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This article defends laws in the social sciences. Arguments against social laws are considered and rejected based on the "open" nature of social theory, the multiple realizability of social predicates, the macro and/or teleological nature of social laws, and the inadequacies of belief-desire psychology. The more serious problem that social laws are usually qualified ceteris paribus is then considered. How the natural sciences handle ceteris paribus laws is discussed and it is argued that such procedures are possible in the social sciences. The article ends by arguing that at least some social research is roughly as well as confirmed as good work in evolutionary biology and ecology.

This Article focuses on the Situational Crime Prevention (SCP) approach in criminology, which expands the crime reduction role well beyond the justice system. SCP sees criminal law in a more restrictive sense, as only part of the anticrime effort in governance. We examine the "general" and "specific" responses to crime problems in the SCP approach. Our review demonstrates that the most serious barrier to converting SCP techniques into policy remains the gap that exists between problem identification and problem response. We discuss past large-scale SCP interventions and explore the complex links between them and SCP's better known specificity and piecemeal approach. We develop a graded framework for selecting responses that acknowledge the local, political, and organizational issues involved in identifying and choosing them. This framework determines when SCP interventions and policies can be crafted on the macro level to eliminate or greatly reduce the problem everywhere, and when interventions should be limited to a piecemeal, local approach to eliminate only the specific problem. Finally, we situate this analysis within the general context of the relationship between science and policy, noting the challenges in converting scientific observations into broad social policy and the expansion of crime control beyond criminal justice into the realm of government regulation and partnerships with nongovernmental agencies.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Chapter 1 : What is Crime? -- Test Bank -- Chapter 2: The Measurement of Crime -- Test Bank -- Chapter 3: The Origins of Criminological Theory -- Test Bank -- Chapter 4: The Emergence of Sociological Criminology -- Test Bank -- Chapter 5: The Emergence of Criminology in the United States -- Test Bank -- Chapter 6: Delinquent Subcultures and Subcultures of Delinquency -- Test Bank -- Chapter 7: Theoretical Diversity -- Test Bank -- Chapter 8: New Directions in Criminological Theory -- Test Bank -- Chapter 9: interpersonal Violence -- Test Bank -- Chapter 10: Property Crime -- Test Bank -- Chapter 11 : Public-Order Crime -- Test Bank -- Chapter 12: Syndicated Crime -- Test Bank -- Chapter 13: White-Collar Crime -- Test Bank -- Chapter 14: Political Crime -- Test Bank -- Chapter 15: Inequality, Crime and Victimization -- Test Bank -- Chapter 16: Comparative Criminology -- Test Bank.

An article emphasizing 'the responsibility of soc sci'ts to adjust to the changing conditions of the changing world.' Because of the launching of Sputnik, great nat'l interest in the physical sci's developed, & extensive programs, with an emphasis on educ, were formulated to further the sel's. Although some of these programs were intended to include the soc sci's as well, their major concern has been the natural sci's. 3 major areas of responsibility of soc sci'ts today are discussed: (1) 'The responsibility to preserve & re-emphasize the soc sci's in the face of the pressure created by the near-hysterical urge to improve the fields of physical sci & engineering.' (2) To train well-qualified soc sci teachers. It is suggested that a BA be recognized as a teaching degree. (3) 'To maintain our integrity & to pursue our res & teaching in the face of the opposition & criticism which are always present in the soc sci's.' D. Pollack.

Résumé Cet article présente la théorie de l'« argumentation dans le discours » (par opposition à « l'argumentation dans la langue » de Ducrot) comme faisant partie intégrante des sciences du langage, tout en explorant le problème qu'y soulève la question du logos – raison et parole. Il appelle à une intégration des arguments et des schèmes de raisonnement dans l'analyse du discours. Il préconise ce faisant une approche socio-historique de l'argumentation, montrant comment elle a recours à des notions développées en sociologie et en psychologie sociale (la représentation sociale et le stéréotype, la théorie des champs de Bourdieu), tout en subordonnant ces cadres conceptuels à ses besoins propres. Il distingue néanmoins nettement l'étude de l'argumentation verbale des recherches sur la persuasion menées en sciences sociales à l'aide de méthodes expérimentales.

"Research Methods in Social Sciences" brings together author Lee Ellis's practical experience from his years as a government researcher. The book contains many examples of resources using worldwide data from all social sciences including anthropology, criminal justice, economics, geography, history, philosophy, political science, psychology, social work and sociology. Coverage of statistical concepts at a non-mathematical level establishes a foundation for students to understand statistics. A specifically designed glossary is included which clearly defines every term used throughout the text.

The criminological ideas in contemporary America are as tainted as the criminal justice policies they have grown up with and helped to determine. The author's class revisited some central texts of radical and liberal criminology produced at Berkeley and elsewhere during that period, between the late 1960s and early 1970s. To reread these discourses some forty years later was to enter a kind of literary Pompeii in which the authors have been captured in positions of struggle relevant to the fault lines of the moment, oblivious to the lava flow about to overtake them. The goal of their seminar was to recover some pure strains of the left-liberal criminology of the 1970s, uncorrupted as it were by the narrowed boundaries of the penal imagination that would soon surround the prison. By disconnecting radical criminological discourses from their immediate context, it becomes possible to place them in a broader history that reaches both deeper into the past and closer to their own time. Adapted from the source document.

When one is asked to speak on the past, present, and future of social science history, one is less overwhelmed by the size of the task than confused by its indexicality. Whose definition of social science history? Which past? Or, put another way, whose past? Indeed, which and whose present? Moreover, should the task be taken as one of description, prescription, or analysis? Many of us might agree on, say, a descriptive analysis of the past of the Social Science History Association. But about the past of social science history as a general rather than purely associational phenomenon, we might differ considerably. The problem of description versus prescription only increases this obscurity.