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One of the most striking challenges encountered during the empirical stages of our audience research project, `Making Class and the Self through Televised Ethical Scenarios' (funded as part of the ESRC's Identities and Social Action programme), stemmed from how the different discursive resources held by our research participants impacted upon the kind of data collected. We argue that social class is reconfigured in each research encounter, not only through the adoption of moral positions in relation to `reality' television as we might expect, but also through the forms of authority available for participants. Different methods enabled the display of dissimilar relationships to television: reflexive telling, immanent positioning and affective responses all gave distinct variations of moral authority. Therefore, understanding the form as well as the content of our participants' responses is crucial to interpreting our data. These methodological observations underpin our earlier theoretical critique of the `turn' to subjectivity in social theory (Wood and Skeggs, 2004), where we suggest that the performance of the self is an activity that reproduces the social distinctions that theorists claim are in demise.

What explains affective polarization among voters and societal groups? Much of the existing literature focusing on mass political polarization in modern democracies originates in the US, where studies have shown that, while ideological separation has grown, political conflict increasingly reflects social identity divisions rather than policy disagreements, resulting in affective polarization. We focus on explaining such polarization in a multi-party context. Drawing on social identity theory and intergroup threat theory, we hypothesize that individuals who perceive an intergroup threat show stronger intergroup differentiation and increased affective polarization. We analyze the influence of perceived threat on affective polarization drawing on two large-scale representative surveys in Sweden (N = 1429 and 1343). We show that individual-level affective polarization is related to perceived intergroup threats among the voters in both studies, measuring affective polarization using social distance, negative trait attribution, and party like-dislike ratings.

What explains affective polarization among voters and societal groups? Much of the existing literature focusing on mass political polarization in modern democracies originates in the US, where studies have shown that, while ideological separation has grown, political conflict increasingly reflects social identity divisions rather than policy disagreements, resulting in affective polarization. We focus on explaining such polarization in a multi-party context. Drawing on social identity theory and intergroup threat theory, we hypothesize that individuals who perceive an intergroup threat show stronger intergroup differentiation and increased affective polarization. We analyze the influence of perceived threat on affective polarization drawing on two large-scale representative surveys in Sweden (N = 1429 and 1343). We show that individual-level affective polarization is related to perceived intergroup threats among the voters in both studies, measuring affective polarization using social distance, negative trait attribution, and party like-dislike ratings. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

The catalytic role played by the Indian judiciary in providing visibility to the 'covert social prejudices' against females has succeeded in alleviating the condition of women in our patriarchal society. This paper strives to highlight the proactive role played by the judiciary in recent years, addressing women concerns in a different light, which were hitherto unconditionally accepted with complacence. Purposive approach adopted by the judiciary in interpreting existing laws, manifests adherence to the constitutional mandate of gender equality. Further, an attempt has been made to identify the areas where judicial action has fallen short in bringing about real justice to women. The research is primarily based on the normative method presenting qualitative analysis of the constitutional and legislative provisions and their judicial exposition. The paper concludes that judicial creativity needs the backing of social acceptability to bring about real social transformation towards the constitutional mandate of gender justice.

In terms of its political and social processes 2013 ended the same way 2012 did. Elections were not held; there were massive and quotidian political protests, and street fighting took place between opponents and partisans of the president. The National Political Dialogue, held in the presence of the Episcopal Commission, tried to quell the violence and look for a solution to the social and political problems of the country. This article looks back at the political, social and economic events that took place during 2013. It shows that actors from the civil society have been very active in the search for a solution to the turmoil faced by Haiti during the year. They have sought, by means of voluntarism, to solve the problems of a stuck political process. The article shows both the merits and limits of the solutions they offered. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporary scholarship that has examined the connection between politics, religion, & social change in Latin American nations is reviewed. Although much research emphasized the institutional aspects of church, society, & state relations in various Latin American countries, it is noted that some literature has investigated grassroots religious movements. Topics that have received attention in recent scholarship include the ambiguous status of progressive Catholicism in many nations, the emergence of Pentecostalism in Brazil & other countries, the influence of Pentecostalism upon constructions of gender & racial identities, the extent to which religious communities are affected by democracy & economic restructuring, & the effects of transnational migration upon family & social relationships. Although research on the affiliation between politics, religion, & social change has transcended institutional analysis, several directions for future research are suggested, eg, exploring Latin American power relations that are impacted by transnational migration, international corporations, & state & local actors. 94 References. J. W. Parker

El articulo trata de explorar los factores que permiten al sistema politico de Cuba una todavia estabilidad sorprendente, a una decada despues de la caida del muro de Berlin. Al principio se introducen los elementos estructurales exogenos y endogenos del socialismo cubano y presenta los antecedentes de la crisis. Posteriormente se documenta grosso modo el proceso de reformas y las medidas adoptadas en la Isla. El siguiente analisis demuestra que la sociedad cubana se encuentra en un proceso dinamico de heterogeneizacion social que esta destruyendo la estabilidad politica en la Isla. Retomando aspectos teoricos de la sociologia politica de la desigualdad social, se identifica como proximo el factor estabilizador especial del socialismo cubano. Finalmente, se intenta develar un posible escenario de reformas que pudiera dar a la sociedad islena una ultima posibilidad historica para una transformacion civil y social.

In a comment on Robert Gooding-Williams's "Race, Multiculturalism and Democracy" (1998 [see abstract 9900624]), it is argued that his replacement of the "we-they" framework with an expanded notion of "we" takes away from an investigation of the complex cultural sources of the self required by multiculturalism. Further, his argument that "black culture" is not unitary but made up of complex cultural articulations is supported by a specific version of social constructionism that relies on definitions inconsistent with his multiplicitous black identity. Defining black identity as the "effect of a rule-governed social practice of racial classification" contradicts a nonunitary conception of blackness that would seem to require a nonunitary conception of racial classification not dependent on distinct historical periods. Social constructionist conceptions of race as an effect are discussed, & it is suggested that an approach focusing on temporality & revisability would be a better alternative. J. Lindroth

Traces the social construction of the stranger, using as an example German society during the rise of Nazism. From a sociological point of view, locals have a place & social order from which strangers are excluded. Yet with the advent of a more reflexive modernity, regional, local, & national identities complicate the location & identification of the stranger. Reflexive modernity means that the stranger is no longer a mere cultural understanding, as people have lost their self-definition by traditional modes of place & descent. Ethnicity loses its power as a trait of social differentiation, & the stranger becomes a political-bureaucratic construction. No longer a simple process of exclusion & inclusion in the construction of strangeness, now an endless number of possibilities of exclusions can arise. As people being to interpret strangeness as a threat, the political space for the stranger to become the enemy is created. J. Cowie

Discusses the feminist-informed anthropological intervention in a 1983-1985 study of gender discourses & relations in contemporary Greece to show how this approach developed as a response to issues surrounding debates in 1970s-early 1980s feminism. The formation of this research agenda is situated in the context of Greek society poised at a critical historical moment of social reform in which legal constructions of gender difference were undergoing radical transformation. It is argued that the dual presence of feminism in the fieldwork -- as a theoretical perspective & a symbol & social movement constituting the field of investigation -- deeply unsettled the conventional separation between self & Other usually erected in anthropological discourses. It is suggested that this destabilization opened the possibility of a dynamic dialogue between theory & data, researcher & researched, & feminist self-knowledge & knowledge of gendered Others. Issues of similarity & difference are discussed in terms of shifting social & political meanings. 31 References. D. M. Smith

India's rapid economic growth in recent decades has lifted the country to become the world's third-largest economy (in purchasing power parity terms), while major economic reforms have helped dramatically reduce poverty since 2004. India was a founding member of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in 1966 and is now the bank's fourth largest shareholder. ADB's operations in India commenced in 1986, and the bank remains committed to helping the country achieve its aspiration of becoming a $5 trillion economy by 2025. India has been ADB's top borrower since 2010. ADB's country partnership strategy, 2018–2022 for India aims to accelerate the country's inclusive economic transformation. The strategy focuses on building industrial competitiveness to create more jobs, extending infrastructure and services to low-income states, and addressing environmental and climate change concerns. These objectives are pursued while promoting private sector development, gender empowerment and social inclusion, and regional integration through the South Asia Subregional Economic Cooperation (SASEC) and other forums.

Indonesia was a founding member of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in 1966. Today, the country is ADB's sixth largest shareholder and one of its largest sovereign borrowers. Indonesia has made remarkable progress in its social and economic development in the past few decades. Since the 1998 Asian financial crisis, its economy has grown tenfold and per capita income has risen eightfold. The country reached middle-income status in 2004 and became a Group of Twenty (G20) member in 2008. Poverty levels fell to single digits for the first time in 2018. Despite this progress, fostering inclusive and sustainable economic growth remains a challenge in Indonesia. Poverty is still significant, inequality and regional income disparities are relatively high, and quality jobs are scarce. To address these challenges, the Government of Indonesia's medium-term development priorities include building economic resilience to achieve quality and equitable economic growth; promoting economic infrastructure and basic services; developing quality and competitive human capital; addressing environment and climate change; and supporting regional development.