Suchergebnisse

Background: Regional medical campuses (RMC) have shown promise in addressing physician shortages. RMCs have been positively evaluated in rural/remote communities, however, it is unclear whether this model will be as beneficial in underserved urban areas. This study evaluated the impact of a RMC on a midsized urban city (Windsor, Ontario). We compare our results with a similar study conducted in a remote community in British Columbia (BC). Methods: A broad array of community stakeholders representing different sectors were consulted using a semi-structured interview format replicated from the BC Northern Medical Program (NMP) study. Thematic analysis based on the resulting rich data was conducted within a grounded theory context. Results: Twenty-three participants (52% male) representing healthcare, education, business, community and government/politico sectors were consulted. Their views regarding the Windsor Regional Medical Campus (WRMC) aligned around several themes: improved healthcare, enhanced community reputation, stimulated economic/community development, expanded training opportunities and an engaged community regarding the WRMC. These results were compared to the main findings of the NMP study with both similarities (e.g. increased community pride) and differences (e.g. resource concerns) discussed. Conclusion: Community stakeholders provided strong support for the WRMC through their perceptions of its positive impact on this urban region. These findings are consistent with similar RMC studies in rural/remote areas. Those interested in developing a RMC might benefit from considering these findings. ; Contexte: Les campus cliniques régionaux (CCR) se sont révélés prometteurs pour remédier à la pénurie de médecins. Les CCR ont été évalués positivement dans les collectivités rurales/éloignées, mais il n'est pas certain que ce modèle soit aussi bénéfique dans les zones urbaines mal desservies. La présente étude évalue l'impact d'un CCR dans une ville de taille moyenne (Windsor, Ontario). Nous comparons nos résultats avec ceux d'une étude similaire menée dans une collectivité éloignée en Colombie-Britannique (BC). Méthode: Un large éventail de parties prenantes de la collectivité représentant différents secteurs a été consulté par le biais d'entrevues semi-structurées calquées sur celles de l'étude du BC Northern Medical Program (NMP). L'analyse thématique des riches données obtenues a été faite selon l'approche de la Grounded Theory (théorie ancrée). Résultats: Vingt-trois participants (52% d'hommes) des secteurs de la santé, de l'éducation, des affaires, de la vie communautaire, du gouvernement ou encore du monde politique ont été consultés. Leurs opinions concernant le campus clinique régional de Windsor (WRMC) s'articulaient autour de plusieurs thèmes: l'amélioration des soins de santé, le renforcement de la réputation de la collectivité, la stimulation du développement économique et communautaire, l'élargissement des possibilités de formation et l'engagement de la communauté envers le WRMC. Les résultats ont été comparés aux principales conclusions de l'étude du NMP, en analysant aussi bien les similitudes (par exemple, fierté accrue de la collectivité) que les différences (par exemple, les préoccupations en matière de ressources). Conclusion: Percevant l'impact positif qu'a eu le WRMC dans la région urbaine, les acteurs de la collectivité témoignent d'un ferme appui à son égard. Ces résultats sont conformes aux études similaires portant sur des CCR dans les zones rurales/éloignées. Les résultats de l'étude seraient utiles à tous ceux qui souhaitant mettre sur pied un CCR.

The article aims to identify the specifics of the position of Germany on humanitarian intervention in Libya in 2011. Germany abstained from voting on UN Security Council Resolution 1973. Germany did not support a military solution to the conflict as provided for in paragraphs 4 and 8 of the Resolution. Germany did not intend to sponsor foreign troops. It has taken a different position than its main allies – France, Great Britain, and the United States. The reason is not due to disagreements with allies in the Alliance, but due to domestic political pressure on the coalition government. Another interesting explanation for government policy is the economic indicators according to which Libya did not play an important role in the German economy.It can be concluded that the USD / FDR government decided to abstain from the UN vote on Resolution 1973 because it was not a priority for Germany and because Guido Westerwelle believed that the goals of France, Britain and the United States could be achieved without intervention, only through sanctions. Germany's limited role in the Libyan crisis and its special NATO policies suggest that German politicians, faced with the financial crisis and its potential consequences in Europe, deliberately sought to limit Germany's international obligations and therefore refused to participate in securing the no-fly zone. However, Germany's reputation among its Western allies was almost shattered. The Merkel government's retention has surprised not only its closest allies – France, Britain and the United States – but also accused Berlin of playing on Russia's side. Germany became considered an unreliable ally. However, the decision not to take part in the operation in Libya indicates that Germany will continue to evaluate each military operation on its own terms, rather than reflecting British and French policies. ; Стаття має на меті виявлення особливостей позиції ФРН щодо проведення гуманітарної інтервенції в Лівії у 2011 р. Німеччина втрималася від голосування по резолюції 1973 Ради Безпеки ООН. ФРН не підтримала військовий варіант вирішення конфлікту, як це було передбачено в пунктах 4 і 8 резолюції. Німеччина не мала наміру спонсорувати чужі війська. Вона зайняла іншу позицію ніж її головні союзники – Франція, Великобританія й США. Причина пов'язана не з розбіжностями із союзниками по Альянсу, а із внутрішньополітичним тиском на коаліційний уряд. Ще одним цікавим поясненням для урядової політики є економічні показники, за якими Лівія не відігравала важливої ролі у німецькій економіці. Можна зробити висновок, що уряд СДУ/ФДП ухвалив рішення утриматися на голосуванні ООН по резолюції 1973, тому що це не було пріоритетним питанням для ФРН, і тому, що Гідо Вестервелле вважав, що цілі Франції, Великобританії й США могли бути досягнуті без інтервенції, за допомогою санкцій. Обмежена роль Німеччини у лівійській кризі й її особлива політика у рамках НАТО дозволяє припустити, що німецькі політичні діячі, зіштовхнувшись із фінансовою кризою і її потенційними наслідками в Європі, свідомо прагнули обмежити міжнародні зобов'язання Німеччини й тому відмовилися брати участь у забезпеченні нелітної зони. Тим не менш, репутація Німеччини серед її західних союзників була майже розбита. Утримання уряду Меркель спричинило не просто здивування її найближчих союзників – Франції, Британії та США, – а звинувачення Берліну в грі на боці Росії. Німеччина стала вважатися ненадійним союзником. Однак, рішення не брати участь в операції у Лівії свідчить, що Німеччина буде продовжувати оцінювати кожну воєнну операцію на своїх власних умовах, а не відбивати британську й французьку політику.

The Dardanelles region has formed a key gateway connecting the Eastern Paratethys and the Aegean/Mediterranean since the late Miocene. Its sedimentary sequences contain crucial information about connectivity and tectonics but so far lack unambiguous age constraints. Only a few Miocene marine episodes have been documented and fossil assemblages are predominantly composed of Paratethyan fauna (mollusks and ostracods). Here, we apply an integrated stratigraphic approach and use the recently established chronostratigraphy for the Eastern Paratethys to re-evaluate the faunal assemblages and palaeoenvironments of the Seddulbahir and Intepe sections that allegedly played a crucial role in the geodynamic evolution of the Dardanelles during the Messinian-Zanclean. The Paratethyan ostracods and mollusks, however, clearly indicate that these sections correspond to the middle Tortonian (similar to 9 Ma; Bessarabian-Khersonian in Eastern Paratethys terminology). Nannofossil assemblages are dominated by a mixing of reworked taxa from the late Eocene and Oligocene and no age-diagnostic taxa have been observed. Dinoflagellate analyses are also hampered by reworking and mainly reveal non-marine (fresh to oligohaline) aquatic conditions. Fossil mammal remains in the Seddulbahir section and other localities in the region confirm the late Miocene age. Strontium (Sr-87/Sr-86) isotope ratios of the anomalohaline (brackish) ostracods are significantly below open ocean values and similar to values obtained from Khersonian ostracods of Bulgaria. Fresh water assemblages reveal much higher Sr-87/Sr-86 values, which are interpreted to reflect the composition of local rivers. We conclude that in late Miocene times the Dardanelles region was a fresh to anomalohaline embayment, ephemerally connected to the Eastern Paratethys. We found no evidence for a major Messinian erosional surface nor for marine Mediterranean fossils indicative of the early Zanclean. Our results furthermore indicate that the proposed Messinian age for the propagation of the North Anatolian Fault into the Dardanelles region must be revised. ; C1 [Krijgsman, Wout; Hoyle, Thomas M.; Jorissen, Elisabeth L.; Lazarev, Sergei; Wesselingh, Frank P.] Univ Utrecht, Dept Earth Sci, Budapestlaan 17, NL-3584 CD Utrecht, Netherlands. ; [Stoica, Marius; Rausch, Lea] Bucharest Univ, Dept Geol, Balcescu Bd, Bucharest 010041, Romania. ; [Hoyle, Thomas M.] CASP, West Bldg,Madingley Rd, Cambridge CB3 0UD, England. ; [Rausch, Lea] Petrostrat, Parc Caer Seion, Conwy LL32 8FA, Wales. ; [Bista, Diksha; Flecker, Rachel] Univ Bristol, BRIDGK Sch Geog Sci, Univ Rd, Bristol BS8 1SS, Avon, England. ; [Bista, Diksha; Flecker, Rachel] Univ Bristol, Cabot Inst, Univ Rd, Bristol BS8 1SS, Avon, England. ; [Bista, Diksha] British Geol Survey, NERC Isotope Geosci Lab, Keyworth NG12 5GG, Notts, England. ; [Alcicek, Mehmet Cihat] Pamukkale Univ, Dept Geol, TR-20070 Denizli, Turkey. ; [Ilgar, Ayhan] Gen Directorate Mineral Res & Explorat MTA, Dept Geol Res, TR-06800 Ankara, Turkey. ; [Ostende, Lars W. van den Hoek; Neubauer, Thomas A.; Wesselingh, Frank P.] Nat Biodivers Ctr, Dcuwinweg 2, NL-2333 CR Leiden, Netherlands. ; [Mayda, Serdar] Ege Univ, Fac Sci, Biol Dept, Izmir, Turkey. ; [Raffi, Isabella] Univ G dAnnunzio, Dipartimento Ingn & Geol InGeo, Chieti, Italy. ; [Mandic, Oleg] Nat Hist Museum Vienna, Geol Palaeontol Dept, Burgring 7, A-1010 Vienna, Austria. ; [Neubauer, Thomas A.] Justus Liebig Univ, Dept Anim Ecol & Systemat, Heinrich Buff Ring 26-32 IFZ, D-35392 Giessen, Germany.

У статті проаналізовано академічну мобільність та міжнародну діяльність у сучасному технічному університеті та їхній вплив на підвищення конкурентоздатності закладу вищої освіти в українських та світових рейтингах. Визначені найбільш значимі умови, котрі здатні забезпечити ефективний поступ університету на тлі глобалізаційних процесів у вищій освіті. Окрему увагу приділено потенційним бар'єрам, які можуть стати на заваді ефективній реалізації академічної мобільності. На прикладі діяльності Національного технічного університету "Харківський політехнічний інститут" розглянуто процес планомірного та цілеспрямованого налагодження відносин з академічними спільнотами зарубіжних країн. Приділено увагу важливості участі університету у світових рейтингах QS World University Rankings, The Times Higher Educational Ranking, THE WUR тощо. Участь у цих та інших загальновизнаних світовою спільнотою університетських рейтингах є важливим кроком в ефективній реалізації програм академічної мобільності, оскільки багато країн використовують адміністративні важелі для регулювання потоків студентства – визнають лише дипломи ЗВО-учасників таких рейтингів, часто надають державні стипендії чи інші преференції. Окреме питання, котре висвітлено на сторінках публікації – вдосконалення мовної підготовки науково-педагогічних працівників. Обґрунтовано доцільність збільшення кількості викладачів, які вільно володіють англійською мовою, та збільшення англомовних програм бакалавра, магістра та доктора філософії. Ці питання взаємопов'язані, тож інтенсифікація роботи з отримання викладачами університету сертифікатів, котрі підтверджують знання англійської мови на рівні В2 чи вище буде сприяти розвитку англомовних програм на кількісному, а головне – на якісному рівні. Підвищення якості володіння іноземними мовами науково-педагогічними працівниками може відбуватися як унаслідок реалізації виключно внутрішніх програм, так і завдяки участі в різноманітних мовних програмах таких установ, як Британська Рада, у програмах академічного обміну. ; The article analyzes academic mobility and international activities in a modern technical university and their impact on improving the competitiveness of higher education institutions in the Ukrainian and world rankings. The most significant conditions that can ensure the effective progress of the university against the background of globalization processes in higher education are identified. Particular attention is paid to potential barriers that may hinder the effective implementation of academic mobility. The process of systematic and purposeful establishment of relations with academic communities of foreign countries is considered on the example of the activity of the National Technical University "Kharkiv Polytechnic Institute". Attention is paid to the importance of the university's participation in the world rankings QS World University Rankings, The Times Higher Educational Ranking, THE WUR, etc. Participation in these and other universally recognized university rankings is an important step in the effective implementation of academic mobility programs, as many countries use administrative levers to regulate student flows – recognizing only diplomas from universities participating in such rankings, often providing government scholarships or other preferences. A separate issue covered on the pages of the publication is the improvement of language training of scientific and pedagogical workers. The expediency of increasing the number of teachers who are fluent in English and increasing the English-language programs of bachelor, master and doctor of philosophy is substantiated. These issues are interrelated, so intensifying the work of obtaining university certificates confirming knowledge of English at the level of B2 or higher, will contribute to the development of English-language programs on a quantitative and, most importantly, qualitative level. Improving the quality of foreign language proficiency by research and teaching staff can occur as a result of the implementation of exclusively internal programs, and through participation in various language programs of institutions such as the British Council, academic exchange programs.

The article aims to identify the specifics of the position of Germany on humanitarian intervention in Libya in 2011. Germany abstained from voting on UN Security Council Resolution 1973. Germany did not support a military solution to the conflict as provided for in paragraphs 4 and 8 of the Resolution. Germany did not intend to sponsor foreign troops. It has taken a different position than its main allies – France, Great Britain, and the United States. The reason is not due to disagreements with allies in the Alliance, but due to domestic political pressure on the coalition government. Another interesting explanation for government policy is the economic indicators according to which Libya did not play an important role in the German economy.It can be concluded that the USD / FDR government decided to abstain from the UN vote on Resolution 1973 because it was not a priority for Germany and because Guido Westerwelle believed that the goals of France, Britain and the United States could be achieved without intervention, only through sanctions. Germany's limited role in the Libyan crisis and its special NATO policies suggest that German politicians, faced with the financial crisis and its potential consequences in Europe, deliberately sought to limit Germany's international obligations and therefore refused to participate in securing the no-fly zone. However, Germany's reputation among its Western allies was almost shattered. The Merkel government's retention has surprised not only its closest allies – France, Britain and the United States – but also accused Berlin of playing on Russia's side. Germany became considered an unreliable ally. However, the decision not to take part in the operation in Libya indicates that Germany will continue to evaluate each military operation on its own terms, rather than reflecting British and French policies. ; Стаття має на меті виявлення особливостей позиції ФРН щодо проведення гуманітарної інтервенції в Лівії у 2011 р. Німеччина втрималася від голосування по резолюції 1973 Ради Безпеки ООН. ФРН не підтримала військовий варіант вирішення конфлікту, як це було передбачено в пунктах 4 і 8 резолюції. Німеччина не мала наміру спонсорувати чужі війська. Вона зайняла іншу позицію ніж її головні союзники – Франція, Великобританія й США. Причина пов'язана не з розбіжностями із союзниками по Альянсу, а із внутрішньополітичним тиском на коаліційний уряд. Ще одним цікавим поясненням для урядової політики є економічні показники, за якими Лівія не відігравала важливої ролі у німецькій економіці. Можна зробити висновок, що уряд СДУ/ФДП ухвалив рішення утриматися на голосуванні ООН по резолюції 1973, тому що це не було пріоритетним питанням для ФРН, і тому, що Гідо Вестервелле вважав, що цілі Франції, Великобританії й США могли бути досягнуті без інтервенції, за допомогою санкцій. Обмежена роль Німеччини у лівійській кризі й її особлива політика у рамках НАТО дозволяє припустити, що німецькі політичні діячі, зіштовхнувшись із фінансовою кризою і її потенційними наслідками в Європі, свідомо прагнули обмежити міжнародні зобов'язання Німеччини й тому відмовилися брати участь у забезпеченні нелітної зони. Тим не менш, репутація Німеччини серед її західних союзників була майже розбита. Утримання уряду Меркель спричинило не просто здивування її найближчих союзників – Франції, Британії та США, – а звинувачення Берліну в грі на боці Росії. Німеччина стала вважатися ненадійним союзником. Однак, рішення не брати участь в операції у Лівії свідчить, що Німеччина буде продовжувати оцінювати кожну воєнну операцію на своїх власних умовах, а не відбивати британську й французьку політику.

This dissertation deals with the sandjak of Alexandretta from the 1860s until the end of World War II. In the Ottoman Empire, the sandjak was attached to the vilayet of Adana or that of Aleppo. A region which used to be the strategic Mediterranean outlet for northern Syria and Iraq, and inhabited by a great variety of communities, the sandjak was ceded by France to Turkey in 1939. We aim at studying this region on the regional and international levels through the history of European communities (especially merchants and consulars) and their role in defending European interests and protecting populations on the long duration. We strive to understand the transformations affecting this territory following the political upheavals ̶ the transition from the imperial framework to the Syrian nation-state under French mandate, then the attachment to the Republic, as well as the two World Wars ̶ and economic – the late 19th century Great Depression and the crisis tof the 1930s. At the local level, we assess the impact of territorial and political restructuring on populations and activities: the configuration of exchange networks, consular and family networks, the creation of national identities, the reconstruction of relationships between the various communities inhabiting the region. By using French, British, Ottoman and Italian diplomatic archives in addition to the archives of religious communities and the commercial and private archives of Levantine families of Alexandretta, we study this territory in on a longer term than the history of diplomatic litigation which opposed France and Turkey between 1936 and 1939 before the League of Nations, taking into account local political, economic, social and religious life. ; Cette thèse porte sur le sandjak d'Alexandrette, région centrée autour d'Antioche et d'Alexandrette, dépendant sous l'Empire ottoman du vilayet d'Adana ou de celui d'Alep, depuis les années 1860 jusqu'à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Cette région, débouché méditerranéen stratégique de la Syrie du Nord et de l'Irak, peuplée d'une multitude de communautés, est cédée par la France à la Turquie en 1939. À l'échelle internationale et régionale, il s'agit d'étudier sur le temps long cet espace : la présence des communautés (notamment marchandes et consulaires) européennes et leur rôle dans la défense des intérêts européens et la protection des populations sur la longue durée. On s'attache à comprendre les transformations de ce territoire à la suite des bouleversements politiques ̶ le passage du cadre impérial au cadre de l'État-nation syrien sous mandat français, puis le rattachement à la République, ainsi que les deux Guerre mondiales ̶ et économiques ̶ la Grande Dépression de la fin du XIXe siècle, puis celle des années 1930 ̶ qu'il connaît. À l'échelle locale, nous évaluons les impacts des recompositions territoriales et politiques sur les populations et les activités : la structuration des réseaux d'échanges, des réseaux consulaires et familiaux, la création des identités nationales, les recompositions des relations entre les diverses communautés. En utilisant non seulement les archives diplomatiques françaises, britanniques, ottomanes et italiennes, mais aussi les archives des communautés religieuses et des archives commerciales et privées de familles levantines d'Alexandrette, nous étudions ce territoire dans une histoire plus longue que celle du contentieux diplomatique qui oppose la France et la Turquie entre 1936 et 1939 devant la SDN, en prenant en compte la vie politique, économique, sociale et religieuse locale.

In 2014, Ontario passed Bill 21: Safeguarding Healthcare Integrity Act, which enacted the Voluntary Blood Donations Act, 2014, to ban all forms of compensation for donations of blood and blood components. Ontario justified this action by invoking the principles of the 1997 Krever Commission, which defined blood as a public resource of such value and importance that it must remain under the singular control of an organization that only serves the public interest. This reform was introduced with the intention to prevent another public health disaster like that of the tainted blood scandal in the 1980s, protect voluntary donor pools, and stop potentially exploitative plasma collection techniques. Responding to the licensing of a private plasma collection agency by Health Canada, Ontario met with key stakeholders such as Canadian Blood Services, Canadian Plasma Resources, blood advocacy organizations, and patient groups before finally passing Bill 21. By placing a ban against blood collection agencies besides Canadian Blood Services and by implementing aggressive consequences for violations, Ontario ensured all forms of blood donation would remain voluntary unless deemed necessary by Canadian Blood Services. Similar bills were introduced with differing outcomes in Alberta, British Columbia, and the Canadian Senate in 2017, 2018, and 2019 respectively. The contentious and varying opinions on blood donation regulation at the provincial and federal levels of government demonstrate that this topic will remain relevant to Canadian politics for the foreseeable future. En 2014, l'Ontario a adopté le projet de loi 21: loi sur la sauvegarde de l'intégrité des soins de santé, qui a mis en exécution et validé la loi sur les dons de sang volontaires, afin d'interdire toutes formes d'indemnisation pour les dons de sang et de composants sanguins. L'Ontario a justifié cette mesure sur la base des principes de la Commission Krever de 1993, définissant ainsi le sang comme une ressource publique d'une valeur et importance telles qu'il doit rester sous le contrôle singulier d'une organisation qui ne sert que l'intérêt public. Cette réforme a été introduite dans le but de prévenir une autre catastrophe de santé publique comme celle du scandale du sang contaminé dans les années 80, de protéger les donneurs volontaires et d'empêcher les techniques de collecte de plasma pouvant conduire à l'exploitation des donneurs. En réponse à l'agrément d'une agence privée de collecte de plasma par Santé Canada, l'Ontario a rencontré des intervenants clés, tels que la Société canadienne du sang, Canadian Plasma Resources, des organisations de défense du sang et des groupes de patients avant de finalement adopter le projet de loi 21. En interdisant la collecte de sang par les agences outre la Société canadienne du sang et en mettant en œuvre un arsenal répressif en cas de violation, l'Ontario a veillé à ce que toutes les formes de don de sang restent volontaires, autres que la Société canadienne du sang juge le contraire nécessaire. Des projets de loi similaires ont été présentés, avec des résultats différentes en Alberta, en Colombie-Britannique et au Sénat canadien respectivement en 2017, 2018 et 2019. Les opinions tranchées et divergentes des gouvernements provincial et fédéral sur la réglementation des dons de sang aux paliers de gouvernement provincial et fédéral démontrent que ce sujet demeurera d'importance pour la politique canadienne dans un avenir proche.

Cyprus, the third-biggest island of the Mediterranean, situated in close proximity to southern Turkey and Syria, is home to a little more than 1 million inhabitants. Its geography is fragmented into the fertile Mesaoria plains of Nicosia district, the Trodoos mountains in the south, the Pentadaktylos mountains in the north, and 650 kilometres of coastline. Its political history is a micro-version of the conflicted histories of the Middle East. After the end of the British rule in 1960, the young independent state was torn by conflicts; and since the Greek coup d'état in 1974, which was followed by the Turkish invasion of the northern part of the island, Cyprus is divided into a Turkish-speaking North and Greek-speaking South Side. The most important consequence of what is known as the 'Cyprus dispute' however, is not only the longest UN-mandate in the world, but also the de facto expropriation of a third of the island's population in 1974, meaning 162,000 Greek Cypriots and 48,000 Turkish Cypriots. The unresolved postcolonial conflict is a conflict about property, as about a third of the land seems to have two legal owners, one from a bygone past and one from the present. The conflicted imaginaries of North and South, Muslim and Christian prevail not least because the wealth of the island is grounded in the real estate sector and its mobilization as capital under the guise of 'development'. First, the development as a global tourist destination in the 1960s, then the development as a global tax paradise in the 1990s, and finally as a shopping destination for EU citizens since 2014. We had planned our stay in Cyprus in the spring of 2018 years in advance. Once I had finished my PhD,I would take the invitation as a guest professor from the department of architecture, while Kaye would take a three-month sabbatical from his work as an editor of the German architectural magazine Bauwelt. The theme we sought to investigate was the recent processes of financialised urbanism in Cyprus's coastal cities. After the banking crisis in 2013, the government of the Republic of Cyprus launched a combined sale of EU citizenship in tandem with luxury real estate to boost the economy. An investment of 2 million euros in a luxury apartment by the sea ensures a European passport along with discrete opportunities of tax evasion, the imaginary of sunshine, a sea view, and relative political stability. If an architectural design studio and the processes of financialization constituted the official framework and leitmotif of our stay, the oral histories of colleagues and friends, everyday routines and touristic visits drew a different picture. They uncovered the relations within which climate change, the commodification of the coastline, global real estate transactions and Cyprus's violent postcolonial conflict are inseparably imbricated into one another. Instead of investigating the sale of EU passports, I attempted to approach those relations between territories, environments and imaginaries through the chance collection of a diary. Following up on Guattari's ecosophy between processes of subjectivation, the relation to others and the environment, I left the clear-cut history of the political economy of territorial development behind and followed the detours.

В настоящей работе представлена специфика медикализации современного англоязычного общества с помощью интернет-рекламы, размещенной на одном из самых популярных сайтов общественного пользования. Стимулом для настоящего исследования послужило регулярное развитие медицины, обновление современных медицинских знаний, а также возрастающая роль рекламы медицинского продукта в англоязычном дискурсе масс-медиа. На сегодняшний день тенденция к медикализации в масс-медийном дискурсе сопровождается видеорекламой медицинских товаров и услуг, способствующей проникновению в массовое сознание медицинского языка и образа мышления. Целью данного исследования является изучение средств и способов медикализации современного англоязычного рекламного интернет-пространства на вербальном и невербальном уровнях. В ходе исследования, эмпирический материал которого составили современные рекламные YouTube-видеоролики, был проведен сбор, анализ, описание и классификация данных. Анализ рекламных роликов позволил сделать вывод, что наиболее популярной является реклама лекарств и услуг медицинских учреждений, что связано со стремлением лидеров британского социума подчеркнуть важность здоровья и указать на возможные способы и средства его сохранения. Наблюдения показали, что пропаганда товаров и услуг медицинского назначения кинозвездами и политиками внушает идею надежности и эффективности продукции, способствует ее коммерциализации. В результате изучения фактических материалов было выявлено, что авторы рекламных видеоклипов обращаются к важным человеческим ценностям, умело используют различные вербальные и невербальные средства, способствующие усилению перлокутивного эффекта. Комментарии к рекламным видеороликам, характеризующие опыт применения медицинской продукции, подтверждают идею о расширении прагматического потенциала вербального и невербального пространства англоязычного дискурса масс-медиа. Анализ медицинских лингвистических маркеров в рекламном интернет-пространстве показал очевидную тенденцию к популяризации товара медицинского назначения. ; Specific features of medicalisation within modern English internet advertising space are considered in this paper. Medicine adverts and commercials hosted on one of the most popular English public websites are of particular interest in this research project. Both innovations in medicine leading to the medical knowledge upgrade and the increasing role of medical product advertising activities motivated the present study. Medicalisation in mass-media discourse is characterized by popularization of various medical commercials enduing general public with the medical language and medical mindset. The specific objective of this study is to reveal and systematize factors providing aforenamed tendency to medicalisation of modern English internet advertising. The empirical study is based upon the modern medicine commercials from YouTube.com and includes such methods as data collection and analysis, description and classification of material accompanied by discourse analysis. The most remarkable result to emerge from the data is that pharmaceutical and healthcare service commercials are very popular today due to social needs and requirements and consequently supported by the British authorities aiming to emphasize the importance of health and indicate possible ways and means of health maintenance. Another important finding is that celebrities and politicians participation in medicine advertising is contributing a lot to the success and commercialization of the medical items. Further analysis showed that the authors of commercial video clips are trying to highlight human values applying various verbal and non-verbal means to increase the perlocutionary effect. Positive and negative comments on commercial videos aimed at focusing upon the effect of medical products contribute to expanding pragmatic potential of the internet advertising. The growing trend to popularization of health product is also supported by the findings of the research project intended to describe English medical linguistic markers registered in mass-media discourse under analysis.

Kako naj teoretsko razumemo izjavo nekdanje britanske premierke Therese May, da »Brexit pomeni Brexit«? Da bi v pričujočem besedilu odgovorili na to vprašanje, moramo izhajati iz kategorije dogodka, kot je bila teoretizirana v delu Alaina Badiouja. V kolikor dogodek v Badioujevem pomenu zahteva odločitev o tem, ali neko posebno mnoštvo pripada samemu sebi, kar smo tu poimenovali »tavtologija biti«, se zdi, da izjava Tereze May res označuje tak dogodek. To bi tudi iz badioujevske perspektive pomenilo, da gre za politično emancipatorno izjavo. Sam Badiou takega sklepa seveda ne bi sprejel, saj k brexitu poziva britanska država, s čimer je vnaprej izključeno, da bi brexit šteli kot singularnost. Vendar pa sam trdim, da bi brexit še vedno lahko veljal za dogodek v gornjem pomenu, če bi lahko ločili Badioujevo »socialno ontologijo« od njegove filozofske ontologije. Ta argument razvijam v nadaljevanju, sklicujoč se pri tem na delo Jacquesa Rancièrea, za katerega menim, da izpelje omenjeno ločitev teoretskih področij. Vseeno pa dodajam, da še vedno potrebujemo elemente Badioujeve teorije, da bi lahko danes mislili nove oblike suverenosti in domoljubja, katerih primer bi lahko bil brexit. Drugo pomanjkljivost Rancièrovega pristopa vidimo v tem, da zavrača uporabo izraza populizem, ki se nam, nasprotno, zdi ustrezen izraz za opis ideologije političnega subjekta kot singularnosti. Bi se torej morali obrniti k arhipopulistom, Laclau in Mouffe, ter njuni kategoriji hegemoniji, da bi lahko mislili brexit? Menimo, da nam tega ni treba storiti, saj hegemonija, kot tu trdimo, ne omogoča misliti politično singularnost, kakršen je brexit. Vseeno pa menimo, da bi morali vztrajati, da je treba v brexitu videti »populistični« emancipatorni dogodek. ; How should we understand theoretically the former Prime Minister of Britain Theresa May's phrase "Brexit means Brexit"? This paper argues that we must start from the category of the Event, as theorised in the work of Alain Badiou. Insofar as an Event in Badiou's sense involves a decision as to whether a singular multiple belongs to itself – what I here call the "tautology of being" – it seems that Theresa May's statement does indeed designate such an Event. This would also, from a Badiouian perspective, make it politically emancipatory. Badiou himself would of course not accept such a conclusion, given that Brexit was convoked by the British State, thereby disqualifying it from being considered a singularity. However, I argue that if we are able to separate Badiou's "social ontology" from his philosophical ontology, Brexit might still be considered an Event in the above sense. I support this argument with reference to the work of Jacques Rancière, who I feel completes such a separation of theoretical realms. Nevertheless, I add that we still need elements of the Badiouian theoretical edifice in order to think new forms of sovereignty and patriotism today, of which Brexit would be an example. Another lack in Rancière is that he refuses to use the word populism, which seems to me to be a good term to describe the ideology of a political subject qua singularity. Should we therefore turn to the arch-populists Laclau and Mouffe, and their category of hegemony, to think Brexit? I think not, since, as I argue, hegemony does not allow us to think a political singularity, of the Brexit type. Nevertheless, I believe we should insist that Brexit be considered a "populist" emancipatory Event.

The article analyzes the general state of the adult education system in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the first half of the ХХth century. Based on the analysis of normative documents and scientific sources, the leading aspects of the development of adult education were identified, factors that influenced the development of adult education at this stage were outlined. Subjects of adult education in the first half of the twentieth century were identified. At this stage, the active citizenship of the inhabitants of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as social and political movements promoted the creation of adult education associations and associations. Libraries, clubs, reading rooms, primary education institutions, technical colleges and universities were subjects of adult education in the first half of the ХХth century. Universities promoted the education of adults, conducted public lectures and developed educational programs for various categories of adult population. At the investigated stage, the institutional consolidation of free, non-partisan and non-public education was active. Adult education was accessible to all segments of the population regardless of their age, social background and gender. It has been proved that the power of most Central and Eastern European countries provided financial and support for adult education, contributed to the formation of a regulatory framework in this area. In particular, the authorities provided education licenses to adult education institutions. Teacher training for the adult education system was introduced at the beginning of the ХХth century. Special courses at branches of British higher education institutions were created. The negative impact of the First and Second World Wars on the development of adult education was analyzed. The peculiarities of educational activity in the military and interwar years were determined. In the interwar period, an independent network of adult learning establishments in Germany was created. These educational institutions had clear educational and professional tasks. Educational activities in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were fully controlled by the authorities and the military. National adult education has been completely abolished. Educational work with adults served to stabilize the national-socialist politic.Keywords: adult education, continuous education, formal adult education, countries of central and eastern Europe. ; У статті здійснено аналіз загального стану системи освіти дорослих в країнах Центральної та Східної Європи в першій половині ХХ століття. На основі аналізу нормативних документів та наукових джерел визначено провідні аспекти розвитку освіти дорослих, окреслено чинники, які мали вплив на розвиток освіти дорослих на зазначеному етапі, визначено суб'єкти освіти дорослих у першій половині ХХ століття. Установлено, що на зазначеному етапі активна громадянська позиція жителів Центральної та Східної Європи, а також суспільні політичні й соціальні рухи сприяли створенню товариств та асоціацій освіти дорослих. Установлено, що закладами для організації освіти дорослих в першій половині ХХ століття були бібліотеки, клуби, читальні, заклади початкової освіти, технічні коледжі та університети. Університети сприяли популяризації освіти дорослих, проводили публічні лекції та розробляли освітні програми для різних категорій дорослого населення. Доведено, що влада більшості країн Центральної та Східної Європи здійснювала фінансову підтримку освіти дорослих, сприяла формуванню нормативно-правової бази у зазначеній галузі. Проаналізовано негативний вплив Першої та Другої світових війн на розвиток освіти дорослих та визначено особливості освітньої діяльності у воєнні та міжвоєнні роки.Ключові слова: освіта дорослих, неперервна освіта, формальна освіта дорослих, країни Центральної та Східної Європи.

在全球範疇內,各國國內的政治抗爭伴隨著全球正義運動(global justice)串聯起地方性集體抗爭,同時經濟衰退及其對不同社會政策領域的影響,形成不同社會文化脈絡下的抗爭模式,亦使各國警政部門疲於對應大規模的陳抗活動。如何面對此類以政治為訴求新型態的抗爭模式,成為各國警務單位嚴峻的考驗,亦為公民與警方之間信任赤字的來源。本文關注於執法單位與抗爭團體之間的互動模式,釐清警察行動的「問」與「責」,進一步的,從近年臺灣與香港政治抗爭的視角,反思群眾性抗爭運動的變遷樣態。在案例探討與結論建議上,本文以香港「反送中」遊行案例,檢討香港警察執法的困境,引介英國警政改革經驗,探究英國警方當前對於政治抗爭事件的管理策略。本文建議從警政治理建立透明而維護公共秩序的問責制度,重拾公眾對警方的信任。 ; Along with the global justice movement, the domestic organized political resistance has linked with the local grassroots protests. In the meantime, the resistance mode, with different social and cultural contexts formulated by the economic recession and its impact on different social policy areas, has kept the police departments from various countries busy dealing with the large-scale protest movements. How to react to the new normal protests mode has become severe challenges for the police department among countries, as well as the source of trust deficit between citizens and the police. This article focuses on the interaction mode between the law enforcement agencies and the protest groups, clarifying the accountability of policing actions. Furthermore, from the perspective of political resistance in Taiwan and Hong Kong in recent years, this paper reflects on the changing trend in the massive protest movement. This article reviews the plight of Hong Kong police enforcement in the case of Hong Kong's protests against "extradition bill," introduces the experience of policing reform in the UK and explores the current management strategy of the British police for political resistance. In conclusions, this paper proposes to establish an accountable and transparent police governance system that maintains public order and regains public trust toward the police.

16 pags., 5 figs.-- Open Access funded by Creative Commons Atribution Licence 4.0 ; BACKGROUND: MeCP2-a chromatin-binding protein associated with Rett syndrome-has two main isoforms, MeCP2-E1 and MeCP2-E2, differing in a few N-terminal amino acid residues. Previous studies have shown brain region-specific expression of these isoforms which, in addition to their different cellular localization and differential expression during brain development, suggest that they may also have non-overlapping molecular mechanisms. However, differential functions of MeCP2-E1 and E2 remain largely unexplored. RESULTS: Here, we show that the N-terminal domains (NTD) of MeCP2-E1 and E2 modulate the ability of the methyl-binding domain (MBD) to interact with DNA as well as influencing the turn-over rates, binding dynamics, response to neuronal depolarization, and circadian oscillations of the two isoforms. Our proteomics data indicate that both isoforms exhibit unique interacting protein partners. Moreover, genome-wide analysis using ChIP-seq provide evidence for a shared as well as a specific regulation of different sets of genes. CONCLUSIONS: Our study supports the idea that Rett syndrome might arise from simultaneous impairment of cellular processes involving non-overlapping functions of MECP2 isoforms. For instance, MeCP2-E1 mutations might impact stimuli-dependent chromatin regulation, while MeCP2-E2 mutations could result in aberrant ribosomal expression. Overall, our findings provide insight into the functional complexity of MeCP2 by dissecting differential aspects of its two isoforms. ; This work was supported by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research [MOP-130417 to JA and MOP-102758 to JBV]. Genome Canada and Genome British Columbia for fnancial support for the University of Victoria-Genome BC Proteomics Centre [204PRO and 214PRO], Leading Edge Endowment Fund (University of Victoria), the Segal McGill Chair in Molecular Oncology at McGill University, the Warren Y. Soper Charitable Trust and the Alvin Segal Family Foundation to the Jewish General Hospital to CHB. Max Planck Society and DFG CRC 1080; DFG CRC 902 to EMS. European Research Council under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program [743216 to EMS and 727264 (EPIPHARM) to ME]. Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad [BFU2013-47064-P and BFU2016-78232-P to AVC and SAF201455000-R to ME]. Instituto de Salud Carlos III and co-funded by European Union (ERDF/ESF, "Investing in your future") [PI15/00663, and Miguel Servet contract CPII13/0017] to OA. Spanish Ministerio de Educacion Cultura y Deporte [FPU 13/3870] to RCG. Terry Fox Research Institute Program Project [TFRI #1039] and Canadian Cancer Society Research Institute [CCSRI #703489] to MH. European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013)/ERC [268626/ EPINORC project]; Integrated Project of Excellence [PIE13/00022] (ONCOPRO‑FILE); CIBER 2016 CB16/12/00312 (CIBERONC); the Spanish Cancer Research Network [RD12/0036/0039]; the Cellex Foundation; Obra Social "La Caixa"; and the Health and Science Departments of the Catalan Government (Generalitat de Catalunya) AGAUR [2014SGR633] to ME. ME is an ICREA Research Professor. French Association of Rett Syndrome funded research conducted by CEM, HM and LK, genotoul bioinformatics platform Toulouse Midi-Pyrenees (Bioinfo Genotoul) provided computing and storage resources. ; Peer reviewed

Globalization, Neo-liberalization, Post-modernism are approaches that makes the world one, it has increased cultural exchanges, academic exchanges, trade and business exchanges and is useful for all developing countries on the globe, if those are its advantages, people migration through illegally is its disadvantages, there was no global terms of legal or illegal immigration at the beginning of 19th century, United Nations General Assembly in 1948 states that everyone has the right to leave any country including his own and to that return country, but it has not been honoured by developing countries, due to changes of world order, population growth, regional conflicts, war, civil war, poverty, people start to moving from one to another country, population growth in developing countries is one of the most important reasons that forced people leave their land and to migrate illegally or legally, though legal immigration has processes for their further innovation, development but illegal immigration is a curse for developed countries, countries that are industrially developed like United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, people from developing world are forcing to leave due to war, civil war, community clashes, and to taking shelter as a refugees but at the end most of them are not returning after normalization of their own conflicts, people are moving without documents, in the United Europe, European Union policies are trying to control immigration from non-member countries such as immigrants from Morocco and other North Africans countries are migrating illegally to Spain for a better life and to came out from miserable life from their own countries but the Spain Government declares to deport people from non-members countries who are living illegally in Spanish land, England declares to controlling access of all Romanian and Bulgarian to the UK who are benefitting as EU member country, upon acceptance of all East European countries as the member of EU, approximately 427,000 East Europeans, mostly from Poland have registered for employment in Britain, though Western Europe are more inclined to hire Eastern European than Asian and Africans, but yet Britain decided to came out from EU because of illegal immigration to Britain from Eastern Europe which negatively affected their economy and job security of original British citizens', so what is the solution for the worst crisis of illegal immigration and refugees accommodation world-wide? Is it forcing them to back their own countries? Is it taking initiatives through both North and South countries for the solution of the problem? Or is it solving really? A continual discussion of alternative solutions world-wide has to be discovered for the reduction of the problem of refugees and immigration world-wide, communication between developing and the developed countries have to be strength for the resolution of faster population growth in developing countries, assistance by the developed countries in war conflicted regions has to be increased, universal birth control education need to be formed, I tried to discussed the problems, reasons, and its solution as one of my focused areas in international development, it is something that I would like pursue my study in the near future as a continuing student, I hope I will be succeed.

Overall objectives or goalMany health data linkage ecosystems across the world have designed and implemented secure data analysis environments as one of their controls to protect patient privacy and confidentiality. These have been shaped by local legislation and data governance policies, available IT infrastructure and resources, and the skills and imagination of their architects. However, at present their various features and functionalities have not been reviewed, synthesised or contrasted. Burton et al [1] have proposed 12 criteria for Data Safe Havens in health and healthcare, which they conceptualise broadly as encompassing data governance and ethics, quality and curation of data repositories, and data security. Under this definition, secure analysis environments, which may or may not be integrated with data repositories, are a component of a Data Safe Haven, addressing the criterion "Appropriate secure access to individually identifying data". To guide those building and operating these environments, and data custodians and stewards who need to assess their fitness-for-purpose, it would be of great value to discuss and agree an aggregate term (e.g. "Secure Data Lab") that describes them, and to develop a more detailed set of criteria for what entails "Appropriate secure access" to linked health data.
The goal of this session is to describe and document the approaches that have been taken by flagship secure data analysis environments internationally, including their approaches to authentication, assigning permissions, managing the ingress and egress of files and auditing transactions, and their responses to emerging opportunities, including cloud computing and national and international data sharing. We will explore how the interplay of physical, technical and procedural controls have been combined to create existing models, and the extent to which these can balance each other and be applied with flexibility depending on perceived risk and regimes.
Session structurePrior to the session, we will develop a draft set of criteria for "Appropriate secure access" to linked health data. The session will comprise presentations describing existing secure analysis environments against the draft criteria, followed by a facilitated discussion. The secure data analysis environments that will be presented include:

UNSW Sydney E-Research Institutional Cloud Architecture (ERICA)
PopData BC Secure Research Environment (SRE)
Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences (ICES) Data and Analytic Virtual Environment (IDAVE)
Secure Anonymised Information Linkage (SAIL) Gateway

Intended output or outcomeWe will write up the outcomes of the session as a scientific paper that proposes an aggregate term for secure data analysis environments for linked health data and a set of criteria for what entails "Appropriate secure access" to linked health data.
Presenters and Facilitators
Professor Louisa Jorm, Centre for Big Data Research in Health, UNSW Sydney, Australia
Dr Tim Churches, South Western Sydney Clinical School, UNSW Sydney, Australia
Professor Kim McGrail, Population Data BC, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada
J. Charles Victor, Institute for Clinical Evaluative Sciences, Toronto, Canada
Dr Kerina Jones, Swansea University Medical School, Wales, United Kingdom
Professor David Ford, Swansea University Medical School, Wales, United Kingdom
1. Burton PR, Murtagh MJ, Boyd A, et al. Data Safe Havens in health research and healthcare. Bioinformatics 2015; 31(20): 3241–3248