Suchergebnisse

Political parties are often construed as playing an imperative role in democratic systems. However, what happens inside a party once people have joined as members and during their continued engagement is underexplored in research. This paper investigates the organisation of party education within political parties in Sweden and how political participation may be fostered. The vantage point is the institutional level in the party organisation when designing education and providing learning opportunities for party members. The empirical material consists of interviews with central representatives from all eight parties represented in the national parliament following the elections in 2018. This collected material has been analysed using concepts from the community of practice framework. The results indicate attempts by the parties to affect both individual members and local party branches through the organisation of party education.

Recent decades in Jordan have witnessed considerable changes in women's roles in the political sphere and in the community. Jordan has passed, modified, or adopted legislation that fosters the rights of women and the abolition of discrimination against them. Women experienced real visibility in higher leadership positions with 10.8% in the lower house and 11.7% in the senate. Yet, while women earn higher levels of education, their participation in the labor market is relatively low, and those who want to join the labor force meet higher levels of unemployment. Although women have made real progress in the public sphere, their participation is still modest and needs to be fostered and enhanced. More needs to be done to educate Jordanian women on political participation, and on overcoming various obstacles that hinder their efforts towards more visible and effective roles.

Women political participation in Nigeria has been peripheral. This is despite arguments by some scholars that women like men are free to take active part in politics. Men through maintaining cultural stereotypes and socialization processes have confined women to the private spheres while they predominate in the public sphere. The consequence is that women shy away from operating in the public sphere including in politics. This is despite government's commitment towards redressing gender inequality in Nigerian politics. The wide disparity between men and women in electoral offices has contumaciously remained apparent. However, some Non -Governmental Organizations have endeavored to contribute their own quota towards improvement of women political participation. This study therefore examined the role of NGOs in enhancing women political participation. The study explored both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data were obtained through key informant interviews from the operators of these NGOs and interviews of beneficiaries of their services. It had a sample size of 30. Akure, the capital of Ondo state in Nigeria was purposively selected as a case study state because most of the NGOs are active there being the capital of Ondo State. Country Women Association of Nigeria (COWAN) and National Council of Women Society (NCWS) were purposively selected. This is because these two NGOs are very prominent in Akure, Ondo State. This study concludes that NGOs have impacted positively on women political participation and it recommends that NGOs should devise means of changing their leaders or management. The founder should not continue to be the leader who takes major decision until he/she dies. This is because this may not encourage innovative new ideas to be injected into the organization. NGOs should also allow people in the rural areas to feel their impact instead of operating mostly in the urban areas.

This article explores the role of feminism in the struggle for equal participation of women and men in politics. Women make up half of the world's population. Their participation in political life should reflect this and with political decisions being shared between genders. But the reality in the modern world shows that in politics, where power is concentrated, women are less represented particularly at top of the hierarchical structures. Feminism as a social movement has diminished gender "blindness" in politics, demanding equal rights for women and pushing for gender integration at almost all levels, up to the highest positions of power. If we make a review of the phases through which the creation of the social conditions for equal access of men and women to the key domains throughout history, especially in the European and Macedonian society, to the new concept of equal opportunities, one can conclude that it should have passed many centuries and patience, but above all persistence, until significant progress has been made, which is visible only in the last few decades. But even that "success" is not at a satisfactory level, nor at least not in practice.

Recently, there has been a focus on religion as an essential catalyst for political participation & renewed civic engagement. Various claims share the common assumption that religion promotes the essential components of political participation including motivation, recruitment, & ability. Using survey data from the 2000 National Election Study, we examine the processes that link the structural & cognitive dimensions of religion with political discussion networks, mass media use, & various indicators of democratic citizenship, including political participation. Our results show that current claims related to religion may be oversold. Specifically, we find that the cognitive dimension of religion leads to several negative effects on aspects of democratic citizenship. Our results also indicate that the structural effects of religion are limited, compared to secular networks, which provide an ideal setting for citizens to gain & exchange information, increase feelings of efficacy, & -- most importantly -- engage in various forms of participation. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 65 References. Adapted from the source document.

Physical and mental health is known to have wide influence over most aspects of social life—be it schooling and employment or marriage and broader social engagement—but has received limited attention in explaining different forms of political participation. We analyze a unique dataset with a rich array of objective measures of cognitive and physical well-being and two objective measures of political participation, voting and contributing money to campaigns and parties. For voting, each aspect of health has a powerful effect on par with traditional predictors of participation such as education. In contrast, health has little to no effect on making campaign contributions. We recommend additional attention to the multifaceted affects of health on different forms of political participation.

Research on participation is currently characterized by a trend towards studying its "darker" sides. In this commentary, I make an argument for why we should keep studying good participation. In addition, I claim that the flipside of studying exceptional case studies of participation shouldn't be only focusing on dark participation, but on everyday, mundane forms of participation, that may happen in surprising contexts (such as non-proprietary platforms) and may take different shapes. To make these claims, I introduce a case study of "good participation" in news production processes, and explain why it may merit this distinction. I then use a three-pronged analogy to the cognate field of political participation to show what it can tell us about good - and everyday - participation in the news.

This article examines the dynamics of young people's political participation in Malaysia during the 1998 Reformasi era by focusing its analyses on the patterns of participation and the impacts of the 1998 Reformasi and the 1999 general election on young people's political engagement. By using content analysis of secondary data, the findings show that the 1998 Reformasi marked as a turning point that changed political engagement of young people from politically indifferent or disconnected generation to politically engaged citizens, whether in the forms of conventional politics (i.e. voting) or unconventional politics (i.e. protest activism and social movements) whilst failed to replace the existing ruling regime. This change was closely related to the regional trend, socioeconomic factors and the new media.

Participation as an element of active citizenship in democracies is a key project of international and national educational policy. Institutionalized approaches for compulsory schools provide participatory access to all young European citizens. But does this picture depict the possibilities and practices of participation appropriately? Can this standard approach to participation be translated into action in view of diverse polities, policies, political cultures, institutions and practices of participation? This book explores what prerequisites must be given for a successful implementation of s