Suchergebnisse

Contemporary pol'al theorists are seen to have added little to the study of development since K. Marx, M. Weber, & E. Durkheim. Development is now a problem of universal concern, but it remains to be defined as a problem. Only econ's seems to have found some criteria by which to define it in the strict econ sense. Examples are cited. Development is a problem of choice in planning. Constraints are set by the scarcity of resources & by the fact that all projects cannot be implemented at the same time. Choice is also involved in strategies to be used (the role of the gov vs that of private individuals & firms). The role soc sci'ts ought to play to generate development-oriented educ needs to be clarified. 3 conceptual approaches in recent development studies are explored: normative, structural, & behavioral. Representative of the 1st is Talcott Parsons, of the 2nd, David Apter, of the 3rd, Leonard W. Doob. This last is the most recent & as yet scattered orientation; it has been able to incorporate methodologically both normative & structural variables. These 3 dimensions taken together suggest a general theory of choice or development which would incorporate norms, changes in structural patterns, & determinants of motivation & personality in relation to culture. Such an integrated approach requires examining modernizing societies within the dynamic, often punitive, highly complex internat'l system. Org'ed res is called for. M. Maxfield.

pt.I. Control of public-service corporations: The possibilities and limitations of municipal control. [By] L. S. Rowe.--Financial control: Capitalization, methods of accounting and taxation. [By] B. S. Coler.--Difficulties of control as illustrated in the history of gas companies. [By] J. H. Gray.--Regulation of cost and quality of service as illustrated by street railway companies. [By] F. W. Speirs.--pt.II. Influence of corporations on political life. [By] W. Lindsay.--pt.III. Combination of capital as a factor in industrial progress: industrials as investments for small capital. [By] J. B. Dill.--The evolution of mercantile business. [By] J. Wanamaker.--The interest of labor in the economies of railroad consolidation. [By] W. H. Baldwin, jr.--pt.IV. The future of protection: The industrial ascendancy of the United States. [By] N. W. Aldrich.--The tariff policy of our new possessions. [By] R. P. Porter.--The next steps in tariff reform. [By] C. R. Miller.--Report of the academy committee on meetings. ; Mode of access: Internet.

1. Introduction : the culture debate-- political culture and comparative politics -- 2. The long debate over political culture -- 3. Cultural anthropology : a precursor to political culture -- 4. National character studies - 5. "The civic culture" and the revolution in survey research -- 6. Criticisms of the political culture approach -- 7. The Renaissance of political culture -- 8. Non-western theories of development / with Leah L. Carmichael -- 9. Political culture in other fields : identity politics and constructivism -- 10. Conclusion.

Contemporary political science is specialized, deeply concerned with
its methods, and politicized. It also remains peripheral to most
public debates. But the relationships among these characteristics
are ambiguous and each yields advantages as well as costs.

Now with substantial extra coverage of methodological issues and an additional chapter on the philosophy of politics, this widely-used text introduces students to the approaches and methods of political science

In 1977, Charles Lindblom concluded his study ofPolitics and Marketswith the assertion that "the large private corporation fits oddly into democratic theory and vision. Indeed, it does not fit." In 1983, Robert Reich envisionedThe Next American Frontieras the eradication of the distinction between business culture and civic culture in the United States and the full integration of the corporation into the country's key political and social processes. Failure to achieve such a new political-economic compact could mean, Reich asserted, the end of democracy's progress in America. Between Lindblom and Reich lie six short years in time and one vast gulf in political theory and policy perspective. Their positions set the framework for a whole series of political choices confronting American politics today. They also set an agenda for political science as a discipline that studies power, authority, and social change—an agenda calling for an expansion of both intellectual focus and analytical paradigms.Differences between the purposes and contents of Lindblom's and Reich's studies can be cited, of course.Politics and Marketspresents itself as a scholarly work in the theory of political economy, whereasThe Next American Frontierhas a definite prescriptive flavor designed to influence current political debate. But such differences do not obscure the important element shared by the two books: recognition of the power and position of large corporations as the determining factor in the political-economic future of liberal democracy. Generated from this are several critical questions both authors confront: What is the purpose of public power and that of private economic power in advanced industrial societies today? What should be the relationship between the two as regards the preservation of liberal democracy? Whatisthat relationship when the large corporation is taken into account? What redirection of corporate power is necessary or possible? What blending of corporate institutions and political institutions does liberal democracy allow—or demand?

This article is devoted to the history of the Department of Political Science and Sociology of Political Processes of the Faculty of Sociology at Lomonosov Moscow State University. The stages of the organization and formation of the Department, the processes of teaching formation and methodological activities, which have occurred over the thirty-year history of the Faculty of Sociology, are considered, and the priority areas of the professors research works are outlined.