Suchergebnisse

Prejudice against citizens with right-aligned political views in western cosmopolitan cities was explored, and possible interventions proposed. Literature and theories were reviewed, with social psychological and sociological theories compiled that explain the reasons for this prejudice and an intervention to solve this problem. Scientific research in social sciences is dominated by bias from left-aligned researchers in social psychology and psychology. Dysfunctional scientific processes prominent in this area of sciences are due to the sacralization of social science. A significantly small percent of social and personality psychologists identify as politically conservative. A significant amount of errors and distortions were found in sociology textbooks. Media and corporation biases toward left-aligned political views were found, and right-aligned individuals are out-group members in cosmopolitan cities. Inoculation by media assignments and critical literacy education is proposed, that could prevent school students from being influenced by stealth messages and propaganda. Media campaigns targeting the full spectrum of political views is proposed, that could help reduce biases of citizens. A family and community health class is proposed, that could improve student's psychological, family, and social health. Youth and adult clubs are proposed, that could help reduce animosity between social groups, and promote solidarity and community health.

Some assumptions of contemporary mainstream political philosophy have neglected the historically indexed character of concepts such as political freedom, property or sovereignty, contributing to an anachronistic and inaccurate use of its meaning. However, its academic and social hegemony shapes the political philosophy «common sense» of our time. Locke is an example of how the liberal interpretive conjuncture that unfolded in the nineteenth century and consolidated in the twentieth has obscured some of the complexity and diversity of the intellectual and normative traditions he inherited. The reconstruction of Locke's political philosophy from its fiduciary conception of political freedom contributes to make the meaning of some concepts that are critical for present normative theorizing recognizable again. ; Algunas formulaciones de la filosofía política reciente han descuidado el carácter históricamente indexado de conceptos como libertad política, propiedad o soberanía, propiciando un uso anacrónico e impreciso de su significado. No obstante, su posición académica y social dominante informa el «sentido común» filosófico- político de nuestra época. Locke constituye un ejemplo de cómo la coyuntura interpretativa liberal, que se desplegó en el siglo XIX y se consolidó en el XX, ha oscurecido una parte de la complejidad y pluralidad de las tradiciones intelectuales y normativas que heredó. La reconstrucción de la filosofía política lockeana a partir de su concepción fiduciaria de la libertad política contribuye a hacer de nuevo visible el significado de algunas concepciones fundamentales para la teorización normativa presente.

This paper investigates to what extent voters and politicians have the same preferences for locally provided welfare services. We make use of two different types of survey questionnaires; one directed towards voters and one directed towards politicians. We reach two main conclusions in the paper. First, we find that politicians have preferences for significantly different spending on locally provided welfare services compared to voters. Second, this difference remains even after controlling for politicians and voters having different socio-economic characteristics. For example, when analyzing female representation, we find that female politicians have significantly different preferences for spending than female voters. One implication of the latter result is that an increase in the ratio of female to male politicians may not be the only way to deal with the desire to increase the political representation of women.

The article investigates the origin and formation of concepts political technology. Reveals the connection between political and social technologies. Discovered level of development of political technology concept in political science. The basic scientific approaches to understanding the nature and essence of the concept political technology. The necessity of a comprehensive study of political technologies as a form of social technologies.On the modern stage of political development the technological constituent of policy in domestic science is characterized partial research. At the same time, this sphere causes interest of politicians, research workers and upravlinciv. The various going near the analysis of political technologies form various determinations. Political science determines political technologies as «aggregate of principles, methods and procedures, that the subjects of political activity use. Political technologies, based on a theoretical analysis.Usually sutnistniy maintenance of political technologies is bound to electoral technologies, pr-technologies, and also with the political marketing. About it mashtabne application and distribution testifies them for influence on mass consciousness during hustings. The important aspect of electoral communications is Public Relations. In Ukrainian political science conducted not enough researches from this problems. In world political science the various aspects of Public Relations are presented in more than 500 determinations. Within the limits of the generalized approach this concept is understood as science and direction of practical activity of people in relation to optimization of communicative space.In conducted modern pr-campaigns theoretical basis is conception of situation control of events and problems. It foresees intellectual co-operation from MASS-MEDIA, the main task of which is expulsing of negative information, maintainance of control of informative space, strengthening of public support.Pr-technologies, which serve political parties, candidates, institutes of state power, develop in a few directions. From creation of information message to the origin of public trust to the candidate or party it is necessary to overcome a difficult communicative way. The uses of simple charts of forming of public opinion, as a rule, do not give positive results. Not taking into account the mediated factors and not watching the change of moods, it is possible not only not to get the expected result but also produce a negative image of politician or parties.Made the following conclusions. Political technology is a part of social technologies and play an important role in modern society. The extent of their development and perfection is an indicator of the maturity of the political institutions of the state. They reflect the diversity and complexity of modern society. Political technologies with its complex structure. The type of political technology depends on the degree of political system of society. Political control and communication technology used in politics to solve specific problems. In society Transitive type of main problems of political management is to develop the best tools for solving political problems, as well as compliance with the principles of the technologies morality. In Ukraine, unfortunately mostly used manipulative political technologies. Through their application cover undemocratic procedures carried out under democratic slogans. Manipulative technologies are means of deception of citizens. This in turn does not contribute to the democratization of Ukraine. Therefore, the most urgent is to develop measures to counter political manipulation at the national level ; Статья посвящена исследованию происхождения и становления понятия «политические технологии». Раскрыто связь между политическими и социальными технологиями. Выявлена степень разработанности понятия политических технологий в политической науке. Раскрыты основные научные подходы к пониманию природы и сущности понятия «политические технологии». Определена необходимость комплексного исследования политических технологий как разновидности социальных технологий ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню походження і становлення поняття «політичні технології». Розкрито зв'язок між політичними та соціальними технологіями. Виявлено ступінь розробленості поняття політичних технологій у політичній науці. Розкрито основні наукові підходи до розуміння природи і сутності поняття «політичні технології». Визначено необхідність комплексного дослідження політичних технологій як різновиду соціальних технологій

The article investigates the origin and formation of concepts political technology. Reveals the connection between political and social technologies. Discovered level of development of political technology concept in political science. The basic scientific approaches to understanding the nature and essence of the concept political technology. The necessity of a comprehensive study of political technologies as a form of social technologies.On the modern stage of political development the technological constituent of policy in domestic science is characterized partial research. At the same time, this sphere causes interest of politicians, research workers and upravlinciv. The various going near the analysis of political technologies form various determinations. Political science determines political technologies as «aggregate of principles, methods and procedures, that the subjects of political activity use. Political technologies, based on a theoretical analysis.Usually sutnistniy maintenance of political technologies is bound to electoral technologies, pr-technologies, and also with the political marketing. About it mashtabne application and distribution testifies them for influence on mass consciousness during hustings. The important aspect of electoral communications is Public Relations. In Ukrainian political science conducted not enough researches from this problems. In world political science the various aspects of Public Relations are presented in more than 500 determinations. Within the limits of the generalized approach this concept is understood as science and direction of practical activity of people in relation to optimization of communicative space.In conducted modern pr-campaigns theoretical basis is conception of situation control of events and problems. It foresees intellectual co-operation from MASS-MEDIA, the main task of which is expulsing of negative information, maintainance of control of informative space, strengthening of public support.Pr-technologies, which serve political parties, candidates, institutes of state power, develop in a few directions. From creation of information message to the origin of public trust to the candidate or party it is necessary to overcome a difficult communicative way. The uses of simple charts of forming of public opinion, as a rule, do not give positive results. Not taking into account the mediated factors and not watching the change of moods, it is possible not only not to get the expected result but also produce a negative image of politician or parties.Made the following conclusions. Political technology is a part of social technologies and play an important role in modern society. The extent of their development and perfection is an indicator of the maturity of the political institutions of the state. They reflect the diversity and complexity of modern society. Political technologies with its complex structure. The type of political technology depends on the degree of political system of society. Political control and communication technology used in politics to solve specific problems. In society Transitive type of main problems of political management is to develop the best tools for solving political problems, as well as compliance with the principles of the technologies morality. In Ukraine, unfortunately mostly used manipulative political technologies. Through their application cover undemocratic procedures carried out under democratic slogans. Manipulative technologies are means of deception of citizens. This in turn does not contribute to the democratization of Ukraine. Therefore, the most urgent is to develop measures to counter political manipulation at the national level ; Статья посвящена исследованию происхождения и становления понятия «политические технологии». Раскрыто связь между политическими и социальными технологиями. Выявлена степень разработанности понятия политических технологий в политической науке. Раскрыты основные научные подходы к пониманию природы и сущности понятия «политические технологии». Определена необходимость комплексного исследования политических технологий как разновидности социальных технологий ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню походження і становлення поняття «політичні технології». Розкрито зв'язок між політичними та соціальними технологіями. Виявлено ступінь розробленості поняття політичних технологій у політичній науці. Розкрито основні наукові підходи до розуміння природи і сутності поняття «політичні технології». Визначено необхідність комплексного дослідження політичних технологій як різновиду соціальних технологій

Drawing widely on political historiography, political science, and political theory, this article seeks to push current understandings of the new political history through a newer, broader definition of politics. By conceptualizing politics as the activity of structuring, directing, and contesting social relations through the exercise of human agency or power, and by focusing on historical contingency, this article proposes that new political historians might take as their goal to reveal and explain how societies actively structured and restructured themselves in the past. Such an approach, this article contends, might allow new political historians to more fully explore the messiness of past politics both within and beyond government walls and to offer perhaps unexpected explanations as to how social relationships and inequalities found themselves constructed and reconstituted in the past. ; Peer reviewed ; Final article published. ; vote ; electoral franchise ; power ; agency ; social structure ; society ; the political ; politics ; historiography

This book is about the relations between literature, society and politics in the Arab world. It is an attempt to come to terms with the changing conceptualizations of the political in Arabic literature (and to a certain extent theater and the visual arts) in recent modern history. It examines historical and contemporary conceptions of literary commitment (iltizām) and how notions of 'writing with a cause' have been shaped, contested, re-actualized since the 1940s until today.
Starting with the present day, it looks at literary practices during the 'Arab Spring,' then tracks back to the beginnings of literary politicization during the 1940s and 1950s, subsequently crosses the historical caesura of the late 1960s to consider competing re-conceptualizations of literary engagement in the 1970s and 1980s, before finally returning to the 1990s through to 2011. The chapters reexamine critically both current and historical notions of the political in modern Arabic literature as well as the legacy of iltizām as a term and an agenda. They discuss literary commitment not solely as a (completed) period in Arabic literary history but also as a vivid, changing and continuing idea that questions the role of literature and the author in and for a society. Even though a number of seminal research volumes have been published on the conceptual history of Arab literary engagement in English language, there remain no book-length studies on the ongoing relationship between the literary and the political from the 1940s until today. Therefore, what makes this volume unique and outstanding is, firstly, its point of departure in approaching the question of the 'new political' in Arabic literature through an interrogation of iltizām's longevity as both a historically adaptable and adaptive literary concept—something which the 'Arab Spring' has forcefully brought back to our minds. Secondly, this volume brings together the attempts, propositions, and research results of both established and upcoming scholars in the field of modern Arab literary and cultural history, all of whom have initiated and undertaken exceptional contributions regarding the issue. As such, this book fills a gap in the field of Arabic Literary Studies as it explicitly reconsiders the legacy of Arab literary commitment and its manifold and heterogeneous conceptions in the light of recent and present day developments.

Drawing on panel data from six elections between 1998 and 2017 in Germany, we estimate the causal effect of immigration - described by Germany's interior minister as the "mother of all political problems" - on electoral support for the far right and the far left. Our identification strategy is underpinned by focusing on a particular category of immigrants, asylum seekers, who are administratively allocated across Germany according to pre-defined quotas. We find that the presence of asylum seekers has a polarizing effect, increasing vote shares for both the far right and far left. For the right, the magnitude of this effect is found to be independent of the unemployment level. For the left, the positive effect of asylum seekers tapers off with increases in unemployment, eventually becoming negative. The results suggest that the confluence of high unemployment and high immigration would tilt the electoral landscape in Germany to the right.

This article contributes insight into the working conditions of political leaders based on rarely accessible high‐quality data that include unique surveys of Danish ministers, mayors, and permanent secretaries supplemented by in‐depth interviews. The results show that the classical metaphor of the leader as a puppet master being pulled by an endless number of strings also fits the ministers. Their work life is fragmented in time and space, and their time is in great demand when compared to mayors and permanent secretaries. They experience high work pressure, which comes at a cost to their personal lives. They are exposed in public life and harassed, especially on social media. The implications for the balance between the minister and permanent bureaucracy, descriptive representation as well as policy innovation and quality of decision‐making are discussed. It is concluded that stressful working conditions are likely to affect the way our democracies work.

The conscription referendums of the First World War remain amongst the most divisive events in Australian political history. They sparked a number of libel actions, the most prominent of which was (in effect) between the leaders of the 'pro-' and 'anti-' conscription campaigns in the second referendum in December 1917: WM Hughes and TJ Ryan. The action, which resulted ultimately in an award of contemptuous damages to Ryan, reflected the limits of libel law, particularly in a jury trial, to deal satisfactorily with highly politicised issues such as conscription. Using archival and newspaper sources, this article argues that Ryan's faith in the legal and constitutional issues at the heart of his claim were misplaced given the doctrinal and forensic limits of the defamation action. Moreover, the conflict over the extent of federal power which lay at the heart of the political dispute gave the law of political libel in practice a field of operation with a distinctively Australian context.

Helping students understand abstract theories & concepts & how they apply to their everyday lives & the world around them is one of the most difficult tasks confronting a college teacher. Taking the task a step further by trying to demonstrate the ways in which the theoretical lenses used by analysts color their analyses & conclusions about real-world events is even more difficult. Using the family card game Pit as the tool, students can get a relatively realistic feel for how the structure of trading relationships, as reflected in theoretical constructs, determine (or at least condition & direct) the outcomes of international exchange & who wins & who loses in the international system. This article lays out the basic logic of the game & then develops the substance of the simulation for international relations courses. We also provide some insights into the applications of this simulation beyond international relations classes. Discussion of debriefing & student assessment of the experience is also provided. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.