analyse la façon dont l'idée de participation se décline concrètement dans le régime d'accès aux connaissances en agriculture. L'évolution de la politique agricole en France et le passage d'un référentiel « modernisateur » à un « référentiel de marché » (Muller, 2000) a fait l'objet de nombreuses études, mais peu souvent menées depuis le point de vue des connaissances. Or, de profonds changements sont en cours, suite au tournant libéral des années 1990 et à la transformation du rôle de l'Etat vers la mise en œuvre d'une régulation par l'information (Majone, 1996). L'analyse de ces transformations en France révèle que l'Etat ne s'est pas doté des dispositifs institutionnels et matériels adéquats pour assurer cette fonction de régulation dans le domaine de l'agriculture et de l'utilisation des pesticides. Dans ce contexte, la participation est invoquée pour organiser de grandes consultations nationales (Grenelle de l'Environnement) visant à produire du consensus sur des sujets controversés, tandis que les moyens matériels d'accès à des connaissances adéquates pour évaluer et débattre des options technologiques font défaut dans les services de l'Etat et auprès d'autres acteurs du débat public. adéquats La participation est aussi utilisée pour renvoyer l'innovation à des dispositifs locaux « en partenariat » ou « en réseaux » associant public et privé (et notamment les firmes d'amont fournisseuses de produits phytopharmaceutiques, porteuses de conflits d'intérêt), où les moyens mutualisés pour l'accès aux connaissances manquent. L'analyse des réseaux d'action publique impliqués dans le développement de l'AC confirme cette fragmentation croissante des conditions d'accès aux connaissances, entre accumulation des ressources cognitives par les firmes, et inégalités d'accès aux connaissances entre agriculteurs développant des alternatives. Dans ce contexte, la référence à « la participation » ne permet pas de compenser ces changements structurels à l'œuvre, et masque au contraire le retrait de l'Etat d'une politique volontariste en faveur de la réduction de pesticides et la perte d'un certain nombre de ses prérogatives liées aux connaissances. La dimension comparative avec le Brésil permet de confirmer l'existence de tels effets « pervers » en termes de dépolitisation des débats sur les évolutions du régime d'accès aux connaissances.

Intensive use of pesticides in agriculture has environmental and sanitary impacts that led to the need for less harmful techniques. Policy makers are claiming for an "ecological transition" of the sector but they are facing technological lock-ins : pesticides-based solutions remain dominant because of institutional and cognitive factors that prevent the development of other alternatives (Cowan, Gunby, 1996; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008…). In this context, the idea of enlarging the participation of new actors in technological decisions has gained success as it is supposed to enlarge the range of available evidence and lead to better and fairer technological choices (Barber, 1984; Callon et al., 2001; Elgert, 2010)This PhD research aims at questioning the idea of participation as a way to unlock technological lock-ins , using the case of Conservation Agriculture (CA) in France and Brazil, an innovation presented as based on participatory dynamics of R&D and a way to achieve sustainable agriculture, in spite of the dependence of some practices on an intensive use of herbicides. Data was collected from academic literature, documentary analysis, and semi directive or collective interviews with 51 actors both in France and Brazil. Results show the deep changes the regime of knowledge in agriculture has undergone in the last decades under the liberalization of the sector- and why referring to the idea of participation is unefficient to counterbalance these structural changes, or can even have perverse effects.Academic literature described the evolution of agricultural policies, at the international, European and French levels, analyzing the "environmental" turn of the 1980s and the "liberal" turn of the 1990s-2000s (Fouilleux, 2003; Muller, 2000; Trouvé, 2007). But few studies focused on the impacts these changes had on how decision makers and farmers have access to scientific and technical evidence to innovate and cope with new situations. This PhD research shows how the regime of knowledge in France evolved from the modernization period (1960s) - when access to reliable evidence was an issue of public concern and funding in the State administrations and extension services; to a turning point in the 2000s when the State progressively disengaged from the debate on the technological trajectory of the sector and private firms became more and more implicated. In the case of CA, the results of a policy networks analysis show the concentration of material resources to produce robust evidence (R&D, extension services, databases ) in the hands of private firms wishing to develop technological packages based on the use of pesticides. On the other hand, local farmers trying to reduce their consumption of pesticides lack resources to systematically evaluate the innovations they produce.In this context, the idea of participation refers to organizing big national consultations (as the Grenelle de l'Environnement) that rather aim at producing consensus than shedding light on existing controversies and alternatives. It is also used to discharge the responsibility for producing pesticide-less alternatives to different kinds of partnerships at a local level (sometimes associating private firms with commercial interests in selling pesticides).This research therefore shows that, besides other institutional and cognitive factors, the issue of accessing adequate evidence is of crucial importance to understand changes in policy making and the State and at the heart of great economic and socio-political conflicts. It also highlights the importance of taking into account structural determinants and evidence-related power games in order to evaluate the impacts of "participation" on improving technological choices. ; Les modèles techniques agricoles fondés sur l'utilisation de produits phytopharmaceutiques (pesticides) ont des impacts environnementaux et sanitaires face auxquels les pouvoirs publics affichent la volonté d'une « transition écologique ». Dans ce contexte, on s'interroge de plus en plus sur la notion de verrouillage technologique pour comprendre la persistance de ces modèles et les obstacles au développement d'alternatives techniques moins consommatrices de ces produits (Cowan, Gunby, 1996 ; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008). Les analyses mettent en avant l'importance des dimensions cognitives pour expliquer les situations de verrouillage (influence des cadres cognitifs et normes pour l'action, dispositifs matériels d'accès aux connaissances techniques – Stassart, Jamar, 2009 ; Labarthe, 2010). Parallèlement, la « participation » est souvent invoquée comme un moyen d'améliorer la mobilisation des connaissances dans les situations de choix technologiques (Barber, 1984 ; Callon et al., 2001…).L'objectif de cette thèse est de mettre à l'épreuve cette conviction sur la participation, à partir de l'étude du cas de l'agriculture de conservation (AC) en France et au Brésil. L'AC est un modèle technologique innovant qui émerge comme « candidat » à l'agriculture durable dans le débat public, en dépit de la dépendance de certaines techniques à l'utilisation d'herbicides.Pour comprendre les effets de la participation sur la capacité des acteurs à accéder aux connaissances et à faire des choix technologiques, la thèse analyse la façon dont l'idée de participation se décline concrètement dans le régime d'accès aux connaissances en agriculture. L'évolution de la politique agricole en France et le passage d'un référentiel « modernisateur » à un « référentiel de marché » (Muller, 2000) a fait l'objet de nombreuses études, mais peu souvent menées depuis le point de vue des connaissances. Or, de profonds changements sont en cours, suite au tournant libéral des années 1990 et à la transformation du rôle de l'Etat vers la mise en œuvre d'une régulation par l'information (Majone, 1996). L'analyse de ces transformations en France révèle que l'Etat ne s'est pas doté des dispositifs institutionnels et matériels adéquats pour assurer cette fonction de régulation dans le domaine de l'agriculture et de l'utilisation des pesticides. Dans ce contexte, la participation est invoquée pour organiser de grandes consultations nationales (Grenelle de l'Environnement) visant à produire du consensus sur des sujets controversés, tandis que les moyens matériels d'accès à des connaissances adéquates pour évaluer et débattre des options technologiques font défaut dans les services de l'Etat et auprès d'autres acteurs du débat public. adéquats La participation est aussi utilisée pour renvoyer l'innovation à des dispositifs locaux « en partenariat » ou « en réseaux » associant public et privé (et notamment les firmes d'amont fournisseuses de produits phytopharmaceutiques, porteuses de conflits d'intérêt), où les moyens mutualisés pour l'accès aux connaissances manquent. L'analyse des réseaux d'action publique impliqués dans le développement de l'AC confirme cette fragmentation croissante des conditions d'accès aux connaissances, entre accumulation des ressources cognitives par les firmes, et inégalités d'accès aux connaissances entre agriculteurs développant des alternatives. Dans ce contexte, la référence à « la participation » ne permet pas de compenser ces changements structurels à l'œuvre, et masque au contraire le retrait de l'Etat d'une politique volontariste en faveur de la réduction de pesticides et la perte d'un certain nombre de ses prérogatives liées aux connaissances. La dimension comparative avec le Brésil permet de confirmer l'existence de tels effets « pervers » en termes de dépolitisation des débats sur les évolutions du régime d'accès aux connaissances.

Paradoxically, but together with the creation of united or at least harmonized legal, economic and partly political space in the EU it is risen momentum an intensive processes of its differentiation. The differentiation is expressed in the emergence within the EU several sub-groups, some of which goes forward, integrating all new areas of relationships, and the other part, which consists of countries that do not want or do not may follow suit (because of the mentality or the level of socio-economic development models) remains behind and thus albeit slowly, but seriously hampers the integration of the Union.The concept of European integration, created in 1950, declares that Member States should move forward with the same speed and equally participate in the implementation of integration projects. Countries that joined, are provided with time-limited transitional periods, after which all legislation and Community Programs is completely spread on them.It seemed that all the processes should take place smoothly, but as history has shown, each successive wave of expansion inevitably led to the differentiation of views on integration processes and methods for their implementation. EU becomes larger than the number of member states, and, consequently, more heterogeneous, with complicated and delayed process of transition. After the enlargement in 2004 and 2007 by 12 countries in Central , Eastern and Southern Europe, took place a question about general existence of the EU as a united front with the forced artificial fragmentation (although de facto separation is already there: the euro zone, the Schengen area, European monetary System, and some other projects).These problems are weakly researched by modern researchers that should draw attention to the special position of the Nordic countries in the process. Therefore the purpose of this paper is to study the role of the Nordic subregion in the process of differentiation of the European Union.Specific role in the differentiation of the EU is played by the Nordic countries. Having no alternative of no cooperation with the EU, Nordic countries have found their own way to adapt to the integration process and, at the same time, seriously affected the formation of differentiated structures of all states.Different position of the Nordic countries in the European Union was created due to historical, political, economic and national-identical reasons in each country of the region. For example, in the early 1990s, Sweden and Finland adhered to a policy of neutrality, Iceland was held on the basis of its specific geopolitical location, Norway is not sought because of the special structure of the economy and the unwillingness to be bound by the strict EU obligations in the areas of fisheries, shipbuilding and marine transport, Denmark, by contrast, received a positive result in the referendum in 1973, and the first of the Nordic countries joined the European community.However, the global geopolitical and economic changes taking place in the world and particularly in Europe in the early XX century, could not avoid and the Nordic countries. Already in 1995 Sweden and Finland entered the EU. Norway had the negative decision twice after nationwide referendums in 1972 and 1994, and Oslo had to withdraw its application for accession to the Union.Coordinated and final position among the Nordic region towards the EU has not worked today. Therefore, to assess their role in the European Union clearly is quite difficult. On the one hand, the Nordic countries are serviceable payers to the EU budget, have good performance in economic growth and high standards of living (for instance, the rated list of countries with the highest level of life quality, composed of the United Nations in 2009, showed that Norway and Iceland took 1st and 3rd place respectively), are actively involved in the discussion of all the current problems of the EU. On the other – you can't deny that there is a considerable skepticism about the deepening of European integration in the Nordic countries. In practice, it is embodied in the so-called 'special position'.Such a state of affairs is due to largely negative attitude of the Scandinavian countries to the impact increase of European institutions on domestic policies of the Member States, concern about the preservation of a unique social model and the reluctance to transfer important components of national sovereignty under the jurisdiction of European structures. For example, Denmark and Sweden as members of the EU are constantly faced a difficult dilemma: on the one hand, they are afraid of losing much of their national sovereignty, on the other – almost without participating in major projects of the EU, these countries reduce their influence within the EU. Norway and Iceland fee for participation in the single market and the Schengen agreement is also quite high, and they are also required to implement the decisions taken by others.In addition, Denmark and Sweden are consistent supporters of the enlargement of the European Union. The expansion was included as one of the priorities in the program's presidency of both countries in the EU in different years. This is due to, on the one hand, the Nordic countries increased attention to the problems of democracy in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, on the other hand, every enlargement slows the deepening of European integration objective creates a more comfortable environment for most of the Scandinavian countries in the European Union.Finland, in contrast to the other Nordic countries, fully blended into EU structures, and now Finland is an active member of the EU, involved in all projects of the Union (lobbing interests of Russia).Thus, taking into account the above, it can be argued that the process of differentiation is problematic with controversial and ambiguous opinions of scholars. For example, according to Mr. Babynin, the researcher of the Institute for European Integration Research , RAS Europe , the so-called 'system exceptions' to the Nordic countries complicates the institutional structure of the EU and is justified by the desire of the new Member States get any exceptions primarily for themselves. For this reason, the full adoption of all EU law without any exceptions is indispensable for its survival and existence of effective. His colleague Mr. Kaveshnikov is convinced that the main advantage of the process of differentiation is that it gives the Union a chance to develop dynamically after each round of enlargement. The so-called 'enhanced cooperation' allows to combine the deepening and widening of integration, albeit by eliminating the uniform application of the law. And so this differentiation can prevent the creation of various forms of deep integration outside the EU structures (especially taking into account the historical tendency of the Nordic countries to cooperation). ; Статья посвящена исследованию и анализу скандинавского субрегиона в процессе дифференциации Европейского Союза. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню та аналізу скандинавського субрегіону в процесі диференціації Європейського Союзу.

There is the need for a legal instrument that would first and foremost establish the executive powers of a new entity with overarching responsibilities and powers over all the authorities that have sectoral responsibilities for climate change. Such a legal instrument should also identify these sectoral authorities and their responsibilities, preferably within an Annex which could be amended and adjusted in a flexible manner. This instrument should be managed by a new unit on climate change within MRA and it should ensure integration without causing fragmentation between the sectors. At the same time, retaining the sectoral input would ensure that there is no duplication of roles, that the institutions are specialised within their own field and that the overarching institution does not becomes a bottle neck. In other words, different competent authorities responsible for the different sectoral policies and obligations should remain, but these must be answerable to an institution that has executive powers to ensure compliance and to coordinate long and short term planning with respect to climate change targets and impacts. By way of recommendation therefore, a legal instrument of this sort should seek to intervene as little as possible in the daily running of the sectoral policies and only apply its powers in situations of emergency when non compliance by the different sectors stalls the fulfilment of Malta's obligations. Its main role should be to ensure implementation of a National Strategy on Mitigation and Adaptation. This legal instrument would not duplicate the role of public institutions that are already regulators for various sectors on climate change. It would however empower the new entity to take enforcement measures against the said institutions if they fail to do so. It would also ensure the implementation and enforcement of existing legislation that regulates the various sectors in order to rationalize their sustainable use and provide for conservation measures. This would benefit both the implementation of mitigation and adaptation measures. An entity entrusted with the overall responsibility for climate change law and policy must be legally empowered to ensure the implementation of national adaptation programmes. It must also coordinate the various sectors to carry out the necessary research to adopt and implement mitigation and adaptation measures. It must necessarily be supported by a parallel capacity building process in the various entities that run the day-to- day implementation functions. On an administrative level, without necessarily being included in a legal instrument, memoranda of understanding and stakeholder dialogue are indispensable tools to ensure cooperation. This will facilitate reaching mitigation and adaptation targets within the stipulated time frames. The mainstreaming of climate change impacts in national policies ensures the adoption of mitigation and adaptation measures and guarantees synergy and linkages amongst various public plans and programmes. Response to climate change should take place at a strategic level to assess beforehand the socio-economic impacts of any mitigation and adaptation measures adopted as a consequence prior to mainstreaming into national policy making. The existing Regulations on the Strategic Environment Assessment already include climate change impacts as one of the issues that needs to be taken into consideration in an SEA. Furthermore, for all those situations where an SEA is not required, Maltese authorities should promote pro-active adaptation measures such as, for example, in development planning, rather than take reactive adaptation measures. The new climate change legal instrument must ensure effective monitoring and stakeholder engagement, particularly the involvement of NGOS and Local Councils which increases public awareness on climate change issues. The new law should also take into consideration national security issues relating to climate change when formulating mitigation and adaptation strategies. The new law should also target the development of a research programme for climate change, including access to funding programmes. It is vital that Investment in research and development in all sectors should not remain on a voluntary basis. It will provide local industry with the necessary technology and it will generate specialised local expertise in a rapidly growing sector that is assuming a tremendous economic potential. Procrastination is detrimental on two main fronts. First because Malta will miss out in securing a place in this niche-market and second because we will keep relying upon foreign technology and expertise. Since Malta can rely on and pool from the scientific and technical advice of the European Environmental agency, it is best to concentrate on investing in scientific and technical research that addresses the local scenario. This should be earmarked as a priority for EU funded projects and care should be taken not to duplicate research conducted by EU agencies to which Malta has access, but rather to build upon it and apply it at the local level. It is also essential to include as a legal obligation the publication to civil society of information acquired as a result of research conducted at the EU level or carried out locally. It must be ensured that all sectors surmount the constraints due to the lack of a sound knowledge base on local ecosystem dynamics. Filling such a gap would serve to build local scientific evidence that would identify to what extent marine, terrestrial and aquatic flora and fauna groups are vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Emphasis should be placed on minor and already vulnerable groups. All sectors should be legally bound to maintain a Geographic Information System to integrate data related to climate change, and any other data required apart from spatial information. Adopting and implementing the recommendations suggested by the National Sustainable Development Strategy for Malta would greatly enhance the implementation of adaptation measures relating to climate change, both on a cross-sectoral and sectoral level. At present it is envisaged that the government is currently preparing a new Bill on sustainable development, in the meantime the applicable provisions of the EPA by virtue of which the sustainable development strategy was published should continue to apply. Malta should also endeavour to promote more regional cooperation in the Mediterranean under the Barcelona Convention framework and Euro Med, to identify the adaptation needs of the Mediterranean littoral to the impacts of climate change. Authorities should initiate immediately, even at the regional Mediterranean level, studies to assess vulnerability due to climate change, how new opportunities may be tapped, how to meet with the negative consequences of climate change in the sector, how to ensure that local operators adapt to the shift in tourism trends as a result of climate change. There is the need of systematic and sustained awareness building programmes to educate all. This will intensify awareness and promote a change in behavioural patterns to improve adaptation to climate change. Increasing awareness of climate change impacts within the government, industry, and community sectors will support cultural change transitions that are required for the adoption of more climate change friendly technologies, designs, and operations by public and private operators. The new climate change law should also obligate the various sectors to formulate contingency plans. This serves to: address the negative impacts envisaged as a result of climate change particularly upon vulnerable groups. assess socio-economic implications, with increased insurance covers for risks resulting from the likely impacts of climate change. identify financial guarantees and incentives amongst the various stakeholders in all sectors. ; peer-reviewed