Suchergebnisse

Celem artykułu jest omówienie problematyki metodyczno-dydaktycznej związanej z zastosowaniem gamifikacji podczas zajęć z języka obcego w formie zdalnej oraz ukazanie potencjału, który tkwi w wykorzystywaniu narzędzi internetowych takich jak gry i aplikacje w nauce języka obcego on-line. Podstawowe pytanie, jakie przyświeca podjętym tu rozważaniom, odnosi się do skuteczności i jakości gier tworzonych za pomocą platform i aplikacji internetowych (m.in. Wordwall, Learningapps, Padlet, Jamboard, Kahoot, Quizlet, Mentimeter), których uczeń może używać samodzielnie oraz takich, które wymagają asysty nauczyciela. Autorka poddaje analizie specyfikę gier na zajęciach online i wskazuje, na co trzeba zwracać szczególną uwagę podczas ich przeprowadzania.

Input data for communication network design/optimization problems involving multi-hour or uncertain tra c can consist of a large set of tra c matrices. These matrices are explicitly considered in prob- lem formulations for link dimensioning. However, many of these matrices are usually dominated by others so only a relatively small subset of ma- trices would be su cient to obtain proper link capacity reservations, sup- porting all original tra c matrices. Thus, elimination of the dominated matrices leads to substantially smaller optimization problems, making them treatable by contemporary solvers. In the paper we discuss the issues behind detecting domination of one tra c matrix over another. We consider two basic cases of domination: (i) total domination when the same tra c routing must be used for both matrices, and (ii) ordi- nary domination when tra c dependent routing can be used. The paper is based on our original results and generalizes the domination results known for fully connected networks. ; While working on the paper during his stay as an invited professor at Warsaw University of Technology, W. Ben-Ameur was supported by European Union in the framework of European Social Fund. P. Pav on was supported by the FP7 BONE project, by the MEC project TEC2010-21405- C02/TCM CALM, and by \Programa de Ayudas a Grupos de Excelencia de la R. de Murcia, F. S eneca" { he had also stayed at Warsaw University of Technology while working on the results presented in the paper. M. Pi oro was supported by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education (grants no. 280/N- DFG/2008/0 and N517 397334), and by the Swedish Research Council (grant no. 621-2006-5509).

"The enemy of my enemy is my friend." This common adage, which seems to be adhered to in social interactions (e.g. high school cliques or work relationships) as well as in political alliances within countries and between countries, describes the ability of groups or people to work together when they face an opponent, although otherwise they have little in common. In social psychology this phenomenon has been termed the "common enemy effect". Such group behavior can be studied using networks to depict the players within a group and the relationships between them. In this paper we study the effect of a common enemy on a model of network formation, where self-interested, myopic players can use links to build a network, knowing that they are facing a common enemy who can disrupt the links within the network and whose goal it is to minimize the overall value of the network. We find that introducing such a common enemy can lead to the formation of stable and efficient networks which would not be stable without the threat of disruption. However, we also find that fragmented networks as well as the empty networks are also stable. While the common enemy can thus have a positive effect on the incentives of players to form an efficient network, it can also lead to fragmentation and disintegration of the network.

Western liberal governments increasingly seek to improve the performance of the public sector by spurring innovation. New Public Management reforms from the 1980s onward viewed strategic entrepreneurial leadership and public–private competition as key drivers of public innovation. By contrast, the current wave of New Public Governance reforms perceives collaboration between relevant and affected actors from the public and private sector as the primary vehicle of public innovation, and tends to see governance networks as potential arenas for collaborative innovation. The new focus on collaborative innovation in networks poses a fundamental challenge for public managers, elected politicians, and others aiming to metagovern governance networks. Hence, we claim that a specific metagovernance strategy is needed when the purpose of governance networks is to stimulate efficiency, effectiveness, and democratic legitimacy through innovation rather than incremental improvements. The article aims to sketch out the contours of such a strategy by comparing it with more traditional metagovernance strategies. The argument is illustrated by an empirical analysis of an example of collaborative innovation in Danish elderly care.

AbstractAlthough a wide‐ranging literature explores the favorable effects of social capital, it is only relatively recently that systematic attention has been directed to the manner in which social networks emerge and the consequent implications for civic engagement and collaborative governance. This article employs advanced social network statistical models to examine civic network emergence following a participatory reform in Los Angeles. Findings suggest that the reform fostered a number of favorable network attributes supportive of democratic participation. At the same time, subtle but ubiquitous effects of socioeconomic sorting had the unintended and undesirable effect of elevating higher‐status actors within the emergent civic network. These findings suggest that macro‐level policy interventions are required to foster the development of ties that promote cross‐talk among socioeconomically distinct community groups.

Recent years have seen a growing number of studies investigating the accuracy of nonprobability online panels; however, response quality in nonprobability online panels has not yet received much attention. To fill this gap, we investigate response quality in a comprehensive study of seven nonprobability online panels and three probability-based online panels with identical fieldwork periods and questionnaires in Germany. Three response quality indicators typically associated with survey satisficing are assessed: straight-lining in grid questions, item nonresponse, and midpoint selection in visual design experiments. Our results show that there is significantly more straight-lining in the nonprobability online panels than in the probability-based online panels. However, contrary to our expectations, there is no generalizable difference between nonprobability online panels and probability-based online panels with respect to item nonresponse. Finally, neither respondents in nonprobability online panels nor respondents in probability-based online panels are significantly affected by the visual design of the midpoint of the answer scale.

The importance of problems caused by global warming and increased GHG emissions have been recognised by the international community which responded to this challenge through a growing number of studies, agreements and policies dealing with climate change prevention, mitigation and adaptation. The shift to green economy is confirmed as the highest development aim, while establishing a balanced relationship between environmental policies, economic efficiency, technological upgrading and behavioural transition is one of main global assignments of our epoch. The importance of knowledge and innovations is also emphasised, while their availability, diffusion and exchange represent a key-reinforcement of green transition, especially in societies which are facing severe economic, social and environmental problems caused by sensitive local circumstances. The case of Serbia, which is the focus of this article, presents one of possible paths towards climate change adaptation, conditioned by more than two turbulent decades of the recent history of the country. Since democratic changes in 2000, environmental issues have become visible on institutional (governmental) level - through introduction of new environmental laws, research funding, preparation and implementation of specific documents or strategies, and on non-institutional (non-governmental) level - as different environmentally focused initiatives, usually supported by international, regional or local funds. However, on both levels information networks represent an inevitable structural ingredient, which enables a sustainable and locally adjusted approach to climate adaptation. Following global trends, information networks in Serbia are mainly used in the domain of public communication of climate changes, covering three major thematic areas of climate adaptability - human behaviour, ecological awareness and general efficiency. Considering all these specificities, the article provides a review of detected practices related to the use of information networks in climate change adaptation on both global and local level, stressing the possible benefits and limitations in the context of Serbia. The first part of the article introduces a global background of the problem of climate adaptation, summarising major environmental trends, research problems and policy responses, and emphasising the relation between climate change and urban(ised) environment. The second part is dedicated to the case of Serbia, focusing on three aspects - general condition of the environment, the legal framework and the perception/recognition of urban context and its environmental effects in recent development documents. The third part is focused on the relation between information networks, built environment/cities and climate changes, providing an overview of global trends and Serbian practice, while possible improvements of detected local weaknesses are given in the concluding part. ; Publisher's Version

The Colour Revolutions in the former Soviet Union were arguably the twenty-first century's first successful attempts to overthrow political elites through mass protest and civic society activism. They are of intrinsic interest to media scholars because concepts of media freedom were located at the heart of the protests against semiautocratic post-Communist regimes and have continued to characterise political debate in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. The ideals that underpinned the events were echoed several years later in the Arab world, and both initially involved influential networks of act