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The present volume deals with Turkey in Europe according to the political frontiers which exist at the present time. The information has been compiled largely from official reports from a collation of the works of travellers, and from histories of the recent wars in the Balkans. - Note, page [5]. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The use of Twitter has become an important part of foreign policy making and conducting in the recent years. Since it is seen as the most powerful and popular tool of digital diplomacy, foreign policy makers increasingly use Twitter for sending messages to their counterparts and to inform their followers on certain issues, problems or current topics on their country's foreign policy agenda. Taking the popularity of Twitter use in foreign policy, this study aims to discuss the role of Twitter diplomacy on Turkey-US relations. In this respect, how and for which purposes foreign policy makers in Turkey and the US use Twitter, which topics are mostly covered by the tweets of the selected top-level decision-makers' accounts, the positive and negative impacts of Twitter on the current status of bilateral relations and the role that Twitter is likely to play in the future of relations are the points that are going to be dealt within the framework of this study.

Of all man's cultural badges, that of language is perhaps the most intimately felt and tenaciously defended. Even chauvinists who are prepared to concede under pressure that language, race, and culture are not the same thing—that their national ethnicity may be mixed, their religion imported, their culture synthetic to a degree—will still cling to the national language as the last bastion of irrational totemic pride. Hence, one of the most controversial features of the programs of westernization and modernization fostered by Kemal Atatürk in Turkey and Reza Shah in Iran was that of state-sponsored language reform, characterized chiefly by attempts to "purify" Turkish and Persian of their centuries-old accretion of Arabic loanwords. A case study of this process also affords some insight into the differing attitudes to national social reforms in Turkey and in Iran, and among the respective regimes, intelligentsia, and masses, which might help to explain why on balance one "succeeded" while the other "failed."

This paper is an attempt to analyze the transformation of the Islamic headscarf from being a private question of piety to a public question of freedom of religious expression. It argues that such a transformation constitutes not only the foundations of the emergence of the headscarf issue but also what we call headscarf-skepticism. The long-lasting headscarf issue has reached a point of deadlock once again due to the reactions of the secular sections of society to the recent efforts of the government to lift the headscarf ban. Different uses and meanings of the Islamic headscarf have reached an increased complexity since the foundation of the republic. It is argued that this complexity is due first to the elements of the history of the Turkish Republic, second to the emergence of new state-society relations, and third to the accelerated developments in the conflict between Islamists and secularists.

The necessity of emphasizing the importance of industrial production for the sustainable growth and development of Turkey has been a topic of discussion in political and academia circles. The growth in industrial production (output) depends on the investment in manufacturing sectors and the demand for the products. Along with internal demand, Turkey tries to support its manufacturing base with export (incentives). Manufacturing items occupy the greatest share of products in export sales. The development of manufacturing capabilities of the country is clearly based on the demand from inside and out. The effect of Turkey's export on its industrial production throughout 2000's has been analyzed. For this purpose we developed a VAR model where industrial production index was the dependent variable and export, investment, and interest rate were independent variables. All independent variables were found to be significantly explaining industrial production.

The present study offers a thorough account of the activities of the radical left in Turkey between 1960-1980 and shows how these formed a major contributing factor to the political instability of the country and the military coups that took place in March 1971 and September 1980. The military coup of May 1960 liberalized political life in Turkey, and a legal leftist movement arose, combining in its ranks social-democratic, trade-unionist and Marxist elements. Many of these were united in the framework of the Turkish Labour Party. The ideological and political struggle within the leftist movement led to a split in the Labour Party and to the formation in the 1970s of several legal socialist parties, each of which adopted its own model of socialism: "Soviet," "Chinese," "Turkish," "Scandinavian," "North Korean." The 1980 military coup terminated the legal activity of the marxist parties. Some merged with the Communist Party, which operated illegally, others sought ways of legalizing their activity in the new political conditions of Turkey

Executive summary -- Turkey : an EU timeline -- Turkey : key events and minority rights under the Turkish Republic -- Introduction -- International standards on minority rights -- Turkey's minority policies : the legal framework -- Key minority groups in Turkey -- Issues regarding minority protection in Turkey -- Ways forward -- Recommendations

In Turkey both the theoretical and practical several studies have been done in the context of the definition, nature and methods of comparative literature; however, most of the studies are far from understanding the comparative literature. It is a fact that the discipline comparative literature compares "what, how, why" has not been fully understand, and that the definitions, scopes and methods of comparative literature lead to confusions, misunderstandings, misperceptions or wrong approaches when literary studies in Turkish are reviewed. In this respect, this study deals with the present state of comparative literature studies at Turkish universities related to the theory, perception and application of comparative literature scholarship in Turkey and focuses on significant mistakes made in the theory and practice related to the comparative literature whose main function is to examine at least two different nations' literatures, interactions between literatures. ; Türkiye'de karşılaştırmalı edebiyatın tanımı, doğası ve yöntemleri bağlamında teorik ve pratik olarak çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır; ancak, çalışmaların çoğu karşılaştırmalı edebiyat bilimini anlamaktan uzaktır. Karşılaştırmalı edebiyat disiplinini, "neyi, nasıl, niçin" karşılaştırdığı tam olarak anlaşılamadığı ve karşılaştırmalı edebiyatın tanımları, kapsamları ve yöntemlerinin Türkçede yapılan edebiyat çalışmaları incelendiğinde karışıklığa, yanlış anlamalara ve algılamalara veya yanlış yaklaşımlara yol açtığı bir gerçektir. Bu bağlamda bu çalışma, Türkiye'deki üniversitelerde karşılaştırmalı edebiyat biliminin; kuram, algı ve uygulamasına yönelik karşılaştırmalı edebiyat çalışmalarının mevcut durumunu ele almakta ve temel işlevi en az iki farklı ulusun edebiyatını, edebiyatlar arasındaki etkileşimleri incelemek olan karşılaştırmalı edebiyatla ilgili kuramsal ve uygulamada yapılan belirgin hatalara odaklanmaktadır.