LANGUAGE SHIFT AND MAINTENANCE AMONG CHINESE COMMUNITY IN SURABAYA: A CASE OF NON-MIGRANT COMMUNITY Rizky Silvia Putri Sastra Inggris, Language and Arts Faculty, State University of Surabaya Rizky2790@gmail.com Drs. Slamet Setiawan, MA, Ph.D English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya slametsetia@yahoo.com Abstrak Bahasa Inggris merupakan bahasa Internasional dimana semua orang di dunia mengenal bahasa Inggris. Surabaya, sebagai kota besar di Indonesia menjadikan bahasa Inggris sebagai bahasa yang penting untuk dipelajari dan hal ini juga mempengaruhi area kerja dimana Bahasa Inggris adalah salah satu syarat untuk dikuasai oleh tenaga kerja. Fenomena ini membuat orang-orang mempelajari bahkan bahasa Inggris dipilih sebagai bahasa yang harus mereka kuasai. Penelitian ini berfokus pada komintas Cina di Surabaya yang memilih bahasa Inggris and menunjukan tanda untuk bergeser ke bahasa Inggris dan pemertahanan bahasa Indonesia. Keluarga yang dipilih yang mempunyai potensial untuk berbicara bahasa Inggris dan kemungkinan bergeser ke bahasa Inggris. Penelitian ini mempunyai tiga tujuan: 1.) untuk mendeskripsikan bahasa yang digunakan oleh keluarga-keluarga Cina, 2.) untuk mengetahui factor-faktor yang menyebabkan keluraga-keluarga Cina memilih bahasa Inggris, dan 3.) untuk mengidentifikasi bagaimana keluarga-keluarga Cina mempertahankan bahasa Indonesia. Penelitian lapangan dipilih dalam penelitian ini. Penemuan dalam penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa factor dalam memilih bahasa Inggris dari pada bahasa Mandarin dan Indonesia menunjukkan tanda pergeseran ke bahasa Inggris. Ini karena bahasa Inggris mempunyai peranan yang penting dalam factor pergeseran bahasa: sifat dan nilai, social, demografi, dan ekonomi dan politik. Pemilihan bahasa Inggris karena beberapa factor juga sebuah tanda dari tiga keluraga Cina untuk bergeser ke bahasa Inggris: era modern, komunikasi, pendidikan, kehidupan mendatang, dan bahasa kebiasaan. Walaupun begitu, bahasa Indonesia sebagai bahasa ibu dan bahasa mayoritas yang digunakan oleh orang Surabaya dipertahankan. Sikap yang positif yang ditunjukkan oleh para orang tua dan anak-anak menunjukkan cara dalam mempertahankan bahasa Indonesia. Kata Kunci: pemilihan bahasa, pergeseran bahasa, pemilihan bahasa Abstract English is an international language where people around the world know English. Surabaya as urban and multilingual city in Indonesia put English as an important language to be learnt and it gives affect in working area where English one of language requirements where employees must able to speak it. This phenomena make people learn even choose English as one of language that they must mastered. This study focuses on Chinese community in Surabaya who chooses English and shows the precursor to shifts into English and the maintenance of Indonesian. The families have been chosen as they are potential agent to speak English and show the possibility to shift into English. The study has three goals: 1.) To describe the language is used by Chinese Family in Surabaya, 2.) To find out the factors that contributes Chinese family in choosing English, and 3.)To identify how do the Chinese Family maintain the Indonesian. Qualitative research approach has been chosen in this study. The instruments used were questionnaires and interviews. The findings of the study show that the factors of choosing English rather than Mandarin and Indonesian by three Chinese families as multilingual families show the precursor of shifting into English. This is because English has an important role to the factors of language shift: attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and politic. The choice of English because of some factors also the precursor of these three Chinese families to shift into English: modern era, communication, education, future life, and language habit. However, Indonesian as mother tongue and majority language that is used by Surabaya people is maintained. The positive attitudes that are shown by parents and children show the way in maintaining Indonesian language. Keywords: Language choice, language shift, language maintenance INTRODUCTION English as an international language is nothing new in this modern world. Sharifi (2009: 2) said in general that English as an international language refers to a paradigm for thinking, research and practice. It marks a paradigm shift in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL), SLA and the applied linguistics of English, partly in response to the complexities that are associated with the tremendously rapid spread of English around the globe in recent decades English has been categorized as an important language for non-native English speakers and the application of learning English for education even starts from in the very young age, for example in Surabaya. English has been taught in every school and needed almost in every working area. Surabaya is known as urban city which the center of business, industry, trade, and center of education. This is one of the most favorable places where businessman or business woman begin their career, place of education, and for job seeker. Surabaya is the second larger city after Jakarta and the capital of the province of East Java, and with total of population reaching over 3 million which make Surabaya is called as an urban city (http://www.surabaya.go.id/profilkota/index.php?id=22). While Lowenstein (1977:23) said that In general, populations in places of 2,500 or over were urban; those in places of less than 2,500 were rural This makes English become an important language choice by people in Surabaya and perhaps people will try to learn English to get a better future in life because the competition is real in urban areas. Chinese is one of ethnics which exist in Surabaya for a very long time ago. The first language brought in Surabaya was Mandarin because the Chinese at the first time was the result of migration. Meanwhile, the elder did not teach Mandarin as well as language inherited. This is happen because they do not living in China where Mandarin position as first and dominant language spoken. So, the situation is Mandarin does not function as the first language for young generation in Surabaya. In addition, it is considered too difficult with all its grammars, pronunciations, and intonations. It is said by Constance's letter in Liu (2005:140) wrote that English was easier than Chinese because English only had twenty-six letters while Chinese had many characters and did not have a spelling system. So, the language most spoken by Chinese in Surabaya today is Indonesian and it is considered as mother tongue that inherits to the next generation. In this case, Chinese people, who see a future must be a better future and life will think that English is needed to be learnt because there would be a competitor in urban city and must follow the modern era which make English is used almost in every places whether written or oral. Besides getting an English subject at school, parents might also put their children to the course, learning English and use it at home in daily communication. This use of language is chosen and spoken because of some favors. This is leading Chinese community tend to shift Indonesian into English. It is when people use a particular language in a particular area because of some favors. Chaer and Agustina (1995: 190) said that language shift is usually happened in a country or in an area which gives a big hope for the better social economic life. There are three research questions; (1) what language is used by Chinese family in Surabaya, (2) what factors that contribute Chinese family choose English?, (3) how does the Chinese family maintain the Indonesian language?. The purposes of this study are to identify the language used by Chinese family in Surabaya and the factors that contribute the families choose English. This study is expected to be able to enrich linguistics study dealing with phenomena of language shift among Chinese people in Surabaya. This study uses three members of Chinese family in Surabaya and focuses only with non-migrant communities which mean that they have been living for the next of three generation after the first Chinese ethnic who had been migrated in Surabaya. The topic language shift and it is not something new. It was already done by other ethnics who moved in Surabaya as migrants. The situation of choosing a new language in a new domain where they live in right now, make the use that language in order to be able in communicate with people in new domain. This situation makes them shift their ethnic language to other language because of some favors and the ethnic language on the other hand does not use in the new are where the majority of language used is in the place they live in now. This study was conducted by Wijayanti and Windarti about language shift that happen to migrant majorities. The first study was conducted by Wijayanti's (2008) of "language shift and maintenance found in bataknese families in surabaya" indicated that the Bataknese who lives in Surabaya shift to a new and maintain the old one. She also wants to describe the social contexts which are responsible for language shift and language maintenance by Bataknese in Surabaya. Wijayanti divided the informants into two groups: young and old generations of Bataknese in Surabaya which were chosen in random whom might represent their community in Surabaya. The young generation represented language shift while the old generation represented language maintenance. While the second previous study was conducted by Windarti's (2007) of "A Study of Language Shift among Flores People in Surabaya" is concerned about the shift of Flores language because of the speakers' movement to another place (in this case, Flores people move to Java). Although the Flores people have very good ability to master Flores language, they have very positive attitude towards Flores language, and they also have such organization Flores family in Surabaya, most of the Flores people (parents) have never taught Flores language to their children. It is because Flores people think that it is unnecessary to teach Flores language in Surabaya. In addition, Windarti's study took ten Flores families as the informants, who were divided into two categories, original Flores families (OFs), and mixed marriage Flores Families (MMs). Both of previous study above concerned about the language shift which occurs to the speaker who migrate to the another city and shift the language to majority language that is Surabaya language. Migration is the position which showing that most people who migrate to another city will use the language use in the place they migrate to. While in this study is concerned about the choice and the intensity of using English language that make three Chinese families tend to shift into English. The status of English in the world is one of factors that lead them to choose English. The subjects were 3 families consist of parents and children. The children here is represented their community who potential to choose English as language communication. The parents represented the figure that supported the children to use English and maintain Indonesian as mother tongue and majority language spoken by Surabaya people. There are some theories that are used in this study, but there are five main theories that support to answer the three research questions in this study. The first theory is about multilingualism that is said by Quay in Auer and Lie (2007: 45) that with the greater mobility of people and consequent cross-linguistic and cross cultural relationship, an increasing number of children are growing up with early exposure to two languages in the family. Indeed, more than two languages may be in the linguistic repertoire of the family, rendering a case of family multilingualism, the second is about the ability of multilingual that is said by Sridhar in Wardhaugh (2006: 96) who says that Multilinguals develop competence in each of the codes to the extent that they need it and for the contexts in which each of the languages is used. The third is theory about factors of language choice by Setiawan (2013) suggests the certain reasons for language choice in bilingual or multilingual society from the city parent's view: Emblematic value, strategic reason (politeness), pragmatic reason. The fourth is about factors contribute language shift by Holmes (2001) who says that there are several factors that contribute to language shift: Values and attitude, social, demographic, and economic and political. The last is about language maintenance by Chaer and Agustina (1995: 193) who explain that language maintenance is the matter with the attitude to be consistent in using a language among other languages. RESEARCH METODE Qualitative or field research design is used in this study which mean to showing of human phenomena in the social interaction. The qualitative study is based on the quality which means to examine social meanings and grasp multiple perspectives in natural setting. According to Neuman (2007: 278), field research is based on naturalism, which is also used to study other phenomena (e.g. oceans, animals, plants, etc.). It involves observing ordinary events in natural settings, not in contrived, invented, or researcher-created-settings. The subjects in this study were 3 Chinese families in Surabaya who were born in Surabaya and living for the next of three generation for the first migration in Surabaya. The three Chinese families were multilingualism who able to speak three languages: Indonesian, Mandarin, and English. In this case, Indonesia was their mother tongue, not Mandarin. The sources of the data in this study were 3 Chinese families in Surabaya. They were parents and children. The data were information and opinion from each member and its parents. The data of research question number one, two and three are opinion and information about language used, factors contribute language shift, and the way of maintaining the Indonesian. The data are gotten from observation, Interview and questionnaires that are given to the subjects of the study; parents and children. Since the subjects of this study were humans, the writer collected the data in the form of written and oral words from the subjects being observed. Besides that, the instruments and tools were used to support to the data collection technique. There are two kinds of techniques applied in this study; questionnaires, interview. The three instruments were used to answer the three research question; (1) language used by Chinese family in Surabaya, (2) factors contributes language choice, and (3) the maintaining of Indonesian language. After that the data that had been obtained will be transcribed, and then classified the data. The last process is analyzing the data with the theory used in this study. RESULT AND DISCUSSION In this section, it collects all the data findings in result section and to be related with the theories provided. The data has founded is Multilingualism, Factors contribute language choice and the effort in Maintaining the Indonesian Language. Result In this section, it presents all data analyses gotten by related to research question number one, two, and three. In this part, there is no theory to be discussed which relate to the result. It will answer three research questions; language used, factors contribute language choice, and maintain Indonesian language. Then, the result is explained in the following parts: Language Used by Chinese Families in Surabaya The three Chinese families were known as multilingual families because they were able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian and English. These languages have its position and function towards these families. The position and function of these languages will be explained below: Mandarin Language Mandarin was one of languages that were used by three Chinese families in Surabaya. Mandarin still considered as minority language and not all people in Surabaya understood and wanted to spoke this language. As the result, Mandarin was only spoken by people who able to speak this language, such us Chinese who worked at international Chinese company and Mandarin teacher who used Mandarin in teaching and learning method in school and Mandarin course places. It had been spoken also by the elder who had been living in Surabaya in past time but it did not now. The children also argued that Chinese was important but they did not speak it because they were not living in country where Mandarin is positioning as Majority. This opinion was gotten from the subject of the study that both children and parents were giving the same opinion about their ethnic language. The conversation is written below: Data 1: Mother A: menurut saya bahasa Mandarin itu penting karena menunjukkan identitas kami sebagai orang Cina. Tapi bahasa Mandarin jarang dipakai jadi saya tidak ngomong dengan bahasa Mandarin. Dan juga menurut saya bahasa Mandarin terlalu ribet dan sulit. Saya cuman bisa sedikit tapi hanya dipakai sama saudara dan temen. (I think Mandarin is important because it shows our identity. But, I also understand that it is not a majority language to be spoken in Surabaya because in here people use Indonesian. And it is also considered to be difficult. I only speak a little with my sibling and my friends). In this case, mother A only used Mandarin with her friends but only a little. This was because she did not speak well and it was too difficult. Mandarin language was only a sign to show her identity. Indonesian Language Indonesian language is the majority language that is spoken by people in Surabaya. Since Mandarin did not inherit to the three Chinese families, Indonesian was known as their mother tongue. Mother tongue is the language that is used and taught by parents to their children in daily activities and the result of mother language usually comes up as the first language of the children and parents. The evidence of Indonesian language as mother tongue for Chinese family can be seen on the information of each parent below. Table 1. The evidence of Indonesian language that is used as mother tongue Mother A Mother B Mother C bahasa indonesia ya bahasa ibu dikeluarga kami. Soalnya dari kecil orang tua ngomongnya ya pakek bahasa Indonesia. (Indonesian is our mother tongue because it inherits by my parents). dari kecil saya pakek bahasa Indonesia, soalnya orang tua kalo ngomong ke kita ya pakek bahasa Indonesia. (I use indonesia since I was a kid because my parents also speak Indonesian to us). I was speaking Indonesian when I was a kid because parents taught that language to me. Meanwhile, we are living in Surabaya, so we must understand about Indonesian. From the table above, it proved that the three Chinese families used Indonesian as mother language because they were living in the area where Indonesian was used by people surrounding. In addition, the old generation also taught them spoke Indonesian. So, Indonesian was recognized as Chinese mother tongue. English Language English was the language that was also used by three Chinese families. English was becoming their language because it had an important role in many aspects: education and job opportunities. It was also known as International language and positioned as foreign language. English was one of foreign languages that are taught at every school since a long time.it was seen that Child C learnt English since she was a child. And it was also her language used. Data 2: Child C: yeah,, My parents taught me English since I was a child. They also sent me to English course. From the information above, English was her language used. It was proven that she her parents taught her English when she was a child and they also sent her to English course. It means that she used English as one of her languages used. On the other hand, English became a dominant language used by three Chinese families in Surabaya. It was argued by Family A and B that English must become the children's dominant language. They are stated as follow: Data 3: Father A: kami sudah terbiasa ngomong pakek bahasa Inggris. Itu sudah terbiasa karena digereja dan tempat kerja ya bahasa inggris yang dpakai. Di rumah kami juga ngomong pakek bahasa inggris. ya biar tambah lancar aja apalagi sama anak saya. Wajib itu mbak, meskipun gak setiap hari. (we used to speak in English. it is so because I speak it in church and working place because English is used there. I also speak English at home. it is because we will be fluent in it, especially with my children. It is a must even not in everyday communication). English became a dominant language to family A because they used to speak English almost in many domains: church, home, and working area. Father A supported his statement that English was also used at home in order to fluent their family English speaking. And it was strongly said that "wajib itu mbk meskipun gak setiap hari (it is a must even not in everyday communication)". So, from the statement above, English is recognized as their dominant language. It was proven that three Chinese families were multilingual families because they were able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian, and English. Indonesian was their mother tongue because it is inherited through generations. Mandarin was their ethnic language that is functioned to show their identity, and English was used as their dominant language use. In this case, they are considered as multilingualism, this is the ability of speaking more than two languages Factors of Choosing English Language There were several factors why did three Chinese families choose English as their language communication. The factors are represented in the form of tables which consists of; modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit. Here are some factors why did these families choose English. Modern Era See the advanced of high technology in modern era, it is proven that there so many communication tools with high technology that are used to interact with other people in order to get an easy ways to communicate with them. High technology facilitates the people to interact with people who live in foreign country. The three children were used English to chat with their foreign friends through social media. In this case, high technology helped them to interact with people who had long distance. The table below shows about English as language choice to interact with their foreign friends through social media. Table 2. Language Choice by Child A, B, and C in Modern Era Child A Child B Child C I like to speak in English with my foreign friends in social media. In social media, I am used to speak English with foreign friends. I have chat friends from Singapore. She is the daughter of dad's friend. I am used to talk with her in English. So, I like it. From the information on the table above, high technology was useful for three children to communicate with their foreign friends. English was usually used in high technology. It meant that social media was one of the result of high technology that used English as main language in the display. So, with the ability of speaking English by the children is helping them in using the technology to communicate with their foreign friends through social media. Communication The choice of language in a communication is affected both for speakers and addressees. It means that the language is chosen in order to get an effective ways to communicate with one to another. Three Chinese families used English in some domains and with certain addresses. It means that they used English with people who spoke English too. It was also said that the used of English was chosen because in some domains English was used. In this case, all people used English in church domain. Family B, on the other hand used English in church, working area, and home. This was because English was the language choice in church and working area, while it was their language used at home. Mother B showed that she spoke English in church, home, and working area. Data 4: Mother B: saya ngomong bahasa Inggris di rumah, tempat kerja, sama Gereja. Dirumah saya biasanya bicara sama suami sama anak-anak juga. Kalau ditempat kerja, saya ngomong pakek bahasa inggris sama GM soalnya dia dari India. Jadi bahasa kita ya Inggris sebagai penghubung. Kalau di gereja biasanya ya ngomong bahasa inggris sama head church sama temen-temen aja. (I speak English at home, working area, and church. I speak English with my husband and children. I also speak English at the office with general manager. This is because he is from India and English is our language. If it is at church, I speak English with the head of church and fellows). The intensity of using English language was a precursor for the family to shift into English. This was because English had become their dominant language used. Education Education sometimes becomes a place where English is used in state and public school but it is most used in international school. This was shown by three children of Chinese families who schooled at international language. The use of English was crucial in there and this was an obligation of each student to speak in English. Table 3. Language Choice by Child A, B, and C in Education Child A Child B Child C I speak English at school with teachers and friends. At school, I speak English with my teacher and friends I speak English at schools with teacher and friends The choice of English in school area is obvious. This is because it is the dominant language used in school. The school of three children is international school and English is language used in there. English is used to communicate with teacher and students in the classroom and used with friends outside the class. Future Carrier Future carrier always becomes a crucial part for someone to choose a language that gives a big role to the successful in working area. English is the language that gives a big contribution in future carrier. Most companies use English as one of language requirements for applicants who want to apply and get a job. Consider that Surabaya was urban city, big chance to get a good job in big companies. English must be the language that requires in there. It was argued by mother A that English was one of languages that were needed in big companies. Data 5: Mother A: pasti itu mbak. Karena pekerjaan sekarang banyak yang menggunakan bahasa inggris. Di Surabaya banyak sekali perusahaan-perusahaan yang syarat diterima untuk bekerja salah satunya adalah menguasai bahasa inggris. (ofcourse, this is because there are so many jobs that use English. in Surabaya, there are companies where one of conditions that the applicants can be accepted is able to speak in English). Saw Surabaya as urban city made mother A concerned about choosing English as one of language used in her family. This was because there were big companies that choose English as requirement for applicant who wanted to enter it. It was supported by her child who saw English as an important language for good job carrier in Surabaya. Data 6: Child A: because Surabaya is a big city after Jakarta and it is recognized as urban city where everything is in here. Everything means good education, good job, beautiful house, good technology, etc. It was argued by child A that in Surabaya had everything; good education, good job, beautiful house, good technology, etc. it means that to get all of them she must has a view to pass all of these. By learning English was one of steps to pass it because when she mastered it, she could work wherever she wanted. Language Habit The use of language in everyday communication will make this as language habit. Language habit can be a result of dominant language because it is the language used that is almost spoken. English was spoken at home as daily language because the parents wanted the children fluent their English. Father A showed that the using of English at home would make his family used to speak it. Data 7: Father A: iya. karena dengan memakai bahasa inggris dirumah kami jadi terbiasa untuk berbicara bahasa inggris.(yes, because with using English at home we will use to speak English). English was spoken in home domain where it was a crucial place to the acquiring the language that became the habit. It was supported by his child who used English as language habit because that was the perfect way in practicing of English. Data 8: Child A: Because practice makes perfect and if we think that English is important, we need to use it every day Child A said that the using of English for everyday communication was important. The used of English was showed as the real practice to make it perfect because it was because her daily language. The tendency of choosing and using English make English become the language habit. This is because they want to master English by using it as daily communication which makes English as their language habit. The factors of choosing English language show that English has an important role. The spread of English in many aspects make these three Chinese families choose English over other languages. The intensity of using English language show a precursor for these families to shift into English and it is unavoidable that these families will shift into English when they start to abandon their mother tongue and choose English as their new language. On the other hand, the precursor of shifting into English was also shown by three Chinese families because of some factors; attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and political. The factors that give these three Chinese families precursor to shift into English will be explained below. Attitude and Values Attitude is one of the factors to occur the language shift. The choice of a language where dominant language is chosen than mother tongue will give a big tendency to them who tended to shift into English. It is show by Family A, B, and C who agreed that English has a high value. Table 4. Father A, B, and C's opinion about the value of English language Father A Father B Father C People will see us as an educated people. Because English is considered as international language and it is important. It will show our family background. It is also the language in the world that is used by various people. The spread of English in the world is admitted. So, at least, people must learn English for better future. See the Value of English and the attitude of each family make English has high status. This is because the important of learning English is no doubt. The tendency of using English is one of ways that will make them look educated which shows their background of family and by seeing the value of English these families showed the positive attitude by teach their children even used it in everyday communication. Children themselves showed the precursor of shifting into English by used in daily. Demographic Demographic is also the one of factors that contributes Chinese family who tended to shift into English, especially for the children. Moreover, English is used in big and international companies. So, people must able to speak English as one of requirements in get in that companies. All families agreed that demographic was one of factors that made them learning English in order to get a better job among other people who come to Surabaya to find a better job too. It was shown by mother A that English was one of ways to compete with other job seekers. Data 9: Mother A: intinya mbak, saya ingin anak belajar bahasa inggris agar bisa mendapat pekerjaan yang bagus. Karena banyak orang yang datang ke Surabaya untuk mencari pekerjaan. Jadi ya, dengan bahasa Inggris kami bisa berkompetisi.(the point is, I want my children to learn English in order to get a good job. There are people who come in Surabaya to get a job, so only with English we can compete with them). From the opinion that was said by mother A, it proved that the competition in urban city was real. This was because there were many people who came from another city to get a good job in Surabaya. So, the only way to compete with them was able to speak in English because in big companies must use English as one of the requirement. If people wanted to be a success people, they must start it from big companies where so many chances could be found. Chinese people, with all their vision and to see the future must being the best future was about a competition in urban city. People who live in urban city with such kind of opportunities will make Chinese people not give up upon everything. Economic and Political Economic and political factors are considered as an obvious factor in language shift. From the data gotten, economic aspect gave a big contribution for three Chinese families who tended to shift into English. Child C went to international school and English course to fluent her English ability. Data 10: Child C: I go international school and having various kinds of friends. I also go to English course to learn English. My parents said that by learning English I will be a successful person and get much money so I can make them proud of me. It was seen that by studying English since the children was a kid will let them ready to the get a better life by having a good job. Social Social gives a big contribution to the shifting of one language to dominant language used. English was used by people in wider community; Church, working area, and environment. All parents and children were used English in church. The communities (addressee) in church were used English too to communicate with others. It happened to family C who tended to shift into English. Besides school and church, environment and working area were the area where family C used English as their daily language. It happened because some of their neighbors were mixed marriage couple. Data 11: Child C: I also speak with my friend, Farah. She lives next two blocks from my house. Her family is from Singapore. The tendency of using English by all families in certain domains and addresses in some situation make them tended to shift from Indonesian into English. The obvious way is showed by the children. The condition where English is used in certain domains and situations see the precursor of language shift where English replaces Indonesian. The choices of English as communication tool and the intensity that are shown by three Chinese families show the precursor of language shift. This is because they use English almost in their daily language. The factors of language shift also become the precursor by three Chinese families to shift into English. Language maintenance towards Indonesian Language by Chinese Family in Surabaya Chinese families were living in Surabaya where Indonesian is the majority language used by people in Surabaya. However English comes to Surabaya and influence all aspects in it, still, the majority language that was spoken in Surabaya was Indonesian. It was shown by family A who cared about Indonesian language as majority language in Surabaya. It was supported a reason given by Mother A: Data 12: Mother A: iya lah mbak. Semua harus bisa bahasa Indonesia, soalnya kita kan tinggal di Surabaya. terus kalo mau kemana-mana ya dominan nya pakek bahasa Indonesia. (Yes, of course. All my family must able to speak in Indonesian because we are living in Surabaya. If we want to go somewhere, the dominant language that is spoken is Indonesian). The positive attitude towards Indonesian was showed by the family. It was shown that Indonesian is important to be learnt and spoken. Chinese family, especially parents inherits Indonesian to their children. This is because they are living in Surabaya. The positive attitude toward Indonesian that is spoken at home makes its language long- maintained. Discussion In Discussion section, it collects all the data findings in result section and to be related with the theories provided. The data has founded is Multilingualism, Factors contribute language choice and the effort in Maintaining the Indonesian Language. Those data that have been related to the theories provided will be discussed below: Language Used by Chinese Families The finding shows that both parents and children of Chinese families were able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian, and English. Indonesian was their mother tongue because it inherited to their children. Mandarin was their ethnic language that was learnt in order to show their identity, and English was their dominant language used among three Chinese families because the intensity of using English was more than Indonesian and Mandarin. In this case, they are considered as multilingualism because they able to speak more than two languages. Quay in Auer and Lie (2007: 45) said that with the greater mobility of people and consequent cross-linguistic and cross cultural relationship, an increasing number of children are growing up with early exposure to two languages in the family. Indeed, more than two languages may be in the linguistic repertoire of the family, rendering a case of family multilingualism. Factors of Choosing English Language There were some factors that contributed three Chinese families chose English language in their daily communication. They were modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit. High technology was useful for three children to communicate with their foreign friends. English was usually used in high technology. It meant that social media was one of the result of high technology that used English as main language in the display. So, with the ability of speaking English by the children is helping them in using the technology to communicate with their foreign friends through social media. In communication factor, these families chose English to communicate to because the addressees had the same potential of speaking English and because of some reasons made these families chose English; working area and neighborhood. The intensity of using English language could precursor them tend to shift into English. This was because English had become their dominant language used. In addition, the families chose English to communicate to because the addressees had the same potential of speaking English and because of some reasons made these families chose English; working area and neighborhood. Schooled in international language was the reason by three Chinese children to choice English in education area. This was because it was the dominant language used in international school. English is used to communicate with teacher and students in the classroom and used with friends outside the class. In future life factors, it was said by the three Chinese families in Surabaya that they were trying many ways to prepare their children to have a good quality of life in future. By studying English since the children was a kid, put them in international school and English course will let them ready to the get a better life by having a good job in the future. It was shown by the three Chinese families that the tendency of choosing and using English in certain domains and addresses in some situation make English became the language habit. This was because they wanted to master English by using it as daily communication which made English as their language habit. Setiawan (2013) suggests the certain reasons for language choice in bilingual or multilingual society from the city parent's view: Emblematic value, strategic reason (politeness), pragmatic reason. And the factors of language choice by Chinese families is related with the pragmatic reason that is connected to practical purposes; modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit The intensity of using English is the precursor that is shown these families to shift into English which was also shown by three Chinese families in some factors; attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and political. The factors that give these three Chinese families precursor to shift into English will be explained below. Attitude and Values Saw the important value of English made Chinese families showed the positive attitude towards English language. This was because English was considered as international language which has high value in the world. The attitude of parents by put their children to the international school showed that the important of English was obvious. It is supported by Holmes (2001:61) that when second language has status of an international language, it can contribute to positive attitude towards the language and it is chosen by the speakers over first language. This positive attitude toward the value of English made these families tended to shift into English. Demographic Consider that Surabaya is urban city, English is used in big and international companies. So, people must able to speak English as one of requirements in get in that companies. It was shown by three Chinese families who learn English to compete with other people in order to get a good job. With many populations and the competition in big city are reasons for these families to learn English. Holmes (2001:59) said that resistance to language shift tend to last longer in rural than urban areas. This is partly the fact that rural groups tend to be isolated from the centers of political power for longer. Economic It was found that three Chinese families in Surabaya were trying many ways to prepare their children to have a good quality of life in future.by studying English since the children was a kid will let them ready to the get a better life by having a good job. It is supported by Holmes (2001:58) that economic is the factor that leads community to shift from using one language to another language by seeing an important reason for learning the second language to get a good jobs. Social The tendency of using English was showed by all families in certain domains and addresses in some situation make them shift the Indonesian into English. It is supported by Myers-Scotton (2006) that in case after case, when a younger generation is exposed to a more dominant language in the nation than the L1 (through schooling and school peers) and it is hard to stop a shift to that second language by the next generation. The effort in Maintaining the Indonesian Language The important figure to maintain Indonesian is parents. And all three Chinese family has already shown the effort to maintain Indonesian by inherit it to their children. And the most obvious effort was that the use of Indonesian in home domain, even only a little. This is one of the ways to maintain Indonesian. Children used it to appreciate the Indonesian speakers and the appropriate ways of language contact with Indonesian speakers. The positive attitude toward Indonesian makes its language long- maintained. It is supported by Chaer and Agustina explain that language maintenance is the matter with the attitude to be consistent in using a language among other languages (1995: 193). CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION In this chapter, there are two sections that are displayed. Those are conclusion and suggestion. The conclusion is drawn based on the results and discussions that relate to the statement of the problem in this research in the chapter 4 which also presented. In addition, the suggestion is the section to give any information or advice that will lead the further researcher related to the area of language shift and maintenance in specific and sociolinguistic in general. Conclusion Three Chinese families are known as multilingual families because they are able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian, and English language. Mandarin is known as their ethnic language because it has a function to show their identity. Indonesian is known as their mother tongue because it inherits through generations. English, on the other hand is known as their dominant language because the intensity of using English was more than Mandarin and Indonesian. Regards to the multilingual family, they use the three languages in different domains and addressees. There are some factors that support these families choose English as language in communication. They are modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit. In addition, the choice of English because of those factors gives a precursor for these three Chinese families, especially for the children. It is also shown that they tend to shift into English. The factors contribute language shift appear in three Chinese families that show the precursor to shift into English. The factors are attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and political. The choice of English becomes the precursor of these families to shift into English. The shifting may be happen if the children show the negative attitude towards Indonesian which can be said that they abandon their mother tongue and replace it with the new language. The positive attitude that is showed by three Chinese families is the way to maintain Indonesian. Besides, Indonesian language is known as mother tongue of each family, it is considered as the majority language used by Surabaya people. So, these make three Chinese families maintain Indonesian language. Suggestion Through this study, it can be seen language shift can occur to anybody and any situation even the process to become shifting. Language shift and maintenance are the obvious situation that can happen to all people in a city, country, even village. It is just the way and effort of every people to shift or maintain their language from the changing of culture, language, or even economic. The researcher hopes that the study of Language shift and maintenance by non-migrant community; Chinese families in Surabaya who show the precursor of language shift would help the next researchers to find more phenomena about language shift and maintenance that is done by other ethnics who come from non-migrant community in Surabaya. The next researcher may use the theory from Joshua A. Fishman about language shift. REFERENCES Chaer, A., & Agustina, L. (1995). Sosiolinguistik Suatu Pengantar. Jakarta: Rineke Cipta. . Holmes, J. (2001). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. England: Pearson Education Limited. Liu, H. (2005). The Transnational History of a Chinese Family: Immigrant Letters, Family Business, And Reverse Migration. US: Rutgers University Press. Loewenstain, L. K. (Ed.). (1977). Urban Studies: An Introductory Reader (Second Edition ed.). United States of America: The Free Press. Myers-Scotton, & Carol. (2006). Multiple Voices: An Introduction to Bilingualism: Blackwell Publishing. Setiawan, S. (2013). Children's Language in a Bilingual Comunity in East Java. Germany: Scholars' Press. Sharifian, F. (Ed.). (2009). English as an International Language: Perspectives and Pedagogical issues Great Britain: MPG Books Ltd. Wardhaugh, R. (2006). An Introduction to Sociolinguistic (FIFTH EDITION ed.): Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Wijayanti, R. D. (2008). language shift and maintenance found in bataknese families in surabaya. Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Unpubliced. Windarti, L. (2007). A Study of Language Shift Among Flores People In Surabaya. Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Unpublished. http://www.surabaya.go.id/profilkota/index.php?id=22
Machine generated contents note: Section One Introduction to Telemental Health -- 1.Introduction / Kathleen Myers -- Introduction -- The Telemental Health Imperative -- Current Trends Supporting the Broader Adoption of Telemental Health -- Organization of This Book -- References -- 2.Telemental Health as a Solution to the Widening Gap Between Supply and Demand for Mental Health Services / Michael Flaum -- Workforce Shortages in Mental Health: The Example of Psychiatry -- What Is the Current Supply of Psychiatrists in the United States? -- Rate of Growth in Psychiatrists and All Physicians Over Time -- The Psychiatry Pipeline: Trends in Residency Training -- The Aging-Out Effect -- What Is the Current Need or Demand for Psychiatrists in the United States? -- Quantifying the need for different kinds of providers of mental health services -- The Distribution of Psychiatrists: The Iowa Example -- Telepsychiatry as a Key Strategy for Closing the Gap -- Workforce Issues of Psychology Health Service Providers -- Conclusions: The Optimal Use of Telemental Health to Address Workforce Shortages -- References -- Section Two Developing a Therapeutic Space During Telemental Health -- 3.Establishing Therapeutic Rapport in Telemental Health / Dehra Glueck -- Introduction -- Review of the Literature on Rapport and Alliance -- Technological Considerations Impacting Rapport -- Establishing Therapeutic Rapport with the Patient -- Explaining Telemental Health to Patients -- Developing Rapport with Special Populations -- Establishing Therapeutic Rapport with the Referring Clinic -- Building Rapport with Staff: An Open-Door Policy -- The Importance of a Clinical Coordinator in Facilitating Rapport at the Patient Site -- Establishing Rapport with the Broader Community -- Conclusion -- References -- 4.Ethical Considerations in Providing Mental Health Services Over Videoteleconferencing / Sarah E. Velasquez -- Introduction -- Applying Ethical Principles in Telemental Health -- Principle A Beneficence and Nonmaleficence -- Principle B Fidelity and Responsibility -- Principle C Integrity -- Principle D Justice -- Principle E Respect for People's Rights and Dignity -- Concerns Specific to Research -- Emerging VTC-Related Technologies -- Home Telehealth and VTC -- Mobile Devices and VTC -- Integration of Technologies -- Conclusion -- References -- 5.Integrating Culturally Appropriate Care into Telemental Health Practice / Jay H. Shore -- Culturally Appropriate Care and Telemental Health: An Introduction -- What Is Culturally Appropriate Care? -- The Use of Telemental Health with Rural, Distant, and Underserved Populations -- The Interplay Between Culture and Telemental Health -- Prior Research Examining Telehealth with Cultural Subgroups -- American Indian Veteran Telemental Health Clinics -- Telehealth Treatment with the Elderly, Child, and Adolescent Populations -- Treatment with Linguistically Diverse Populations -- Treatment with Other Cultural Subgroups -- The Appropriateness of Telemedicine -- Understanding the Patient Culture and Community -- Community Leaders and Key Informants -- Local Outreach Workers -- Utilizing Local Information -- Incorporating the Community for Effective Telemental Health Services -- Establishing Local Partnerships and Collaborations -- Dual Relationships in Rural Areas -- Technological Considerations When Working with Diverse Populations -- Communication -- Technological Knowledge and Comfort -- Conclusion -- Case Studies -- The Use of Talking Circles in Telemental Health Group Therapy -- Using Telemental Health to Increase Access in a Medically Underserved Area -- The Use of Asynchronous Technology to Bridge Language Barriers -- References -- 6.Managing Risk and Protecting Privacy in Telemental Health: An Overview of Legal, Regulatory, and Risk-Management Issues / Jay H. Shore -- Introduction -- Legal and Regulatory Issues -- Licensure -- Malpractice -- Credentialing and Privileging -- Security and Privacy Considerations -- Data Security for Electronic Protected Health Information -- Special Considerations for Mobile Devices in TMH Care -- Other Privacy Considerations -- Clinical Practices to Manage Risk -- Informed Consent -- Safety Plans and Emergency Management -- Risk Issues in Home-Based TMH -- Conclusion -- References -- Section Three Establishing a Telemental Health Practice -- 7.Business Aspects of Telemental Health in Private Practice / Dehra Glueck -- Introduction -- Choosing a Telemedicine Group or Technology-Only Support -- Technology-Only Models -- Group-Practice Models -- Institution-Based Practice Model -- Direct-to-Consumer Model -- Deciding on the Model of Care -- Direct Care Versus Consultation -- Direct Care -- Evaluation of Patients -- Direct Care -- Ongoing Treatment of Patients -- Consultative Care -- Deciding on a Model: Strength and Needs Assessments -- Financial Feasibility -- Understanding Costs: Patient and Provider Perspective -- Impact of Patient Volume on Costs -- Impact of No-Show Appointments on Costs -- Reimbursement: Insurance -- Reimbursement: Private Payment -- Reimbursement: Contracted Time -- Practical Considerations -- Malpractice, Licensure, and Consent -- Informed Consent and Standard of Care -- Staffing -- Sharing Records -- Technology -- Selection, Use, and Technical Support -- Technology: Bandwidth -- Technical Support -- Building a Referral Base and Growing a Practice -- Lifestyle Benefits -- Conclusion -- References -- 8.Technology Options for the Provision of Mental Health Care Through Videoteleconferencing / Carolyn L. Turvey -- Introduction -- Standards-Based Versus Consumer-Grade Software -- Hardware-Based Codecs -- Software-Based Applications -- Mobile -- Dedicated, Direct Connections to VTC Equipment and End Points -- Bandwidth -- Impact of Cloud Computing -- Audio -- Microphones -- Echo Cancelation -- Video -- Video Standards -- H.264 -- Screen-in-Screen -- Camera Options and Clinical Implications -- Screen Size -- Video Issues and Troubleshooting -- Packet Loss -- Technology and Privacy -- HIPAA Compliance and Videoteleconferences -- What Behaviors Are Important to Maintain Privacy -- Security Standards -- Backup Technologies and Protocols Should VTC Equipment Fail -- Conclusion -- References -- Section Four Improving Access for Special Populations Through Telemental Health -- 9.Telemental Health in Primary Care / Caroline Bonham -- The Rationale for Collaborative and Integrative Care -- A Continuum of Collaboration -- Four Key Concepts in Collaborative Care -- Tailoring TMH to Models of Care -- TMH Consultation and Collaboration for Children, Adolescents, and Their Families -- Primary Care Sites -- School-Based Health Centers -- TMH Consultation and Collaboration for Adults -- Direct Care Models -- Consultation Care Model -- Collaborative Care Models -- Asynchronous Telepsychiatry -- Cultural Considerations -- Conclusion -- References -- 10.Geriatric Telemental Health / Terry Rabinowitz -- Introduction -- The Need for Better Geriatric Mental Health Services -- Barriers to Mental Health Care for the Elderly -- Studies on Geriatric Telemental Health Services -- Acceptability of Telemental Health Among the Elderly -- Telepsychiatry in Nursing-Home Settings -- Remote Telemonitoring and Geriatric Mental Health Care -- Suicidality -- Case Presentations: Three Examples of the Use of Telehealth with Geriatric Populations -- Telepsychiatry in Nursing-Home Settings -- Tele-DCM for Elderly Rehabilitation Patients -- Telemonitor-Based Depression Care Management in Home Care -- Conclusions -- Acknowledgment -- References -- 11.Child and Adolescent Telemental Health / L. Lee Carlisle -- Introduction -- Literature Review -- Developmental and Clinical Considerations -- The Practice of Child and Adolescent Telemental Health -- Models of Care and Clinical Practice: Primary Care -- Models of Care and Clinical Practice: Other Sites of Practice -- Optimizing the Virtual Clinical Encounter with Children and Families -- Treatment in Child and Adolescent Telemental Health -- Telepsychiatry in a Youth's System of Care -- Summary and Conclusions -- References -- 12.Rural Veterans and Telemental Health Service Delivery / Karen Kloezeman -- Introduction -- Rural Veteran Population -- Mental Health Disorders in Veterans -- Rural-Urban Health Disparities in Veterans -- Access to Care -- VA Health-Care Service Utilization -- Barriers to Access to Care -- Limitations in the Access to Care Literature -- TMH and the Department of Veterans Affairs -- Clinical Effectiveness of Psychotherapies Delivered via CVT -- Considerations Associated with CVT Delivery -- Challenges Associated with CVT Delivery -- Limitations in the CVT Literature -- Future Directions -- Conclusions -- References -- 13.Videoteleconferencing in Forensic and Correctional Practice / Robert D. Morgan -- Videoteleconferencing Health in Forensic and Correctional Practices -- The Development of Videoteleconferencing in Forensic and Correctional Settings -- Barriers to Health Care -- How Can VTC Improve Services in Criminal Justice Settings? -- Demonstrating the Effectiveness of VTC -- Challenges Facing VTC in Corrections -- The Need for Specialty Best Practice Guidelines -- Future Directions -- Spotlight on TMH and Telelaw Programs -- Summary -- References -- Section Five Assessment and Intervention -- 14.Special Considerations in Conducting Neuropsychology Assessment over Videoteleconferencing / Maria C. Grosch -- Background and Scope -- Why Teleneuropsychology? -- Limiting Factors -- Availability of Equipment -- Data Transmission Speeds -- VTC Environment -- Setting Up Teleneuropsychology Services -- Evidence for VTC-Based Diagnosis and VTC-Based Cognitive Assessment -- Consumer Satisfaction with VTC-Based Services -- Practical and Ethical Issues in Teleneuropsychology -- Mobile Teleneuropsychology Applications -- Future Directions -- Summary -- References --
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Troll is a fairly entertaining movie (but that is not what this post is about)To repeat something I have said before, if, as it has often been claimed, philosophy begins with Socrates then it also begins with its particular antagonism, its particular anti-philosophy in the sophist and sophistry. It seems to me that if one wanted to read the history of philosophy in this way, with a founding event and founding antagonism, then one might want to consider who is our anti-philosopher today, who is the contemporary equivalent of the sophist? The answer would seem to have to be the troll. This is my preamble to what is now becoming an ongoing discussion of Florida's vanguard fight against knowledge and reason; or more to the point, destruction of knowledge and truth in order to preserve whiteness. As it was revealed recently, the new curriculum of black history in Florida teaches middle schoolers that "slaves developed skills which, in some instances, could be applied for their personal benefit." There is so much to unpack about this claim, as they say in grad school. First, there is the assumption that the people captured from Africa had no skills, no knowledge, no history, nothing but their bodies and skin. Such a claim not only follows from the mythology of a Dark Continent, outside of civilization and history, it confuses an effect from a cause. The people who became slaves were stripped of their knowledge, culture, and social relations. What Orlando Patterson calls a social death was also the reduction of a person to pure labor power, to a capacity to work and nothing else, an animate tool, as Aristotle put it. Second, as the architects of this change doubled down on this claim, since that is what trolls do, providing a list of individuals who gained "valuable job skills" during their "unpaid internship" on a plantation, they provided a list of mostly false claims, listing individuals who were never enslaved, or, in the case of Booker T. Washington, learned literacy and other skills after their emancipation. This "feel good" story about slavery is, like so many feel good stories about history, just not true. Of course there might be a case, or even a few, of people who learned a valuable skill during slavery--it could have happened. That does not defend the claim, or, more importantly does not defend its inclusion in a curriculum. It is, I would argue, an example of exception trolling, in which an isolated case or incident is used to obscure or confuse a general or structural tendency. Focusing on these isolated or unique cases, which often appeal to an anecdotal way of thinking that is predominant in our culture, is used to obscure what is generally the case. I would argue that part of gaining knowledge, part of thinking, is understanding the difference between an exception and a rule. Once, when I was in sixth grade, I think, I had the job of feeding the school's snake, a python or boa constrictor. I dropped the live rat in the tank with the snake, watched the snake coil and strike, and saw the rat bite the snake in the eye, blood spurting everywhere, eventually killing it. (This is probably why feeding live animals to snakes is no longer recommended. Not only is it cruel; It is also potential risky). This happened, I saw it with my own eyes, but I would still say that snakes kill and eat rats, and not the other way around. Exceptions exist as do rules, and the former does not negate the latter. Exception trolling is a persistent strategy of trolling, in which exceptions are made to obscure or conceal rules.I should say, as something of an aside, that this exception trolling has one of its conditions the transformation of all knowledge into discrete bits of information, facts, that can be found, cited and circulated independent of context, conditions, and larger implications. Joseph Vogl's book Capitalism and Ressentiment does an interesting job of charting the history of the current regime of contextless and thoughtless information, but that is for another time. (I just finished a review of that book.) In this reduction of all knowledge to isolated facts and bits of information any discussion of meaning or significance of this or that fact, its place within history or a system of values is impossible. As the clip below makes clear, anyone arguing against the claim that slaves learned skills is either an idiot or lying. Meaning, significance, and importance disappear in the absolute binary of facts. One exception is all that it takes to disprove any claim about systemic discrimination, exploitation, or marginalization. This is why the exception troll has a well stocked set of links and tabs of these exceptions, "reverse racism," false claims of sexual harassment, happy slaves, etc., It is not facts and logic, as is often claimed, but the logic of the (singular and isolated) fact. This raises the question, what goal does this trolling serve? I think that trolling has to be understood as not just a failure to think, to distinguish exceptions from rules, but as itself the articulation of its own logic. In other words, trolling must be read symptomatically. It is necessary to see what is being said in what is not being said, or what is not being said by being said. In some sense these remarks about the virtues of slavery, and, if you watch the clip above, the holocaust could be understood as the culmination of "negative solidarity." Even the slave, the denizen of the concentration camp, cannot complain, they are gaining valuable job training, they just have to make themselves useful and everything will turn out fine. There is nothing to criticize, nothing to complain about. (I see culmination because I cannot imagine something worse than someone saying "slavery was not that bad, they were gaining job skills," but what I can imagine and what monstrosities history can produce are two different things). As such it also can be considered the culmination of "right workerism." Work is the ultimate meaning and justification of existence, those who do not work not only do not eat, but do not have a right to exist. The arguments about slavery and the holocaust are not just horrible distortions of a horrible past, they are alibis for a darker future. One in which the worst possible jobs, or unpaid internships, are seen as building valuable skills, or, if there are no skills involved, developing a solid work ethic. Anyone who praises slavery is preparing for you to become a slave.
The modernity of the Flaubertian writings challenges his contemporaries but makes it possible to understand how Flaubert wishes to be positioned in the margins. He refuses the classic stages of bourgeois life that are marriage, paternity and the purchase of real estate.The history of the construction of the Flaubertian notoriety is also an approach to understand the places of memories. This relationship to the area has been conceived in relation to the defense of a local heritage. We have focused on the complexity of process that bring together rather than distinguish. In order to capture this memory, the study of places becomes unavoidable because it embodies all the conflicting dimension of the Flaubertian figure. In the first part, the aim of the study is to locate Gustave Flaubert in his literary time by highlighting the major turning point represented by Madame Bovary for the history of literature, but also as a foundation for Flaubertian posterity. We explain how the mechanisms of recognition are set up, Flaubert is the main perpetator thanks to his work. We have presented a complex man, not in the episodes of his life but in his role as an artist, both in his ideas and his achievements. Of an insatiable curiosity, that his last unfinished work - Bouvard and Pécuchet - symbolizes, the comments and acts around his death in 1880 offer a face less complex aspect and is more likely to allow a posterity suitable for the greatest number. The second part attempts to understand how this status obtained during his lifetime continues and evolves after his death. Without the determination of some flaubertists, these places of remembrance could not be legitimized. Far from seeking to lock up the memory of the writer, these commemorations are intended to maintain a flaubertian material and physical presence, in contrary his own dimension during his lifetime. It represents the modern figure of an unclassifiable writer going beyond school quarrels. Portraits from 1880 to the celebration of 1921, the considerable distance is long and subject to financial difficulties but also human. The third part depicts the assertion of a patrimonial policy - in the sense of discourse choosing as much by constructed spaces as by temporal cycles. Indeed, thanks to the first committees, heritage achievements are concretized around the first statues, the Flaubert Pavilion and then with his native chamber. The anchoring in multiple sites takes a decisive importance for the actors of the setting in patrimony which take care of "to make them visible" for the general public. The Norman notables tend towards the affirmation of a regional culture. It is the choice of what to celebrate that defines a commemoration policy. These spaces constitute tourist routes in a period of opening towards a new public waiting for a constituted speech. The last part shows how the presence of manuscripts in different places largely affects the organization of Flaubertian celebrations. From academic research groups to learned societies, Flaubertian studies present sometimes conflicting anchors. After the important role played by Caroline Commanville, niece of the novelist, the memory of the writer gains a form of independence. Finally, the digital turning point is not to be neglected. Their new lighting is enabled by these virtual provisions that facilitate the work of researchers but also the interest of simple curious people. We were able to understand that Flaubert's social construction of notoriety was also an acknowledgment of failures and forgotten paths. For the small quarrels in Rouen, after a period of complete silence of his hometown to the great recognition of his genius in the twenty-first century, Gustave Flaubert remains unclassifiable. ; La modernité des écrits flaubertiens déroute ses contemporains mais permet de comprendre comment Flaubert souhaite se positionner dans les marges. Il refuse les étapes classiques de la vie bourgeoise que sont le mariage, la paternité et l'achat d'un bien immobilier. L'histoire de la construction de la notoriété flaubertienne est aussi une démarche pour comprendre les lieux de mémoire et les lieux de souvenirs. Ce rapport au territoire a été pensé au regard de la défense d'un patrimoine local. Nous nous sommes attachés à la complexité des parcours qui rassemblent plutôt qu'ils ne distinguent. Afin de saisir cette mémoire, l'étude des lieux devient incontournable car elle incarne toute la dimension conflictuelle de la figure flaubertienne. Dans la première partie, l'étude a pour objectif de situer Gustave Flaubert dans son temps littéraire en mettant en lumière le tournant majeur que représente Madame Bovary pour l'histoire de la littérature, mais aussi comme fondement de la postérité flaubertienne. Nous expliquons comment se mettent en place les mécanismes de la reconnaissance, dont Flaubert est le principal instigateur grâce à son œuvre. Nous avons présenté un homme complexe, non dans les épisodes de sa vie mais dans sa position d'artiste, tant dans ses idées que dans ses réalisations. D'une curiosité insatiable, que sa dernière œuvre inachevée -Bouvard et Pécuchet- symbolise, les commentaires et actes autour de sa mort en 1880 offrent un visage moins complexe et plus à même de permettre une postérité convenant au plus grand nombre. La deuxième partie tente de comprendre comment ce statut obtenu de son vivant perdure et se transforme après sa mort. Sans la détermination de quelques flaubertistes, ces lieux de souvenir ne pourraient être légitimés. Loin de chercher à enfermer la mémoire de l'écrivain, ces commémorations ont pour but de maintenir une présence flaubertienne matérielle et physique, à l'inverse de sa propre dimension de son vivant. Il représente la figure moderne d'un écrivain inclassable dépassant les querelles d'écoles. Des portraits de 1880 à la célébration de 1921, le chemin parcouru est long et soumis aux difficultés financières mais aussi humaines. La troisième partie approfondit l'affirmation d'une politique patrimoniale -au sens de discours choisi- fonctionnant autant par espaces construits que par cycles temporels. En effet, grâce aux premiers comités, des réalisations patrimoniales se concrétisent autour des premières statues et du Pavillon Flaubert puis avec sa chambre natale. L'ancrage dans des sites multiples prend une importance décisive pour les acteurs de la mise en patrimoine qui s'occupent de les « rendre visibles » pour le grand public. Les notables normands tendent vers l'affirmation d'une culture régionale. C'est le choix de ce qu'il faut célébrer qui définit une politique de commémoration. Ces espaces constituent des parcours touristiques dans une période d'ouverture vers un public nouveau en attente d'un discours constitué. La dernière partie montre comment la présence de manuscrits dans différents lieux touche largement l'organisation des célébrations flaubertiennes. Des groupes de recherche universitaire aux sociétés savantes, les études flaubertiennes présentent des points d'ancrage parfois opposés. Après le rôle important joué par Caroline Commanville, nièce du romancier, le souvenir de l'écrivain gagne une forme d'indépendance. Enfin, le tournant numérique n'est pas à négliger. Leur éclairage nouveau est permis par ces dispositions virtuelles qui facilitent le travail des chercheurs mais aussi l'intérêt de simples curieux. Nous avons pu comprendre que la construction sociale de la notoriété chez Flaubert était aussi un constat des échecs et des pistes oubliées. Des petites querelles rouennaises, après un temps de silence complet de sa ville natale, aux grandes reconnaissances de son génie au XXIe siècle, Gustave Flaubert reste inclassable.
[spa] La investigación «Fronteras y transmigraciones del diálogo intercultural: implicancias del acto educativo como acción estética y emancipadora» consiste en el diseño (en el marco de la metodología de modelización ecosistémica) de un proyecto pedagógico (investigativo/interventivo) cuyo objetivo es reflexionar críticamente acerca de los elementos fundamentales de la educación en perspectiva intercultural y dialógica. En tal sentido, se documentan algunas reflexiones episte-metodo-lógicas acerca de temáticas relevantes en este campo. Éstas se han trabajado en paralelo (e interconexión) a una serie de acciones socioeducativas en ámbitos formales e informales de la ciudad de Barcelona. En relación a las temáticas de interés investigativo, se abordan (en los capítulos respectivos) una serie de cuestiones importantes, a saber, los debates acerca de las diferencias entre las tradiciones multi e intercultural; el desarrollo de la filosofía intercultural durante las últimas décadas; las formas de la inteligibilidad (en ocho metáforas) del fenómeno intercultural; la alfabetización intercultural como referente teórico de la acción socioeducativa; también lo referente entre interculturalidad, hermenéutica diatópica e intertextualidad; se propone, por otra parte, hacer explícito el marco constituyente entre cultura y alteridad entendido como fundamento de principio del pensamiento intercultural; además se realiza un compendio de las conceptualizaciones en relación a la "cultura" en las tradiciones humanista y antropológica, y su traducción pedagógica en términos de vecindad e imaginación; lo anterior a la luz de las implicaciones que tiene la noción de la experiencia para la investigación educativa, y la compresión de la metodología como una forma de tekné. Como se señaló previamente, estas inquietudes son concurrentes a la formulación y ejecución de una serie de acciones socioeducativas en la ciudad de Barcelona: 1. La participación en la fundación Migra Studium en cuatro escenarios: el grupo de visitas y monitoreo al Centro de internamiento para extranjeros (CIE) de Barcelona, la construcción del programa de parejas lingüísticas "Alliberar la paraula", el montaje (junto al colectivo de teatro La Trilateral) de la obra "Ramon Llull a la ciutat nova", y el diseño de los espacios de "Espai de Trobada Intercultural". 2. La participación en la Comisión de Pedagogía de la Comunidad de Aprendizaje (Escola Coves d` En Cimany), los grupos interactivos, y la ejecución del proyecto comunitario "Las nuevas aventuras de las bacterias cromáticas". 3. La colaboración (en la organización) y participación en el encuentro "Imaginarios desarmados. Arte y exilio", que tuvo por objetivo apoyar los acuerdos de Paz de la Habana (entre el gobierno colombiano y las fuerzas armadas revolucionarias de Colombia) junto a un grupo de colombianos (y otros aliados) residentes en Barcelona. 4. Por último, la participación como profesor invitado a los seminarios de antropología para estudiantes de educación social y pedagogía de la UB (campus Mundet). Desde la complementariedad de estos niveles se delimita la hipótesis de trabajo de investigación, que se formuló tardíamente como «la (im) posibilidad de una educación intercultural». Esta consideración se expone en la introducción. Con base en esta hipótesis se invita a la filosofía de la educación, esto es, a la pedagogía, a convenir en un pacto donde poner entre paréntesis esas (im) posibilidades, entendidas en tanto retos pedagógicos. En otras palabras, se pone en consideración que establecer una agenda educativa sobre el diálogo intercultural se trata de un asunto que reviste unos retos significativos. De los cuales el principal sería estimar el pedagógico de dicha educación, dígase a propósito de los principios sobre los que se fundamenta. Esta reflexión se pone en contraste (e interlocución) con la discusión política sobre la posibilidad de una ciudadanía mundial, principalmente teniendo en cuenta algunas consideraciones acerca del arraigo, la solidaridad, la globalización y el cosmopolitismo. Acá se marca un escenario de complejidad. En el prefacio se establece que la "esperanza" pedagógica frente a las (im) posibilidades se enriquece en la analogía del "intercambio epistolar" (entendido como correspondencia en la amistad). A partir de estas consideraciones se propone a la correspondencia y la amistad como fundamentos del diálogo intercultural. En esto orden de ideas, se plantea comprender el horizonte de la interculturalidad en la perspectiva de una política de los afectos: donde los sujetos políticos son capaces de pactar alianzas. Lo que aparece de nuevo como interpelación sobre el alcance de esas alianzas, pregunta fundamental para la pedagogía que piensa la educación intercultural. Como cuando Gonzalo Arango afirmaba: "Ni usted ni yo necesitamos presentación. Tenemos tres cosas en común: esta tierra, la vida y la muerte. En eso somos semejantes, casi amigos." ; [eng] This research entitled points to design a pedagogical ecosystem modeling, consisting on a research/intervention project. It aims to enhance the critical pedagogical reflection on intercultural and dialogical education. Several subjects are documented to achieve it, including episte- methodological issues, which have been connected to formal and informal educational actions performed in Barcelona city. Concerning to the key conceptual topics important issues are addressed, namely, multi and intercultural discussions; last decades' intercultural philosophy developments; eight metaphorical interculturality understandings; intercultural literacy and socio-educational action; intertextuality and diatopical hermeneutics; culture and alterity as a intercultural constituent framework; humanistic and anthropological approaches to culture, and its pedagogical translation as neighborhood and imagination based on the experience`s role on systemic modeling methodological tradition. As previously noted, these concerns were linked to a number of socio-educational actions: 1. NGOs participation on four Migra Studium scenarios: the CIE´s visit and monitoring Group, linguistics couples program "Alliberar la paraula", design and execution on "Ramon Lllull a la Ciutat nova" social theater project, and the involvement on the intercultural space meetings "Espai de Trobada Intercultural". 2. Learning- Community contributions on pedagogical commission, interactive groups, and the project execution "Las nuevas aventuras de las bacterias cromáticas" (supported by the school Coves d´ En Cimany and Juan Marse´s neighborhood library). 3. "Imaginarios desarmados. Arte y Exilio" collaborations, which aimed to build community alliance around the Havana Agreements between Colombian government and Farc´s Guerrilla. 4. University of Barcelona Guest Professor on Anthropology classes. Related to this complementary "between-levels" analysis, the research hypothesis, which was later formulated, is defined as follows: . Based on this rhetoric statement an invitation is required to pedagogy: to put in parentheses those impossibilities as if were pedagogical challenges. In other words, establishing an educational agenda concerning to intercultural dialogue poses significant challenges. The main would be estimating it´s pedagogical «scope» based on certain principles. To make a contrast on this idea, some political arguments about world citizenship are brought: roots, solidarity, globalization and cosmopolitism. A complex scenario is thus marked. Because of these impossibilities, a pedagogical hope is suggested: as an analogy (to an exchange symbol) based on an epistolary frame. Correspondence and friendship notions are highlighted from this idea. Furthermore, an affections politics is proposed in this sense: the political subject´s power is thus understood as the ability to pact alliances. In short, pedagogical hope is referred to solidarity and potential arrangements. Both values whose "devaluation" appears worrisome, but involve the possible, as Gonzalo Arango used to say: "Neither You nor I need an introduction. We all have three common things: the land, life and death. Places where at least We are similar, almost friends."
The modernity of the Flaubertian writings challenges his contemporaries but makes it possible to understand how Flaubert wishes to be positioned in the margins. He refuses the classic stages of bourgeois life that are marriage, paternity and the purchase of real estate.The history of the construction of the Flaubertian notoriety is also an approach to understand the places of memories. This relationship to the area has been conceived in relation to the defense of a local heritage. We have focused on the complexity of process that bring together rather than distinguish. In order to capture this memory, the study of places becomes unavoidable because it embodies all the conflicting dimension of the Flaubertian figure. In the first part, the aim of the study is to locate Gustave Flaubert in his literary time by highlighting the major turning point represented by Madame Bovary for the history of literature, but also as a foundation for Flaubertian posterity. We explain how the mechanisms of recognition are set up, Flaubert is the main perpetator thanks to his work. We have presented a complex man, not in the episodes of his life but in his role as an artist, both in his ideas and his achievements. Of an insatiable curiosity, that his last unfinished work - Bouvard and Pécuchet - symbolizes, the comments and acts around his death in 1880 offer a face less complex aspect and is more likely to allow a posterity suitable for the greatest number. The second part attempts to understand how this status obtained during his lifetime continues and evolves after his death. Without the determination of some flaubertists, these places of remembrance could not be legitimized. Far from seeking to lock up the memory of the writer, these commemorations are intended to maintain a flaubertian material and physical presence, in contrary his own dimension during his lifetime. It represents the modern figure of an unclassifiable writer going beyond school quarrels. Portraits from 1880 to the celebration of 1921, the considerable distance is long and subject to financial difficulties but also human. The third part depicts the assertion of a patrimonial policy - in the sense of discourse choosing as much by constructed spaces as by temporal cycles. Indeed, thanks to the first committees, heritage achievements are concretized around the first statues, the Flaubert Pavilion and then with his native chamber. The anchoring in multiple sites takes a decisive importance for the actors of the setting in patrimony which take care of "to make them visible" for the general public. The Norman notables tend towards the affirmation of a regional culture. It is the choice of what to celebrate that defines a commemoration policy. These spaces constitute tourist routes in a period of opening towards a new public waiting for a constituted speech. The last part shows how the presence of manuscripts in different places largely affects the organization of Flaubertian celebrations. From academic research groups to learned societies, Flaubertian studies present sometimes conflicting anchors. After the important role played by Caroline Commanville, niece of the novelist, the memory of the writer gains a form of independence. Finally, the digital turning point is not to be neglected. Their new lighting is enabled by these virtual provisions that facilitate the work of researchers but also the interest of simple curious people. We were able to understand that Flaubert's social construction of notoriety was also an acknowledgment of failures and forgotten paths. For the small quarrels in Rouen, after a period of complete silence of his hometown to the great recognition of his genius in the twenty-first century, Gustave Flaubert remains unclassifiable. ; La modernité des écrits flaubertiens déroute ses contemporains mais permet de comprendre comment Flaubert souhaite se positionner dans les marges. Il refuse les étapes classiques de la vie bourgeoise que sont le mariage, la paternité et l'achat d'un bien immobilier. L'histoire de la construction de la notoriété flaubertienne est aussi une démarche pour comprendre les lieux de mémoire et les lieux de souvenirs. Ce rapport au territoire a été pensé au regard de la défense d'un patrimoine local. Nous nous sommes attachés à la complexité des parcours qui rassemblent plutôt qu'ils ne distinguent. Afin de saisir cette mémoire, l'étude des lieux devient incontournable car elle incarne toute la dimension conflictuelle de la figure flaubertienne. Dans la première partie, l'étude a pour objectif de situer Gustave Flaubert dans son temps littéraire en mettant en lumière le tournant majeur que représente Madame Bovary pour l'histoire de la littérature, mais aussi comme fondement de la postérité flaubertienne. Nous expliquons comment se mettent en place les mécanismes de la reconnaissance, dont Flaubert est le principal instigateur grâce à son œuvre. Nous avons présenté un homme complexe, non dans les épisodes de sa vie mais dans sa position d'artiste, tant dans ses idées que dans ses réalisations. D'une curiosité insatiable, que sa dernière œuvre inachevée -Bouvard et Pécuchet- symbolise, les commentaires et actes autour de sa mort en 1880 offrent un visage moins complexe et plus à même de permettre une postérité convenant au plus grand nombre. La deuxième partie tente de comprendre comment ce statut obtenu de son vivant perdure et se transforme après sa mort. Sans la détermination de quelques flaubertistes, ces lieux de souvenir ne pourraient être légitimés. Loin de chercher à enfermer la mémoire de l'écrivain, ces commémorations ont pour but de maintenir une présence flaubertienne matérielle et physique, à l'inverse de sa propre dimension de son vivant. Il représente la figure moderne d'un écrivain inclassable dépassant les querelles d'écoles. Des portraits de 1880 à la célébration de 1921, le chemin parcouru est long et soumis aux difficultés financières mais aussi humaines. La troisième partie approfondit l'affirmation d'une politique patrimoniale -au sens de discours choisi- fonctionnant autant par espaces construits que par cycles temporels. En effet, grâce aux premiers comités, des réalisations patrimoniales se concrétisent autour des premières statues et du Pavillon Flaubert puis avec sa chambre natale. L'ancrage dans des sites multiples prend une importance décisive pour les acteurs de la mise en patrimoine qui s'occupent de les « rendre visibles » pour le grand public. Les notables normands tendent vers l'affirmation d'une culture régionale. C'est le choix de ce qu'il faut célébrer qui définit une politique de commémoration. Ces espaces constituent des parcours touristiques dans une période d'ouverture vers un public nouveau en attente d'un discours constitué. La dernière partie montre comment la présence de manuscrits dans différents lieux touche largement l'organisation des célébrations flaubertiennes. Des groupes de recherche universitaire aux sociétés savantes, les études flaubertiennes présentent des points d'ancrage parfois opposés. Après le rôle important joué par Caroline Commanville, nièce du romancier, le souvenir de l'écrivain gagne une forme d'indépendance. Enfin, le tournant numérique n'est pas à négliger. Leur éclairage nouveau est permis par ces dispositions virtuelles qui facilitent le travail des chercheurs mais aussi l'intérêt de simples curieux. Nous avons pu comprendre que la construction sociale de la notoriété chez Flaubert était aussi un constat des échecs et des pistes oubliées. Des petites querelles rouennaises, après un temps de silence complet de sa ville natale, aux grandes reconnaissances de son génie au XXIe siècle, Gustave Flaubert reste inclassable.
In the last four decades, Chile's education system has experienced a deep transformation, a neoliberal revolution. Since the dictatorship (1973-1990), an education market developed in the different levels of education. After the restoration of democracy in 1990 and during the following two decades government, led by a centre-left coalition, the education market was consolidated with an active engagement of the State. This period introduced multiple adjustments to the model, which ultimately developed an education system of hybrid morphology. Education stood out progressively as a major public issue and, in 2011, a social crisis became unavoidable. The questioning of the educational architecture reveals the fissures of the Chilean society concerning the predominance of neoliberal regulations. This event motivated a phase of revision, discussion, and proposition around another form of thinking education. This thesis traces the course of the educational policies implemented since the dictatorial irruption until 2010 when 20 years of democratic recovery under the direction of the same conglomerate, the Concertación, ends. The objective of this study is to understand the evolution of this issue, in the interface between the institutional administration, political parties, and civil society. This overview will allow us to grasp the maze of policy making and to understand how the educational disagreements arise. This analytical perspective consists in a socio-historical reconstruction of the educational policy, which triangulates the analysis of historical texts, legislative texts, and interviews with both political and administrative actors. This analytical lens will enable us to understand how education is the cornerstone of the modernization process in Chile. This is characterized by significant and undeniable advances in development, especially those concerning the educational expansion at all levels. The State is increasingly involved in education, from a role of arbitrator and supervisor of the market functioning, reinforcing and increasing the complexity of the neoliberal structure. Thus, a new order emerges, in which the education becomes a private good under the protection of a generalized competition and a culture of evaluation. This model clashes with society's increasing demands for democratization of education. The education system deploys strategies of individual positioning that legitimize and reinforce the privatization of education, while society denounces the systemic school segregation while, on the other side. ; Durante las cuatro últimas décadas, Chile ha sido escenario de profundos cambios en su sistema educativo: una revolución neoliberal. Desde el régimen dictatorial (1973-1990), un mercado educativo se desarrolló en los distintos niveles de educación. Luego del retorno de la democracia en 1990, y en el curso de dos decenios de gobiernos dirigidos por una coalición de centro-izquierda, el mercado educativo terminó por consolidarse con el compromiso activo del Estado. Este último, introdujo múltiples ajustes al modelo, que finalmente termina por desarrollar un sistema educativo de morfología híbrida. Luego de ese periodo, y de manera progresiva, la educación va a imponerse como un tema público, y en 2011 la crisis social va a ser ineludible. El cuestionamiento a la arquitectura educativa va a develar las fisuras de la sociedad chilena en cuanto a la preponderancia de las regulaciones neoliberales, dando paso a una fase de revisión, discusión y proposición alrededor de una nueva forma de pensar la educación. Esta tesis describe el recorrido de las políticas educativas adoptadas desde la irrupción dictatorial hasta el año 2010, momento en que terminan 20 años de recuperación democrática bajo la dirección de la coalición Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender la evolución de este proceso, en la interfaz entre la administración institucional, los partidos políticos y la sociedad civil. La visión de conjunto nos permitirá discernir el entramado de las decisiones políticas y entender cómo se construyen las controversias educativas. La perspectiva analítica es una reconstrucción socio-histórica de la política educativa, que triangula el análisis de textos históricos, textos legislativos y entrevista a actores (políticos o administrativos). Este enfoque nos permitirá comprender cómo la educación devino el pilar fundamental del proceso de modernización en Chile, en el que se observan avances significativos e innegables de desarrollo, particularmente en relación a la expansión educativa en todos los niveles. El Estado se involucra cada vez más en la educación, con un rol de árbitro y supervisor del funcionamiento del mercado, reforzando y complejizando la estructura neoliberal. De esta forma, un nuevo orden educativo termina de plasmarse, en el que la educación deviene un bien individual bajo la égida de la competencia generalizada y la cultura de la evaluación. Este modelo termina por chocar con las demandas crecientes de democratización por parte de la población, que denuncia la segregación escolar del sistema, pero que paralelamente actúa con estrategias de posicionamiento individual que legitiman y refuerzan la privatización educativa. ; Durant les quarante dernières années, le Chili a été le scénario de profonds changements, notamment dans le domaine de l'éducation : une révolution néolibérale s'y est opérée. Depuis le régime dictatorial (1973-1990), un marché éducatif se développe en effet à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. Après le retour à la démocratie en 1990, deux décennies de gouvernements présidés par une coalition de centre-gauche finissent de consolider ce marché éducatif, en renforçant l'engagement actif de l'État. Ce dernier introduit dans le modèle de multiples ajustements qui encadrent le développement d'un système d'enseignement dont la morphologie est définitivement hybride. Dans ce contexte, l'éducation va s'imposer progressivement comme un enjeu public majeur au point que, en 2011, la crise sociale deviendra incontournable. La remise en question de l'architecture éducative dévoile les fissures d'une société où prédominent les régulations néolibérales. Elle engage une phase de révisions, de discussions et de propositions axées sur une autre manière de penser l'éducation. Cette thèse retrace le parcours des politiques éducatives mises en place depuis l'irruption dictatoriale jusqu'en 2010, date qui marque la fin de vingt années de récupération démocratique sous la direction du même conglomérat, la Concertación. Notre objectif est de comprendre l'évolution de cette thématique en étudiant l'interface entre l'administration institutionnelle, les partis politiques et la société civile. Cette vue d'ensemble nous permettra de saisir les enjeux des décisions politiques et de comprendre les tenants et les aboutissants des querelles éducatives. La perspective analytique est celle d'une reconstruction socio-historique de la politique éducative, articulée à partir de la triangulation de l'analyse de textes historiques, d'entretiens avec acteurs (politiques ou administratifs) et d'étude de textes législatifs. Cette démarche nous permettra de comprendre comment l'éducation s'impose comme la pierre angulaire d'un processus de modernisation du Chili qui se traduit par des avancées significatives et indéniables en termes de développement, notamment en ce qui concerne l'élargissement de l'accès à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. L'État s'investit certes de plus en plus dans le domaine de l'éducation, mais dans une perspective d'arbitrage et de surveillance du fonctionnement du marché, renforçant et complexifiant par là même la structure néolibérale. Ainsi, un nouvel ordre éducatif finit par prendre forme, dans lequel l'éducation est définie comme un bien individuel dans un contexte de concurrence générale et de culture de l'évaluation. Pourtant ce modèle va se heurter aux demandes croissantes de démocratisation de l'enseignement d'une société qui, d'une part, dénonce la ségrégation scolaire mais, d'une autre, utilise des stratégies de positionnement personnel dont les choix légitiment et renforcent la privatisation éducative.
In the last four decades, Chile's education system has experienced a deep transformation, a neoliberal revolution. Since the dictatorship (1973-1990), an education market developed in the different levels of education. After the restoration of democracy in 1990 and during the following two decades government, led by a centre-left coalition, the education market was consolidated with an active engagement of the State. This period introduced multiple adjustments to the model, which ultimately developed an education system of hybrid morphology. Education stood out progressively as a major public issue and, in 2011, a social crisis became unavoidable. The questioning of the educational architecture reveals the fissures of the Chilean society concerning the predominance of neoliberal regulations. This event motivated a phase of revision, discussion, and proposition around another form of thinking education. This thesis traces the course of the educational policies implemented since the dictatorial irruption until 2010 when 20 years of democratic recovery under the direction of the same conglomerate, the Concertación, ends. The objective of this study is to understand the evolution of this issue, in the interface between the institutional administration, political parties, and civil society. This overview will allow us to grasp the maze of policy making and to understand how the educational disagreements arise. This analytical perspective consists in a socio-historical reconstruction of the educational policy, which triangulates the analysis of historical texts, legislative texts, and interviews with both political and administrative actors. This analytical lens will enable us to understand how education is the cornerstone of the modernization process in Chile. This is characterized by significant and undeniable advances in development, especially those concerning the educational expansion at all levels. The State is increasingly involved in education, from a role of arbitrator and supervisor of the market functioning, reinforcing and increasing the complexity of the neoliberal structure. Thus, a new order emerges, in which the education becomes a private good under the protection of a generalized competition and a culture of evaluation. This model clashes with society's increasing demands for democratization of education. The education system deploys strategies of individual positioning that legitimize and reinforce the privatization of education, while society denounces the systemic school segregation while, on the other side. ; Durante las cuatro últimas décadas, Chile ha sido escenario de profundos cambios en su sistema educativo: una revolución neoliberal. Desde el régimen dictatorial (1973-1990), un mercado educativo se desarrolló en los distintos niveles de educación. Luego del retorno de la democracia en 1990, y en el curso de dos decenios de gobiernos dirigidos por una coalición de centro-izquierda, el mercado educativo terminó por consolidarse con el compromiso activo del Estado. Este último, introdujo múltiples ajustes al modelo, que finalmente termina por desarrollar un sistema educativo de morfología híbrida. Luego de ese periodo, y de manera progresiva, la educación va a imponerse como un tema público, y en 2011 la crisis social va a ser ineludible. El cuestionamiento a la arquitectura educativa va a develar las fisuras de la sociedad chilena en cuanto a la preponderancia de las regulaciones neoliberales, dando paso a una fase de revisión, discusión y proposición alrededor de una nueva forma de pensar la educación. Esta tesis describe el recorrido de las políticas educativas adoptadas desde la irrupción dictatorial hasta el año 2010, momento en que terminan 20 años de recuperación democrática bajo la dirección de la coalición Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender la evolución de este proceso, en la interfaz entre la administración institucional, los partidos políticos y la sociedad civil. La visión de conjunto nos permitirá discernir el entramado de las decisiones políticas y entender cómo se construyen las controversias educativas. La perspectiva analítica es una reconstrucción socio-histórica de la política educativa, que triangula el análisis de textos históricos, textos legislativos y entrevista a actores (políticos o administrativos). Este enfoque nos permitirá comprender cómo la educación devino el pilar fundamental del proceso de modernización en Chile, en el que se observan avances significativos e innegables de desarrollo, particularmente en relación a la expansión educativa en todos los niveles. El Estado se involucra cada vez más en la educación, con un rol de árbitro y supervisor del funcionamiento del mercado, reforzando y complejizando la estructura neoliberal. De esta forma, un nuevo orden educativo termina de plasmarse, en el que la educación deviene un bien individual bajo la égida de la competencia generalizada y la cultura de la evaluación. Este modelo termina por chocar con las demandas crecientes de democratización por parte de la población, que denuncia la segregación escolar del sistema, pero que paralelamente actúa con estrategias de posicionamiento individual que legitiman y refuerzan la privatización educativa. ; Durant les quarante dernières années, le Chili a été le scénario de profonds changements, notamment dans le domaine de l'éducation : une révolution néolibérale s'y est opérée. Depuis le régime dictatorial (1973-1990), un marché éducatif se développe en effet à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. Après le retour à la démocratie en 1990, deux décennies de gouvernements présidés par une coalition de centre-gauche finissent de consolider ce marché éducatif, en renforçant l'engagement actif de l'État. Ce dernier introduit dans le modèle de multiples ajustements qui encadrent le développement d'un système d'enseignement dont la morphologie est définitivement hybride. Dans ce contexte, l'éducation va s'imposer progressivement comme un enjeu public majeur au point que, en 2011, la crise sociale deviendra incontournable. La remise en question de l'architecture éducative dévoile les fissures d'une société où prédominent les régulations néolibérales. Elle engage une phase de révisions, de discussions et de propositions axées sur une autre manière de penser l'éducation. Cette thèse retrace le parcours des politiques éducatives mises en place depuis l'irruption dictatoriale jusqu'en 2010, date qui marque la fin de vingt années de récupération démocratique sous la direction du même conglomérat, la Concertación. Notre objectif est de comprendre l'évolution de cette thématique en étudiant l'interface entre l'administration institutionnelle, les partis politiques et la société civile. Cette vue d'ensemble nous permettra de saisir les enjeux des décisions politiques et de comprendre les tenants et les aboutissants des querelles éducatives. La perspective analytique est celle d'une reconstruction socio-historique de la politique éducative, articulée à partir de la triangulation de l'analyse de textes historiques, d'entretiens avec acteurs (politiques ou administratifs) et d'étude de textes législatifs. Cette démarche nous permettra de comprendre comment l'éducation s'impose comme la pierre angulaire d'un processus de modernisation du Chili qui se traduit par des avancées significatives et indéniables en termes de développement, notamment en ce qui concerne l'élargissement de l'accès à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. L'État s'investit certes de plus en plus dans le domaine de l'éducation, mais dans une perspective d'arbitrage et de surveillance du fonctionnement du marché, renforçant et complexifiant par là même la structure néolibérale. Ainsi, un nouvel ordre éducatif finit par prendre forme, dans lequel l'éducation est définie comme un bien individuel dans un contexte de concurrence générale et de culture de l'évaluation. Pourtant ce modèle va se heurter aux demandes croissantes de démocratisation de l'enseignement d'une société qui, d'une part, dénonce la ségrégation scolaire mais, d'une autre, utilise des stratégies de positionnement personnel dont les choix légitiment et renforcent la privatisation éducative.
Die vorliegende Arbeit ist ein Beitrag zum Studium der Beziehung zwischen Tradition und Moderne in der 1. Hälfte des 20. Jh. am Beispiel des Lebenswerkes des rumänischen Architekten und Intellektuellen George Matei Cantacuzino (geb. 1899 in Wien, gest. 1960 in Jassy). G. M. Cantacuzino (im Text GMC genannt) gilt in Rumänien als Doyen der Moderne und als bedeutendster Architekturtheoretiker des Landes. Leben GMC studiert Architektur an der Pariser École des Beaux-Arts (1920-1929), zuerst beim erzkonservativen Gustave Umbdenstock. Doch es sind zwei liberal eingestellte Professoren, die GMC am stärksten prägen: der Bauhistoriker und Theoretiker Georges Gromort sowie der Praktiker Roger-Henri Expert. In Rumänien entfaltet GMC eine reichhaltige schöpferische Tätigkeit als Architekt, Theoretiker, Kritiker, Übersetzer, Maler, Kurator, Pädagoge und Politiker. Seine Bauten, Schriften und das Konzept der klassischen Haltung begründen GMCs Autorität als unangefochtene integrative Leitfigur der jungen rumänischen Architekturszene der 1930er Jahre. 1928 legt er einen Palladio-Essay vor (in Französisch), 1947 stellt er die erste Vitruv-Übersetzung ins Rumänische fertig. 1934-1936 ist GMC erster rumänischer Korrespondent der L´Architecture d´aujourd´hui, 1937-1940 Chefarchitekt der rumänischen Eisenbahngesellschaft CFR, 1942-1948 Professor für Geschichte und Theorie der Architektur in Bukarest. 1920-1940 unternimmt er zahlreiche Studien- und Arbeitsreisen in Europa, nach Vorderasien und in die USA. 1939-1947 entwickelt sich GMCs Kulturzeitschrift Simetria zu einer Zentrale des "ästhetischen Widerstandes" gegen Faschismus und Kommunismus. Nach seiner Inhaftierung als Regimegegner (1948-1954) lebt und arbeitet er meist am Rande der Gesellschaft (1954-1957 beim Denkmalschutzamt) bis zum frühen Tod (1960). Architektur GMC-Bauten sind gekennzeichnet von kompositorischer Ausgewogenheit und Dichte, von ruhiger, diskret ornamentierter Baumassenästhetik und von Materialethik. Dabei nimmt GMC als Epochenskeptiker, der dem «élan vital» Henri Bergsons verpflichtet ist, Abstand davon, den Stilbegriff auf die Dynamik zeitgenössischer Architektur zu übertragen. In der Folge weist GMCs thematisch breit gefächerte Architektur durch seine gesamte Laufbahn hindurch zwei formalästhetische Konstanten auf: den historischen Palladianismus und Syntheseversuche zwischen früher Moderne, spätbyzantinisch-rumänischen und klassizistischen Traditionssträngen. Beeinflusst ist GMC auch von Le Corbusier, v. a. aber von der Groupe des Architectes Modernes um Perret, Garnier, Sauvage und Expert sowie von der Schinkel-Semper-Wagner-Loos-Schule. Eine klassische Haltung GMCs Schaffen wird von einer linksliberalen politischen Überzeugung getragen und von freimaurerischem Gedankengut inspiriert. Ihnen liegt das Konzept einer klassischen Haltung zugrunde, die Tradition mit Moderne verknüpft und Ästhetik an Ethik bindet. Damit belebt GMC zwei antike Begriffe wieder: die aristotelische Auffassung von Architektur als eine pragmatischen Kunst und den vitruvianischen Symmetriebegriff als geglückte Proportion und dynamisches Gleichgewicht. Als baugeschichtlich-philosophischer Interpretationsansatz (in Bezug auf das Studium von Klassikern und die anthropologisch gebundenen formalästhetischen Kompositionsprinzipien wie Proportion, Rhythmus und Harmonie) bildet die klassische Haltung eine Grundlage für den Architekturentwurf. Dieser gründet auch auf der Architektenpersönlichkeit und dem Aufgabenkontext (u.a. Landschaft, Kultur, Stadttextur, Baustoffe). Kulturpolitisch erscheint die klassische Haltung als eine Strategie zur architekturkulturellen Erneuerung und als ein Versuch, die Vision eines plurikulturellen Rumäniens architekturkulturell zu gestalten. Dabei löst GMC den Konflikt zwischen rumänischem Heimatstil und Internationalismus, indem er sie nicht als festgefügte Stile, sondern als Strömungen behandelt. Darüber hinaus sind für ihn Tradition und Moderne nicht gegensätzlich, sondern gegenseitig, da wesensverschieden. Mit der klassischen Haltung bietet GMC einen Beitrag zur Klassik-Debatte (Wölfflin, Klopfer) und zur Diskussion des "Rappel à lordre" (Cocteau). In Bezug auf die theoretische Auseinandersetzung mit Leitbegriffen der Architektur lässt sich auch eine bemerkenswerte Nähe zu Rudolf Wittkower ausmachen. Als Erneuerungsstrategie kann die klassische Haltung verglichen werden mit Schinkels Theorie der Verschmelzung zwischen Antike und Gotik, der "Theorie widerstreitender Kräfte" von Colin Rowe und Fred Koetter, dem Kritischen Regionalismus oder mit Gerd de Bruyns Klassizismus-Begriff. Ein bemerkenswertes kulturpolitisches Echo findet GMCs transformatorische Rückbesinnung auf die vitruvianische Symmetrie auch im Begriff der "Dialogik" (Edgar Morin 1988) als ein Kennzeichen der europäischen Kultur: "Europa symmetrisiert" (GMC 1947). ; This study of the work of the Romanian architect and intellectual George Matei Cantacuzino (b. 1899 in Vienna, d. 1960 in Jassy) aims at deepening the insight into the relationship between Tradition and Modernism during the first half of the 20th century. G. M. Cantacuzino (referred to as GMC in the text) is acknowledged for being one of the doyens of Modernism in Romania and the pre-eminent architectural theoretician in that country up to the present day. Life GMC studied architecture at the Parisian École des Beaux-Arts (1920-1929), starting as an élève in the class of the arch-conservative Gustave Umbdenstock. But GMCs way of thinking about architecture was in large measure shaped by two liberal professors: the historian and theoretician Georges Gromort, and the practising architect Roger-Henri Expert. Back in Romania, GMC performed a fruitful diversity of creative activities as an architect, theoretician, critic, translator, teacher, painter and politician. It is by virtue of his buildings, writings and Classical attitude, that he earned his reputation as unchallenged integrative leader of the young Romanian architectural scene of the 1930s. In 1928, he published a critical essay on Palladio (in French), in 1947 he accomplished the first translation into Romanian of Vitruvius. With L´Architecture d´aujourd´hui, he became the first Romanian correspondent of the magazine (1934-1936). He also went on numerous study journeys through Europe, the Middle East and the USA (1920-1940). Additionally, GMC was chief architect of the Romanian Railway Company CFR (1937-1940), and professor of history and theory of architecture in Bucharest (1942-1948). His cultural magazine Simetria (1939-1947) became a sort of centre of the "Aesthetics of Resistance" (Peter Weiss) against Fascism and Communism. After his imprisonment due to his opposition to the regime (1948-1954), GMC first worked for the Commission of Historic Monuments (1954-1957) and then experienced social exclusion until his untimely death (1960). Architecture GMC´s projects are marked by compositional balance and density, the aesthetic principle of discreetly ornamented, simplified mass, and the material ethics. At the same time, GMC proved sceptical towards epoch labels. Very much affected by the "élan vital" coined by French philosopher Henri Bergson, GMC refused to apply the term "style" to the dynamism of contemporary architecture. Actually, his wide-ranging architecture aroused particular interest with Palladianism and various attempts at a synthesis between Modernism, late Byzantine-Romanian traditions and Classicism. Although being impressed by Le Corbusier, GMC was rather influenced by two other mouvements: the Groupe des Architectes Modernes with Perret, Garnier, Sauvage and Expert, and the school of Schinkel-Semper-Wagner-Loos. A Classical attitude GMC´s wide range of activities was inspired by a liberal polical attitude and freemasonic thinking. These were backed by the concept of a Classical attitude, which links modernism to tradition, and binds aesthetics to ethics. Thus GMC revived two antique ideas: the Aristotelian notion of architecture as a pragmatic art, and the Vitruvian symmetry as happy proportion and dynamic balance. As a concept of historical and philosophical interpretation (referring to the study of classics and aesthetic principles of composition as proportion, rhythm and harmony) the Classical attitude contributes to the act of designing which is further based on the personality of the architect and on the context of the project (i.e. landscape, culture, urban fabric, materials). In terms of cultural and educational policy, the Classical attitude might be interpreted as a strategy for an architectural and cultural rejuvenation, and as an architectural cultural attempt at designing the vision of a pluricultural Romania. For GMC offered a solution to the conflict between neo-Romanian Heimatstil and Internationalism: He considered them not as already fixed styles, but as movements. Tradition and Modernism, as GMC saw them, were not at all opposed to each other, but were, being different in nature, rather complementary to each other. With the Classical attitude GMC contributed to the debates on Classicism (Wölfflin, Klopfer) and on the "Rappel à l´ordre" (Cocteau). In terms of architectural theory, there is an astonishing closeness to Rudolf Wittkower. As a strategy for an architectural and cultural rejuvenation, the Classical attitude might be related to Schinkel´s theory of fusing of Greek Antiquity and Gothic, to the "theory of contending powers" of Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter, to Critical Regionalism or to Gerd de Bruyn´s notion of Classicism. Eventually, in a cultural and political sense, GMC´s recollection of the antique notion of symmetry astonishingly echos the notion of "dialogic" coined by French philosopher Edgar Morin (1988) as a character trait of European culture: "Europe symmetrisizes" (GMC 1947).
Die Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst Ausgabe deutscher Klassiker wurde seit 1904 bis in die Zwanziger Jahre hinein im Insel Verlag in Leipzig publiziert. Die Buchreihe hat nicht nur für den Verlag und die Druckerei Poeschel in der sie gedruckt wurde eine ganze Reihe von Neuerungen nach sich gezogen, auch für den deutschen Buchmarkt hat die Klassikerausgabe einen Meilenstein bedeutet. Sie hat einige Eigenschaften des Taschenbuches vorweggenommen. Sie orientierte sich an der Qualität bibliophiler Buchpublikationen, aber war dennoch preislich erschwinglich. Zeitgenössische Klassikerausgaben erschienen zumeist mit einem Kommentar. Nicht so die Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst Ausgabe. Der Text wurde zwar von führenden Wissenschaftlern editiert, aber sie war dennoch unkommentiert. Der Text war in einer Jenson-Antiqua gesetzt obwohl die Debatte um individuell gestaltete Künstlerschriften und die Diskussion um die als deutsche Schrift begriffene Fraktur unter den wichtigsten Protagonisten des deutschen Buchgewerbes ihren Höhepunkt noch nicht erreicht hatte. Ziel für die Klassikerausgabe war darüber hinaus, das zur Jahrhundertwende leicht angestaubte Image der Stadt Weimar aufzupolieren. Über das Patronat des Großherzogs hinaus hätte man die Gewinne aus dem Verkauf der Bücher der Permanenten Ausstellung für die Anschaffung von modernen Kunstobjekten zur Verfügung stellen wollen, die unter der Leitung von Harry Graf Kessler stand. Sieht man den Inhalt der Werke der in der Klassikerreihe erschienen Dichter Goethe, Schiller und Körner in einem ästhetischen Kontext mit dem der Philosophen Schopenhauer und Kant, wird im Spiegel der Formalästhetik der Klassikerausgabe Graf Kesslers Bildungs- und Kulturbegriff erkennbar, der sich in den Jahren nach der Jahrhundertwende zu seinem Lebenskunstideal verdichtete. Der zerrütteten Existenz der Zeitgenossen, wie Friedrich Nietzsche sie beschrieben hatte, sollte der Inhalt der Ausgabe in seiner modernen Form eine moderne Wertehaltung entgegensetzen. Die Lektüre der Klassiker sollte den deutschen Philister "entkrampfen" und ihm ein Stück der verloren geglaubten Lebensfreude wieder zurück bringen, in dem dieser auch die Facetten des Lebensleids als normal hinnehmen und akzeptieren lernte. Die Klassikerausgabe repräsentierte aus diesem Grund auch den kulturellen und politischen Reformwillen und die gesellschaftlichen Vorstellungen die der Graf für ein modernes Deutschland als überfällig erachtete. Die Buchreihe war aus diesem Grund auch ein politisches Statement gegen die Beharrungskräfte im deutschen Kaiserreich. Die Klassikerreihe wurde in der buchhistorischen Forschung zwar als bedeutender Meilenstein charakterisiert und als "wichtiges" oder gar "revolutionäres" Werk der Zeit hervorgehoben, die Ergebnisse der Forschung kann man überspitzt aber in der Aussage zusammenfassen, dass es sich bei der Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst Ausgabe um einen "zufälligen Glückstreffer" deutscher Buchgestaltung zu handeln scheint. Zumindest lassen die Aussagen, die bisher in dieser Hinsicht gemacht wurden, keine eindeutige Einordnung zu, außer vielleicht der, dass die Klassiker von der englischen Lebensreform inspiriert wurden und Henry van de Velde und William Morris einen Einfluss auf ihre äußere Form hatten. Gerade die Gedankenansätze dieser Beiden nutzte Graf Kessler aber für eigene Überlegungen, die ihn schließlich auch zu eigenen Vorstellungen von idealer Buchgestaltung brachten. Da für Kessler auch Gebrauchsgegenstände Kunst sein konnten, wird das Konzept der Klassikerausgabe bis zur Umsetzung in ihrer `bahnbrechenden´ Form in das ideengeschichtliche und ästhetische Denken des Grafen eingeordnet. Die Klassiker werden zwar in buchhistorischen Einzeluntersuchungen bezüglich ihrer Komponenten, dem Dünndruckpapier, ihrem Einband oder der Schrifttype exponiert. In buchwissenschaftlichen Überblicksdarstellungen wird ihr Einfluss hingegen weniger beachtet, denn verschiedene Kritiker bezogen sie seit ihrem ersten Erscheinen nicht als deutsches Kulturgut mit ein, denn sie lehnten sowohl die englischen Mitarbeiter Emery Walker, Edward Johnston, Eric Gill und Douglas Cockerell wie auch ihre Gestaltung als "welsche" Buchausgabe ab. Richtig ist, die Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst Ausgabe hatte dieselbe Funktion wie die von Graf Kessler in Weimar konzipierten Kunstausstellungen und die dortige Kunstschule unter der Leitung seines Freundes Henry van de Velde. Auch das für Weimar geplante Theater, das unter der Leitung von Hugo von Hofmannsthal hätte stehen sollen und die Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst Schule, hätten dieselben Ideen der Moderne mit anderen Mitteln transportieren sollen, wie die Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst Ausgabe deutscher Klassiker. ; The Grand Duke Wilhelm Ernst Edition of German Classics was published by the Insel Verlag in Leipzig from 1904 well into the 1920s. While this series of books obviously sparked a range of innovations at both the publishing house and the printer Poeschel, the overall impact of the series was much wider, and as a whole it represents a significant milestone in the development of the modern German book market. In many ways, the series already anticipated some of the characteristics of the modern paperback. The level of quality echoed that of serious literary publications, but the pricing was reasonable. The Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst series appeared without commentary, in stark contrast to other editions of the classics at the time. The text itself was edited by leading literary experts, but the content was delivered "pure". The books were typeset in Jenson-Antiqua; this at a time when the entire debate between new artistic typefaces and Fraktur, i.e. the "old German" script, hadn't even reached the main players in German publishing. One of the goals of this fresh repackaging of the classics was to give a new shine to Weimar's slightly dusty image as a city. Thanks to the patronage of the Grand Duke Wilhelm himself, it was planned that the profits from sales of the books would be made available to Weimar's Permanent Exhibition, managed by Harry Graf Kessler, for the purchase of modern art objects. Looking at how the series juxtaposes works of the poetic writers Goethe, Schiller and Koerner with the philosophical ideas of Schopenhauer and Kant, and brilliantly packages them all into a publishing work of such beauty, one can see Graf Kessler's concepts of education and culture clearly reflected in both the content and the form. These are the concepts he slowly solidified into an ideal "art of living" in the years just after the turn of the century. The rotten, decayed existence of contemporary man as Friedrich Nietzsche had viewed it, was to be answered with a set of modern values firmly rooted in the classics. Reading the classics was meant to "uncramp" the German philistine and bring him back a piece of his supposedly lost joy of life by learning to see life's suffering and accept it as normal. For this reason, the Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst series of classics also embodied a slightly subversive will for political and cultural reform, as well as a spark of social imagination that Graf Kessler viewed as long overdue in a modern Germany. In effect, the series was a political statement against the conservative elements of the German Kaiserreich. Although researchers have characterised the series as a milestone and even gone so far as to label it an "important" or even "revolutionary" work for its time, the general opinion of these literary historians can be curtly summarised by saying that the great success of Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst editions was little more than a "happy accident." Their statements do not attribute any serious weight to the series, other than occasionally mentioning that it was inspired by the English arts and crafts movement, and that Henry van de Velde and William Morris had an influence on its appearance. But it was actually the fundamental ideas of these two men rather than just their design approach that Graf Kessler had used as a basis for further developing his own ideal approach to book publishing – and to other areas. Kessler was clear that everyday objects could also be works of art, so the very concept of a new edition of the classics and its groundbreaking execution is clearly an expression of the Graf's views of philosophical history and his aesthetic thinking. In literary research, the series is occasionally praised for specifics such as the quality and feel of its thin paper, its binding and its typeface. But in historical literary summaries, scant attention is paid to the overall influence of the series because many critics of the time simply excluded it from consideration as a work of German culture. They rejected the involvement of English employees such as Emery Walker, Edward Johnston, Eric Gill and Douglas Cockerell, and dismissed the "garden variety" design of the books. What is clear is the Grand Duke Wilhelm Ernst Edition of German Classics did indeed have a very serious purpose; one that was shared by nearly all of Kessler's projects. Like the art exhibitions he conceived for Weimar, like the establishment of Art Academy under the care of his friend Henry van de Velde, like the Grand Duke Wilhelm Ernst School, and like the planned theatre for Weimar that was to have been led by Hugo von Hofmannsthal, the Großherzog Wilhelm Ernst series had a serious, somewhat provocative purpose: to unite art with life, to make the classics relevant to the common man, and in so doing, inject a breath of creativity into the stifled society of Germany under the Kaisers.
Tutkimuksen kohteena on kolmen maailmanhistorian perusrakennetta käsitellen metahistorijoitsijan Yhdysvalloissa saama vastaanotto. Amerikkalaisen Brooks Adamsin pääteos The Law of Civilization and Decay ilmestyi 1896, saksalaisen Oswald Spenglerin Der Untergang des Abendlandes 1918-22(engl. The Decline of the West I-II 1926-28) ja englantilaisen Arnold J.Toynbeen 12-osainen A Study of History 1933-61. Tutkimus perustuu laajaan aikalaiskirjallisuuteen, erityisesti käsiteltävistä teoksista johtavisssa tieteellisissä ja kulttuurilehdissä julkaistuihin arviointeihin. Työ jakautuu yhdeksään päälukuun jossa esitellään kunkin globaaalihistorijoitsijan teoriat sekä aikalaisreseption avulla selvitetään em. historianfilosofien vaikutusta Yhdysvaltalaisen liberaalin eliitin tulkintaan Amerikan roolista maailmanhistoriassa. Tutkimus osoittaa, yleisellä tasolla, että aina Puritaanien maailmanreformaation ajatuksesta Francis Fukuyaman Historian loppu - teoriaan saakka globaalista historiaa koskevilla teorioilla on ollut suurempi merkitys Yhdysvalloissa kuin Euroopassa. Yhdysvaltain poliittisen eliitin piirissä erityisesti debatilla sivilisaatio-käsitteen sisällöstä on ollut keskeinen sija Amerikan maailmanpoliittisen roolin hahmottamisessa. Yhdysvaltain liberaalien näkökannan mukaan Valistuksen aatteisiin perustuva nykyaikaistuminen tuli suorittaa Yhdysvaltain johdolla ja Amerikkalaisen sivilisaation periaatteet vallitseviksi koko maailmassa. Aihe on tutkimuksen ja nykyisen maailmantilanteen ymmärtämisen kannalta ajankohtainen. Yhdysvalloissa on syntynyt laaja maailmanhistoriaa kokonaisuutena käsittelevä globaalisen historian koulukunta. Tämä oppiala on noussut yleisen historian erääksi merkittävimmäksi osa-alueeksi. (Globaalinen historia pohtii senkaltaisia kysymyksiä, kuin mitkä olivat maailmanhistorian yhdistävät teemat? johtiko kadonneiden sivilisaatioiden tuhoon valloittajien sotakoneet, vai heidän mukanaan tuomansa mikrobit? johtavatko suuriksi uskonnoiksi muodostuneet aatteet sivilisaatioprosessia?. etc.) Väitöskirja selvittää osin Adamsin, Spenglerin ja Toynbeen osuutta globaalisen historian oppialan syntyyn Yhdysvalloissa. Brooks Adamsin (1848-1927) merkitys globaalisen historian ja globalisaatioteorian pioneerina on jäänyt hänen kuuluisamman historijaveljensä Henryn varjoon. Brooks Adams, Bostonilainen patriisi ja presidentti Theodore Rooseveltin taustavaikuttaja hahmotteli 1900-luvun alkuvuosikymmeninä Yhdysvaltain maailmanvallan ympärille luotavaa maailmanjärjestystä: korporaatioiden ja kovan tieteen hallitsemaa maailmaa, vapaakauppaa, sekä arvoista ja ympäristöstä riippumatonta hallintotapaa, joka on eksakti ja tehokas. Ensimmäisen maailmansodan jälkeen sivilisaatio ja kulttuuri käsitteiden uudelleenarviointi oli maailmanhistorian kirjoituksessa sen keskeisin teema. Tutkimus osoittaa myös, ensi kertaa transatalanttisessa kontekstissa, että Oswald Spenglerin Europassa 1919 kohua herättänyt Länsimaiden perikato saavutti myös Yhdysvalloissa 1920-luvun Jazz-kaudella New Yorkin älymystön piirissä suorastaan kulttimaineen New Yorkin lehdistössä Spenglerin uhkaava preussilainen hahmo oli kuin modernin aikakauden Cato, joka lupasi tuhoa amerikkalaistyyliselle massakulttuurille. Mutta 1930-luvun poliittisessa ympäristössä Yhdysvaltain johtavat liberaalit leimasivat Spenglerin yksimielisesti fasismin profeetaksi. Toisen maailmansodan jälkeen merkittävä englantilainen historiantutkija ja kansainvälisen politiikan vaikuttajan Arnold Toynbeen laaja uskonnollissävyinen sivilisaatiohistoria sekä Toynbee henkilönä nousi maineeseen ja asemaan, jota kenelläkään historioitsijalla Yhdysvalloissa ei ole ollut. Tutkimus osoittaa, että tämän Toynbee-ilmiön taustana oli toisaalta kylmän sodan alkuvaiheen uhkaava tilanne ja toisaalta Timen ja Lifen mahtavan kustantajan Henry L. Lucen innostus Toynbeeen selitykseen maailmanhistoriasta spirituaalisena prosessina eli Lucen luentana Toynbeen teoriasta Amerikasta kristillisen sivilisaation esitaistelijana. Arvostetun The Survey of International Affairs-julkaisun päätoimittajan Toynbeen vihamieliset lausunnot Yhdysvaltain ylimielisestä roolista maailmanpolitiikassa 1950-luvulla käänsivät kuitenkin amerikkalaisten uusliberaalien mielipiteet Toynbeetä vastaan. Tutkimus näyttää myös, että Toynbee on oppilaansa Chicagon yliopiston professori William McNeillin koulukunnan kautta keskeinen globaalisen historian oppi-isä. ; This dissertation deals with three metahistorians and their reception in the United States. American Brooks Adams published his main work The Law of Civilization and Decay 1896, German Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes 1918-1922 (The Decline of the West, in English, 1926, 1928) and Englishman Arnold Toynbee A Study of History (12.vols. 1934-1961). The study is based on an extensive material dealing with the three world-historians, mainly in the leading scholarly [a majority in history and social sciences] and highbrow magazines, such as The New Republic and The Atlantic Monthly. The book is organized in nine main chapters, which include a summary of each thinker s theory of global history and their assessment of America s role in world-history; the chapters also explore through reception-analysis the American reaction to the major works of the three world-historians and the zeitgeist that informed the reviews. The study, in its general theme, demonstrates how world historical ideas from the Puritan idea of world reformation to Francis Fukuyama s End of History -hegemonic liberalism have been conceptualized by the American political and scholarly elite. The text argues that the liberal consensus of the definition of the term civilization consists in the United States mainly of modernization and Enlightenment values which are expected to bring positive changes to the world through emancipation, freedom, and material affluence. This progressive description of the liberal paradigm which the pessimistic metahistories, and the prophets of decline, in spite of their brief popularity in the U.S. tried to depose could not, in the final analysis, be defeated. The study also argues that, because of its perennial concern for civilization [the American political elite from Franklin D.Roosevelt to George W. Bush use the term, in defining their world-political agendas] the United States has been more receptive to world historical explanations than Europe. Furthermore the study is important, because in the United States world-history, as an academic discipline, has returned to university curriculums. World history draws its basic agenda partly from the metahistorians, by asking questions, like: why did great civilizations collapse? what is the role of the great religions in world history? what is the role of technological modernization in the global change?. As a pioneer of global history and globalization theory Brooks Adams (1848-1927) has not received up-dated attention from contemporary scholarship. The dissertation demonstrates how the Boston patrician partly outlined technocratic and activist policies, which his friend president Theodore Roosevelt used in order to create the American superpower. The book also demonstrates how Adams was also a pioneer in the field of global history and globalization theory, who paved the way for subsequent efforts. After the First World War the revaluation of the concepts of civilization and culture was the central theme of world-history. The breakthrough from Victorian optimism to a modernist post-war gloom focused attention to Oswald Spengler s famous world-historical interpretation The Decline of the West. The argument demonstrates in the transatlantic context, that also the cynical and disillusioned Jazz Age, Smart Set New Yorkers accepted Spengler as the prophet, who doomed the 1920s American spending spree and its mass- culture. When the political context changed in the 1930s the same New York liberals condemned Spengler as a precursor of the Nazi-movement. After the Second World War British historian, and respected expert in international politics, Arnold Toynbee and his large, spiritually flavoured, world historical synthesis A Study of History rose to the status in the United States that hardly any historian, or theory of history, has achieved. The study shows that behind this Toynbee phenomenon was, on the other hand the threatening situation at beginning of the Cold War 1947, on the other hand the enthusiasm of the Time-Life-Fortune publisher Henry Luce, who presented him as a prophet of the American Century and in Luce s American reading of Toynbee s theory also as a defender of the Christian civilization. When Toynbee s opinions turned against American foreign policy, in the1950 s, and his religiosity into syncretism, American New Liberals opinion turned heavily against the superhistorian. The study shows also that through his pupil William McNeill, and his Chicago school of world- historians, Toynbee is one of the founders of the contemporary discipline of world-history writing.
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If you enter the fevered corners of the info-verse, you might hear that Tim Walz is a Manchurian Candidate. The governor of Minnesota, just selected by presidential candidate Kamala Harris to serve as her running mate, does indeed have a longstanding interest in China.After graduating from college in Nebraska (where, among other things, he took classes in East Asian Studies), Walz spent the 1989-90 school year teaching English and American history in Foshan, Guangdong Province as part of Harvard's WorldTeach program. The Chinese "are such kind, generous, capable people," the 26-year old told a reporter after returning home. "They just gave and gave and gave to me. Going there was one of the best things I have ever done."Walz and his wife Gwen later honeymooned in China. And they launched a company, Educational Travel Adventures, that led student trips to Beijing, Shanghai and elsewhere in the PRC.For some, this story might sound promising – a politician who actually knows something about the world's second most powerful country. For others, though, it sounds suspicious. Maybe even downright scary.Fox News proclaimed that Walz has a "bizarre infatuation" with China. The New York Post declared that the VP candidate "has fawned over Communist China." Richard Grenell, director of national intelligence under former President Donald Trump, said on X that "no one is more pro-China than Marxist Walz." Rogan O'Handley, a conservative influencer, called Harris' Democratic Party running mate "a CCP puppet."What's the evidence?China hawks seem most exercised about a brief clip from a longer interview in 2016 with an agribusiness news outlet. Walz, then a member of Congress from a rural district in southern Minnesota, discusses legislation before the agriculture committee and then, more than six minutes into the conversation, his work on the bipartisan Congressional-Executive Commission on China. He tells the reporter that he doesn't believe the U.S. must have an "adversarial" relationship with its then-leading trade partner. But he also goes on to challenge China's increasingly aggressive behavior in the South China Sea — a statement excised from the clip shared by many on social media.In fact, Walz has been openly critical of China's human rights record, as well as its brutal authoritarianism. In 2009, while still in Congress, he co-sponsored a resolution blasting the PRC for arresting and detaining Liu Xiaobo, the pro-democracy activist who won a Nobel Peace Prize. In 2016, he met the Dalai Lama, Tibet's exiled leader who is viewed as a dangerous "splittist" by Beijing. In 2017, he was one of two House members to push the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, which called for sanctions on Chinese officials responsible for "undermining fundamental freedoms and autonomy" there. The bill did not pass until 2019, when Walz took up his position as governor of Minnesota. But he still won praise from a human rights activist in Hong Kong: "The fact that he supported it when very few people did and that his support was sustained – that's different and that's who he is."Some critics also claim that Walz, as governor, has allowed China to infiltrate institutions throughout the state. They point specifically to Beijing-backed Confucius Institutes, which teach Chinese language and culture to college students in the United States. But the University of Minnesota shut down its institute after Walz took office, and St. Cloud State University has suspended its institute, pending a review.Although the governor has called for engagement with China, especially on climate change and trade, he has not been afraid to also question its foreign policy. Last year, in an interview with a Japanese newspaper, he said he was "disappointed with China's recent performance – on the Ukraine issue, they are on Russia's side."None of this supports the claim that Walz is a Manchurian candidate. In China, few are predicting that Walz, as vice president, would have a significant impact on Washington-Beijing relations. Zha Daojiong, an international relations scholar at Peking University, told the Washington Post that, on U.S. policy toward China, there is "a ready and rich template among the two political parties in America" that would not change much with a single election.The political kerfuffle over Harris' selection of Walz actually tells us a lot more about ourselves than about the veep wannabe. In the U.S. today, there is a bipartisan streak of unhinged fear and hostility toward the PRC. It runs so deep and so wide that a substantial segment of American punditry loses its mind over the emergence of a politician who has pleasant memories of living in and visiting China in more youthful days, a politician who has dared to advocate for engagement with Beijing, even as he criticizes much of its behavior today. And the rest of us, generally, respond as if this is pretty normal.
Le secteur agricole dans les pays sous-développés fait face à l'une des questions préoccupantes qu'est l'accès aux innovations agricoles développées (Ouidoh et al., 2018). Divers défis tels que l'amélioration de la gestion des ressources naturelles, l'aménagement du territoire pour le développement des filières et des chaînes de valeur agricole entravent le développement du secteur. Mais un grand nombre de contraintes institutionnelles ont également limité l'adoption massive par les petits producteurs, des technologies et pratiques socio-économiques bénéfiques (Sterk et al., 2013 ; Jiggins et al., 2016). Les différents défis exigent alors un environnement institutionnel (politiques, marchés, institutions) favorable à la production de connaissance et d'innovations adaptées et accessible aux différents acteurs des chaînes de valeur et mis en application, de façon économique et sociale. Ceci doit impliquer plusieurs intervenants provenant des communautés, du gouvernement, des ONGs, la recherche et le secteur privé. Bien que cette approche puisse nécessiter plus de temps et une facilitation intensive, les résultats sont susceptibles d'être plus durables et de plus grande envergure. En effet, de nouvelles approches basées sur le concept de systèmes d'innovations (SI) ont été récemment introduites en réponse à l'échec des approches de dissémination généralement développées par les Systèmes Nationaux de Recherche Agricoles (SNRA) (World Bank, 2006 ; Hounkonnou et al., 2012). Les approches développées par les SNRA regroupent l'approche linéaire de transfert de technologie (ToT) et les approches participatives basées sur le Farming-System Research telles que les Farmer Field Schools (FFS), Training and Visit (T&V), etc. Par ailleurs, les principales faiblesses de ces approchent résident en ce qu'elles visent principalement le producteur et son exploitation. Ces approches ne s'intéressent pas aux actions de promotion des chaînes de valeur, des marchés, des modes de consommation et des valeurs citoyennes qui créent un environnement propice à un changement global (Klerkx et al., 2012 ; Wigboldus et al., 2016). Par ailleurs, les nouvelles approches prenant en compte tout un SI cherchent à corriger ces insuffisances organisationnelles et institutionnelles afin de créer un environnement favorable à l'adoption des innovations par les petits producteurs. Elles accordent plus d'attention aux interactions entre les acteurs et donc le co-apprentissage. A cet effet, les approches visant le développement de relations au sein des SI, notamment par la facilitation de plateformes d'innovations (PI) sont perçues aujourd'hui comme les approches les plus adéquates de développement et de promotion des innovations agricoles (Ouidoh et al., 2018). La plateforme d'innovation est un outil qui permet d'identifier les acteurs de la chaîne de valeur, d'examiner les goulets d'étranglement et les maillons faibles de la chaîne de valeur, de créer et de renforcer les partenariats et l'apprentissage collaboratif entre les acteurs (publics et privés) et d'examiner les opportunités commerciales et les nouveaux produits permettant d'améliorer les résultats du marché, la sécurité alimentaire et la gestion des ressources naturelles (AfricaRice; 2020). A l'instar des pays de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, l'agriculture malienne est confrontée aux conséquences néfastes de la variabilité et du changement climatiques qui compromettent les efforts de développement économique et social du pays. Cependant, il existe des potentialités de développement du secteur agricole à saisir dans un contexte de changement climatique à travers le développement d'une agriculture intelligente face au climat (AIC). Le CCAFS Afrique de l'Ouest met en œuvre un projet de « développement de chaînes de valeur et paysage climato-intelligents pour accroitre la résilience des moyens de subsistance en Afrique de l'Ouest ». Le projet s'articule autour de plusieurs activités dont (i) l'analyse des chaînes de valeur afin d'identifier les risques climatiques et autres contraintes auxquelles font face les chaînes de valeur et qui pourraient être résolues par des options climato-intelligentes et, (ii) l'intégration d'options agricoles climato-intelligent fondées sur des évidences dans les chaînes de valeur sélectionnées par le biais des plateformes d'innovation multipartites. Dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre du projet, il est prévu la création d'une plateforme multi-acteur au Mali pour supporter l'intégration des options d'AIC dans des chaînes de valeur (CV) agricoles prioritaires. Lors de l'atelier de développement du profil de risque climatique de Ségou en novembre 2020, cinq CVs (riz, niébé, ovins/caprins, cultures maraichères, mil) ont été retenues pour le développement de CV agricoles climato-intelligentes. À travers les PI, les « problèmes » et les opportunités sont identifiés. L'approche multi-acteurs permet aux PI de travailler à tous les niveaux des chaînes de valeur agricoles retenues ; problèmes organisationnels et institutionnels (dispositions contractuelles, règles de contrôle de la qualité), problèmes relatifs aux pratiques et technologies AIC (par exemple, quelle variété convient le mieux à l'environnement local ? Comment pouvons-nous rendre plus efficace l'étuvage et l'usinage du riz par exemple ?) et les problèmes liés à l'action collective, à l'apprentissage, au partage des connaissances et les processus de formulation des politiques visant à améliorer la gouvernance des chaînes de valeur agricoles prioritaires pour la région de Ségou.