Suchergebnisse

У статті досліджено лексико-семантичні особливостi етнокультурних антропономінацій сучасного англомовного сленгу в лінгвокультурологічному аспекті. Особливу увагу приділено ролі молодіжного сленгу i антропономінацій, серед усього у відображенні соціальних, культурних та ціннісних настанов представників певної етноспільноти. З'ясовано, що з метою структурування виділеної сленгової лексики застосовано семантико-ідеографічний підхід для створення відповідної моделi, представленої лексико-семантичними угрупуваннями, зумовленими лінгвокультурологічними, історичними та соціальними чинниками. Зокрема змодельовано лексико-семантичне поле «Назви людей» iз розгалуженою та багаторівневою організацією складових мікрополів і лексико-семантичних груп: «Назви особи за інтелектуальним, інтелектуально-емоційним станом, властивістю, якістю та їх виявом»; «Назви особи за фізичним, фізіологічним, психічним станом, властивістю, дією, за статтю, а також за статтю і віком»; «Назви особи за соціальною властивістю, за характерним соціальним станом, дією, функцією, за особистими і суспільними відносинами, зв'язками»; «Назви особи за професією, спеціальністю, родом занять, характером діяльності і пов'язаними з нею діями, відносинами»; «Назви особи за належністю до раси, національності, а також території, місця проживання, місцезнаходження». Виявлено, що найбільш уживаними СЛО англійського, американського та австралійського молодіжного мовлення стали антропономінації на позначення певних девіантних проявів особистості, зокрема надзвичайної фізичної привабливості або потворності, інтелектуальних вад або асоціальної поведінки. За окремими лексико-семантичними групами кількісні та якісні характеристики в досліджуваних мовах виявляють диспропорцію, зумовлену національною специфікою сленгу як субварiанта відповідної національної мови. Аналіз лексико-семантичних груп доводить, що британське та американське суспільство від австралійського вирізняється більшою агресивністю, індивідуалізмом, етноцентризмом. На противагу цьому молоді Австралії властива значно більша емоційність. ; The article focuses on the analysis of lexical and semantic peculiarities of ethnocultural anthroponominations of modern English slang in the linguo-cultural aspect. Special attention is drawn to the role of youth slang and anthroponominations in particular in the social, cultural and axiological assumptions of the members of a certain ethnocommunity representation. The principle to structure the analyzed slang lexis is the application of semantic-ideographical approach to create the corresponding model, represented by lexical and semantic groups, predetermined by linguocultural, historical and social factors. Thus, the lexical semantic field "People's nominations" with a multistructured and multilevel arrangement of the microfields and lexical semantic groups was modelled. It comprises such microfields: "A person's nominations according to the intellectual, intellectual-emotional state, peculiarity, quality and its realization", "A person's nominations according to the physical, physiological and psychic state, peculiarity, actions; according to the sex and age", "A person's nominations according to the social peculiarity, social state, actions, functions, personal and social relations and connections", "A person's nominations according to the profession, specialty, type of activity and related to it actions and relations", "A person's nominations in relation to race, nationality as well as territory, place of dwelling, location". It was revealed that the slang lexical units of the English, American and Australian youth speech to denote one's certain deviational manifestations such as extreme physical attractiveness as well as ugliness, intellectual deficiency or antisocial behavior. The English, American and Australian slang under the analysis is devoid of elementary political correctness as there are slang lexical units with negative connotation to denote people with special needs, different or "alien" religious, national and racial belonging. According to the certain lexical semantic groups the quantitative and qualitative characteristics in the languages under the analysis reveal the imbalance that accounts for the slang national specificity as a subvariant of a certain national language. The analysis of the lexical semantic groups proves that the British and American society turn to be more aggressive, individualistic and ethnocentric in comparison with the Australian that is more emotional.

Abstract- After the 1979 Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic government in Iran and the change in political perspectives, the nuclear programme of Iran changed into a controversial issue between Iran and the West. Iran's nuclear programme was featured as one of the most important topics in newspapers and the media since then. It was told that Iran and the West (esp. US) have been on the edge of a war before The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) so the agreement signed in Vienna on 14 July 2015 between Iran and the P5+1 on Iran's nuclear programme was a real turning point since the beginning of the controversy. In this PhD thesis I looked at the role of language and media discourse in the coverage and representation of events related to Iran's nuclear programme from January to July 2015, during Barack Obama's administration, which brought about an important change in the attitude towards Iran's nuclear programme in both the Iranian and the Western media. The main questions this study aimed to seek a reply are:1) How were events, players and policies related to the Iranian nuclear programme question portrayed in the media, in Iran and the West respectively in the period under consideration? 2) What was the role of language and media discourse in the dissemination of information about events related to Iran's nuclear programme in both the Iranian and the Western printed media? 3) How the main actors and the most important themes were presented in the Persian and the Western newspaper articles on Iranian nuclear discourse? 4) To what extent did the views put forth by the two sides of the negotiations differ in the six months before the JCPOA? Unlike the previous studies, for the English language corpus, the articles of both English and American newspapers have been selected to widen the spectrum of the viewpoint of the West regarding to the issue: "The Washington Post", "The New York Times" (two American newspapers), "The Guardian" and "The Times" (two British newspapers). For the Persian language corpus I selected four significant newspapers in Iran form two important political parties (two reformist newspapers "Shargh" شرق and "Etemad" اعتماد, and two principalist newspapers "Keyhan" کیهان and "Resalat" رسالت). The Western corpus has been collected from Lexis-Nexis which provides electronic accessibility to legal and journalistic documents. The Persian News articles were gathered from an archive of Iranian press called "Magiran" www.magiran.com. I used critical discourse analysis as an interdisciplinary approach which is very popular to study news discourse and generally to the study of discourse that views "language as social practice" (Fairclough and Wodak 1997). At the same time I profit important benefit of the corpus-based approach to discourse analysis which is reducing research bias. The study provides confirmation that underlying ideological filters frame the news, working most often as an invisible hand, which makes every media text biased even when ostensibly reporting the same facts, in different language versions. The use of different linguistic resources frames the same news event differently, relying on different assumptions and triggering different interpretations. The discourse is clearly differentiated as for example the headlines differ in length, thematic structure and quantity of information given, lexical choices & syntactic and functional structures, depending on the assumed background information of the two audiences. The idea that recourse to hedges and boosters varies in different cultures can be confirmed considering the overuse of hedges and boosters by the Western journalists. All in all, this PhD. thesis confirms the impact of culture and national identity on political practices in mass media.

Whereas the impact of Brexit on Anglophone Africa was a major issue in the controversial British discussions on the pros and cons of Brexit, possible repercussions on French-speaking Africa have been rarely mentioned up to now. Yet, the range of possible Brexit effect is impressive, including the revival of progressive social networks in Francophone Africa. The latter are already demanding more political and economic sovereignty, for example with respect to the increasingly anachronistic F CFA currency. Yet, in view of the lack of countervailing power of Britain within the EU in the case of Brexit, the murky network of Françafrique could be re-vitalized and consolidated as well. Finally, the Brexit and its spread-effects could also impact negatively on acquired human rights, both in Europe and in Africa. The withdrawal in general will have widely disregard implications for hitherto shared ethics. In fact, the Brexit constitutes a retrograde step in promoting a political and socio-cultural climate which could become similar to that of Apartheid South Africa. This includes the pursuit of ultranationalist goals and compromising on established human rights, for example with respect to growing inequality and the crusade against infidels and outsiders. More generally, the Brexit will also impact negatively on acquired ethics concerning popular articipation, both in Europe and in Africa. ; Forthcoming ; RÉSUMÉ: Alors que l'impact du Brexit sur l'Afrique anglophone était un sujet majeur dans les discussions controversées britanniques sur les avantages et les inconvénients du Brexit, les répercussions possibles sur l'Afrique francophone ont rarement été mentionnées. Pourtant, la gamme d'effet possible du Brexit est impressionnante, y inclus la renaissance des réseaux sociaux progressistes en Afrique francophone. Ces derniers demandent déjà plus de souveraineté politique et économique, par exemple vis-à-vis de la monnaie de plus en plus anachronique du F CFA. Cependant, compte tenu du manque de puissance compensatrice de la Grande-Bretagne au sein de l'UE dans le cas du Brexit, le réseau trouble de la Françafrique pourrait également être revitalisé et consolidé. Enfin, le Brexit et ses effets de propagation pourraient également avoir une incidence négative sur les droits de l'homme acquis, tant en Europe qu'en Afrique. Le retrait du Royaume-Uni en général aura des implications sur l' éthique jusque-là partagée. En fait, le Brexit constitue un pas en arrière dans la promotion d'un climat politique et socioculturel humanitaire. Ce dernier pourrait ressembler dans le future à celui de l'Afrique du Sud de l'apartheid. Cela inclut la poursuite d'objectifs ultranationalistes et la compromission des droits de l'homme établis, par exemple en ce qui concerne l'inégalité croissante et la croisade contre les infidèles et les étrangers. Plus généralement, le Brexit aura également un impact négatif sur l'éthique acquise concernant la participation populaire, tant en Europe qu'en Afrique. --- see also: Kohnert, Dirk (2019) : BREXIT AND THE REVIVAL OF FRANCEAFRIQUE . ROAPE-blog: http://roape.net/?s=Kohnert ; ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Während der Einfluss des Brexit auf den Afrikanischen Commonwealth in der Diskussionen über die Vor- und Nachteile des Brexit ein wichtiges Thema war, wurden mögliche Auswirkungen auf das frankophone Afrika bisher in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur selten erwähnt. Die Bandbreite der möglichen Brexit-Effekte ist jedoch auch hier beeindruckend, bis hin zur Wiederbelebung progressiver sozial-politischer Netzwerke im frankophonen Afrika. Letztere fordern bereits mehr politische und wirtschaftliche Souveränität, beispielsweise in Bezug auf die zunehmend anachronistische F CFA-Währung. Angesichts des fehlenden Gegengewichtes Großbritanniens in der EU im Falle des Austritts, könnte das korrupte Netzwerk des 'Françafrique' außerdem wiederbelebt und konsolidiert werden. Schließlich könnte der Brexit auch die mühsam erkämpften Menschenrechte sowohl in Europa als auch in Afrika negativ beeinflussen. Denn beim Brexit wurden bislang Auswirkungen auf die gemeinsam geteilte Ethik weitgehend außer Acht gelassen. Tatsächlich stellt der Brexit einen Rückschritt bei der Förderung eines humanen politischen und soziokulturellen Klimas dar. Letzteres droht sich eher in Richtung eines Apartheid Südafrika zu entwickeln, eingeschlossen der Verfolgung ultranationalistischer Ziele und der Schwächung etablierten Menschenrechte, beispielsweise hinsichtlich wachsender Ungleichheit und des Kreuzzugs gegen 'Ungläubige' und Außenstehende. Generell wird der Brexit außerdem negative Auswirkungen auf die partizipative Ethik haben, sowohl in Europa als auch in Afrika.

PH.D. ; In embarking on a thesis about legal liability of care of the unborn in Malta, it was clear that one had to delve deeply into both the local obstetric practice as well the local legal system. The care of the unborn is fully dependent on maternal care and this entailed a systematic assessment of the legal vulnerability of local obstetrics, which was laborious, extensive, and required the wearing of different tinted spectacles. It was however, home ground, whereas dealing with the legal aspect meant sailing in unchartered seas and understanding the legal details of how Maltese law deals with medical negligence. It was also felt essential to use the term 'the unborn' in the thesis's title in view of the unique legal standing of the Maltese laws protecting the fetus, vis-à- vis the locus standi of the unborn in the rest of the European Union. The shock was rather severe as the truth sets in that in the twenty-first century, Malta had no proper medico-legal framework for dealing with alleged medical negligence while such a body of law had been in daily use for the last six decades or so, in such countries as the UK. Numerous local calls for amendment had been made, such as in a number of University of Malta legal theses. Furthermore, repeated references had been formally made by the judiciary in the deliberation of medical litigation. The fact remained that the local judiciary, in the twenty-first century, was still extrapolating the laws of tort and quasi-tort dealing with general negligence to adjudicate complex principles of medical practice. This also implied the lack of available guidance in establishing such basic instruments at law as the medical standard of care. As a result, the local judiciary often reverted to Italian juridical principles and increasingly to British jurisprudence. n spite of the seeming superficial dearth of local Court medical and obstetric judgments, both general medical and legal thinking was of the opinion that there was a definite increase in medical litigious attitudes, evidenced by increase in litigation not reaching Court. Unfortunately, no relevant local medico-legal statistics exist or are even collected or have a reference point for referral. There is evidence of a complete lack of local preparedness for weathering any significant future increase in medico-legal cases. Reference to some parts of the rest of Europe showed that this state of unpreparedness was not at all rare, in spite of irrefutable evidence from countries such as Italy, France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and many others, that the threat of medical litigation is increasing rampantly. In fact, obstetrics tends to be among the front runners in the medico-legal litigation game. Malta is particularly disadvantaged with its lack of medical law as well as its lack of honing of clinical practice along the lessons learnt from long established litigation in jurisdictions such as the UK, USA, Canada, Australia and numerous other modern countries. Furthermore, Malta may also be further exposed to an as yet unconsidered obstetric medico-legal vulnerability resulting from the rapid increase of foreign residents. The thesis constructively offers numerous propositions regarding the introduction of amendments regarding local obstetric practice, firstly to render better care to the unborn and secondly to diminish the challenge posed by legal liability. It also concludes by proposing a medico-legal body of law, entitled Lex Medica as well as the formation of a Maltese Institute of Medico-Legal Studies. The latter is aimed at establishing local medico-legal studies on a much needed modern and solid footing as well as effecting the extensive groundwork for enacting the proposed Lex Medica. ; N/A

The purpose of the article is to summarize the experience of foreign countries in the implementation of the decentralization reform and identify the main problems that arise in Ukraine. The experience of the European countries on decentralization of management was shown in the article. It has been established that in recent years decentralization has become a global phenomenon. The process of decentralization in different countries, namely in France, Poland, Germany, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom, was analyzed, and the advantages and disadvantages of its implementation were indentified. The process of powers redistribution between regional, central, local levels of government was established as the main advantage. Local authorities can resolve any issues related to the life provision of the population in their territory. The possibility of introducing other decentralization models without increasing the local level by the current practice of the EU member was determined. In particular, Spain is an example of so-called regional decentralization, when the main results of decentralization are concentrated in the direction of transferring powers from the central government to the governments of the autonomies (regions). The experience of Britain, Germany, as well as France and the Scandinavian countries allows us to see how different the background, content and results of decentralization are. For the Swedish model of local self-government, unlike the British and French, significant aspects of functionality and participation. Political space is determined not only by the state, but also by the low level of decision-making, such as provinces and municipalities. The experience of public administration reform in European countries has shown that the limits of decentralization are due to the specifics of the center-local relations and the potential of local self-government. Political decentralization and commercialization of public services in England, increasing the role of the communes and the gradual transition to market relations in Germany, administrative reforms and the activation of local communities in France - all these processes reflect one or another model of decentralization, which are guided by other European countries, particular in Ukraine. ; Метою статті є узагальнення досвіду зарубіжних країн у проведенні реформи децентралізації та визначення основних проблем, які постають в Україні. У статті наведено досвід Європейських країн з питань децентралізації управління. Встановлено, що в останні роки децентралізація стала глобальним явищем. Проаналізовано процес децентралізаації у різних країнах, зокрема Франції, Польщі, Німеччині, Іспаніі, Швеціі та Великій Британії та визначено переваги та недоліки від її імплементації. Встановлено, що основною перевагою є процес перерозподілу повноважень між регіональним, центральним, місцевим рівнями управління. Місцеві органи можуть вирішувати будь-які питання, що пов'язані із забезпеченням життєдіяльності населення, на їх території. Визначено, що сучасна практика країн-членів ЄС передбачає можливість впровадження й інших моделей децентралізації без посилення локального рівня. Зокрема Іспанія є прикладом так званої регіональної децентралізації, коли основні результати децентралізації сконцентровано в напрямі передачі повноважень від центрального уряду до урядів автономій (регіонів). Досвід Британії, Німеччини, а також Франції та скандинавських країн дозволяє побачити, наскільки різні передумови, зміст і результати децентралізації. Для шведської моделі місцевого самоврядування, на відміну від британської і французької, значущі аспекти функціональності і участі. Політичний простір детерміновано не тільки державою, а й низовими рівнями прийняття рішень, такими, як провінції і муніципалітети. Досвід реформ державного управління в європейських країнах показав, що межі децентралізації зумовлені специфікою центр-локальних відносин і потенціалом місцевого самоврядування. Політична децентралізація і комерціалізація публічних послуг в Англії, підвищення ролі комун і поступовий перехід до ринкових відносин в управлінні Німеччини, адміністративні реформи і активізація місцевих громад у Франції – всі ці процеси відображають ту чи іншу модель децентралізації, на які орієнтуються інші європейські країни, зокрема і в Україні.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사범대학 체육교육과,글로벌스포츠매니지먼트전공,2019. 8. 강준호. ; The situation around the development of diving and divers in South Korea and Ukraine was considered due to South Korea's modest results in the international competitions and weak diving development. Respondents were divided by country, and into six categories: top management, head coaches, regular coaches, current national team athletes, retired national team athletes, and Masters Divers. Data was obtained through semi-structured interviews, using an open-ended method in questionnaires. The reason for the survey of six categories of people related to diving was the desire to find out as much as possible about the nuances and problems in the development of the sport in South Korea. The conceptual framework used to create a questionnaire on key topics has been adapted for diving. The results showed that the main problem in the diving development in South Korea is the lack of a long-term plan for diving development, as well as the lack of adequate support and funding from the state. Also, due attention and support is not afforded to the young divers in regional schools and very little support is provided to talented athletes. It is worth noting that the misconception of South Koreans about diving also hinders the development of the sport, but in turn, this is a connecting part of the problem with the unwillingness of the state to pay attention to popularizing diving as a sport and developing divers in South Korea. ; 한국과 우크라이나의 잠수부와 잠수부 개발 상황은 국제 대회에서 다이빙 개발성과가 저조한 한국의 완고한 성과로 인해 고려되었습니다. 응답자는 국가별로 나누어 져서 최고 경영진, 선임 코치, 일반 코치, 현재 국가 대표팀 선수, 은퇴 한 국가 대표 선수, 마스터스 다이버 등 여섯 가지 범주로 나누었습니다. 반 구조적 인터뷰를 시행하고 설문지 질문에 개방적 방법을 사용하여 데이터를 얻었습니다. 다이빙과 관련하여 여섯 가지 범주의 사람들을 조사한 이유는 한국 스포츠 발전의 뉘앙스와 문제점에 대해 가능한 한 많이 알아 내고자하는 목적이었습니다. 주요 주제에 대한 설문지를 작성하는 데 사용 된 개념적 프레임 워크가 다이빙에 적용되었습니다. 연구 결과는 다음과 같습니다. 한국의 다이빙 개발의 주된 문제점은 다이빙 개발을 위한 장기 계획의 부족과 국가의 적절한 지원과 자금 부족 때문이었습니다. 또한, 지역 학교의 젊은 다이버들에게 충분한 관심과 지원이 주어지지 않았으며 소수의 재능 있는 선수들에게만 소량의 지원이 되고 있는 상황이었습니다. 게다가, 한국인의 다이빙에 대한 오해가 다이빙 스포츠의 발전을 저해한다는 점은 주목할 가치가 있습니다. 이것은 한국 다이빙 스포츠의 대중화 및 다이버들에 대한 대중화에 관심을 기울이지 않는 정부와 지원 자금의 연결 문제를 보여주고 있습니다. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 9 1.1. Background 9 1.2. Research Purpose and Questions 12 1.3. Significance of the Research 13 Chapter 2. Literature Review 15 2.1. A. Abbott's Talent Identification and Sport Development Model 15 2.2. British Colombian Sport System Building and Long-term Athlete Development Model 18 2.3. Canadian Government Long-term Athlete Development Model 21 2.4. Pilar's Model on international Sporting Success 23 Chapter 3. Methodology 29 3.1. Research Method 29 3.2. Instrument 30 3.3. Participants 33 3.4. Data Analysis 34 Chapter 4. Results 36 4.1. Descriptive Comparison between South Korea and Ukraine 36 4.1.1. Organizational Comparison 36 4.1.2. Elite Performance Comparison 42 4.2. Pilar's Model-Based Comparison between South Korea and Ukraine 45 4.2.1. Financial Support 45 4.2.2. Integrated approach to policy development 49 4.2.3. Sport participation 53 4.2.4. Talent identification and development system 61 4.2.5. Athletic and post-career support 69 4.2.6. Coaching provision & coach development 88 4.2.7. Masters' athletes 97 4.2.8. Sport goals and achievements 102 4.3. Summary of the Results 108 Chapter 5. Discussion and Conclusion 112 5.1. Theoretical and Managerial Implications 112 5.2. Limitations and Future Direction 116 5.3. Conclusion 117 Bibliography 119 Appendix A: Questionnaire 124 국 문 초 록 131 ; Master

Restricting children's exposures to marketing of unhealthy foods and beverages is a global obesity prevention priority. Monitoring marketing exposures supports informed policymaking. This study presents a global overview of children's television advertising exposure to healthy and unhealthy products. Twenty-two countries contributed data, captured between 2008 and 2017. Advertisements were coded for the nature of foods and beverages, using the 2015 World Health Organization (WHO) Europe Nutrient Profile Model (should be permitted/not-permitted to be advertised). Peak viewing times were defined as the top five hour timeslots for children. On average, there were four times more advertisements for foods/beverages that should not be permitted than for permitted foods/beverages. The frequency of food/beverages advertisements that should not be permitted per hour was higher during peak viewing times compared with other times (P < 0.001). During peak viewing times, food and beverage advertisements that should not be permitted were higher in countries with industry self-regulatory programmes for responsible advertising compared with countries with no policies. Globally, children are exposed to a large volume of television advertisements for unhealthy foods and beverages, despite the implementation of food industry programmes. Governments should enact regulation to protect children from television advertising of unhealthy products that undermine their health. ; In Argentina, advertising monitoring was supported by the International Development Research Center (IDRC; grant number 107459‐001). The Chilean team would like to thank the National TV Council (CNTV) that provided the TV records, as well as María Fernanda Sánchez, Camila Román, and Camila Fierro for assisting with the coding and database preparation; data coding was supported by grants from the International Development Research Center (no. 107731‐002) and Bloomberg Philanthropies. The project in Colombia was cofunded by Estrategia de sostenibilidad de grupos de investigación–University of Antioquia, Medellín, Colombia. The Colombian team wish to thank Mariana Arias Toro y Melisa Alejandra Muñoz Ruiz, School of Nutrition and Dietetics, University of Antioquia, Medellín. In Costa Rica and Guatemala, data collection and analysis was funded by IDRC grant no. 107213001. In Malaysia, this project was funded under the Fundamental Research Grant Scheme (FRGS/1/2013/SS03/UKM/02/5) of the Ministry of Higher Education. In Mexico, the financial support of this study was founded by the International Development Research Center (project number: 107731) and Bloomberg Philanthropies. The project in Slovenia was funded by the Slovenian Research Agency and Ministry of Health of Republic of Slovenia (research programme P3‐0395: Nutrition and Public Health; research project L3‐9290: sugars in human nutrition); we acknowledge the support of Dea Zavadlav (Nutrition Institute, Slovenia) in the data collection. The South African team wish to thank Prof Norman Temple, Athabasca University, Canada, and Prof Nelia Steyn, University of Cape Town, who initiated the food advertising project in South Africa. In Spain, data collection was supported by the Spanish Health Research Fund of the Institute of Health Carlos III (project ENPY 1015/13) and the Spanish Consumers Organization (OCU). The Spanish team wish to thank María José Bosqued Estefanía for her support in data management. Jean Adams and Martin White were supported by the Centre for Diet and Activity Research (CEDAR), a UKCRC Public Health Research Centre of Excellence. Funding from the British Heart Foundation, Cancer Research UK, Economic and Social Research Council, Medical Research Council, the National Institute for Health Research, and the Wellcome Trust, under the auspices of the UK Clinical Research Collaboration, is gratefully acknowledged.

Abstract: In this paper we examine the appropriateness and significance of the law of exception in the Spanish constitutional order. For this, we have examined the models of Comparative Law that Spain has followed to restore its disturbed constitutional order. Basically, historically, concern arose at the time of North American and French Revolutions of how to incorporate into the Constitution the institutions related to their protection. British singularity was also manifested in the way of understanding and including specific protection for the defence of the Constitution and the law of exception, with institutions such as martial law or habeas corpus. The suspension of habeas corpus as an extraordinary instrument of protection of the state organization was considered in the American Constitution of 1787, and is thought of as a precedent of Article 55.1 of the current Spanish Constitution of 1978. During the period between 1812 and 1869, the law of exception contemplated in Spanish Historical Constitutions covers only the suspension of guarantees. The republican Constitution of 1931 conserved the outline of the Constitution of 1869, with certain relevant alterations. The most significant normative instruments of this legislation were the Law of Defence of the Republic and the Law of Public Order of 1933. After the publication of this last Law, it became the extraordinary norm that has most deeply and habitually been put into practice, since Spain has experienced practically a permanent situation of "constitutional abnormality". This highlights the fact that a Law of Public Order for the defence of the constitutional regime established by the Second Republic could be transferred in many of its precepts, with very similar contents to the Francoist Law of Public Order that was able to remain in force until much later, being finally repealed by the Organic Law of LO 1/1992, of Protection of Citizen Safety. ; Resumen: En este trabajo examinamos el encaje y significación que alcanza el derecho de excepción en nuestro ordenamiento constitucional. Para ello hemos examinado los modelos de Derecho Comparado que ha seguido España para restaurar el ordenamiento constitucional perturbado. Históricamente, será, básicamente, con las Revoluciones norteamericana y francesa cuando surge la preocupación por incorporar a la Constitución las instituciones relativas a su protección. La singularidad británica, también se manifiesta en el modo de entender y concretar la defensa de la Constitución y el derecho de excepción, con instituciones como la martial law o el habeas corpus. La suspensión del habeas corpus como instrumento extraordinario de protección de la organización estatal se contemplará en la Constitución norteamericana de 1.787, pudiéndose considerar como precedente del actual artículo 55.1 de nuestra vigente Constitución de 1978. Durante el período comprendido entre 1812 y 1869, el derecho de excepción contemplado en las Constituciones históricas españolas abarca únicamente la suspensión de garantías. La Constitución republicana de 1931, conservó el bosquejo de la Constitución de 1869, con determinadas alteraciones relevantes. Los instrumentos normativos más significativos de esta legislación son la Ley de Defensa de la República y la Ley de Orden Público de 1933. Tras la publicación de esta última Ley, la norma extraordinaria que más profunda y habitualmente se ha puesto en práctica, nuestro país experimentó prácticamente una permanente situación de "anormalidad constitucional". Destacar el hecho de que una Ley de Orden Público aprobada para la defensa del régimen constitucional instaurado por la II República pudo ser trasladada en muchos de sus preceptos, con contenidos muy similares, a la Ley de Orden Público franquista, consiguiendo mantenerse vigente mucho después, hasta ser finalmente derogada por la L.O. 1/1992, de Protección de la Seguridad Ciudadana.

Yes ; Importance: Myopia is a leading cause of untreatable visual impairment and is increasing in prevalence worldwide. Interventions for slowing childhood myopia progression have shown success in randomized clinical trials; hence, there is a need to identify which children would benefit most from treatment intervention. Objectives: To examine whether genetic information alone can identify children at risk of myopia development and whether including a child's genetic predisposition to educational attainment is associated with improved genetic prediction of the risk of myopia. Design, Setting, and Participants: Meta-analysis of 3 genome-wide association studies (GWAS) including a total of 711 984 individuals. These were a published GWAS for educational attainment and 2 GWAS for refractive error in the UK Biobank, which is a multisite cohort study that recruited participants between January 2006 and October 2010. A polygenic risk score was applied in a population-based validation sample examined between September 1998 and September 2000 (Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children [ALSPAC] mothers). Data analysis was performed from February 2018 to May 2019. Main Outcomes and Measures: The primary outcome was the area under the receiver operating characteristic curve (AUROC) in analyses for predicting myopia, using noncycloplegic autorefraction measurements for myopia severity levels of less than or equal to −0.75 diopter (D) (any), less than or equal to -3.00 D (moderate), or less than or equal to −5.00 D (high). The predictor variable was a polygenic risk score (PRS) derived from genome-wide association study data for refractive error (n = 95 619), age of onset of spectacle wear (n = 287 448), and educational attainment (n = 328 917). Results: A total of 383 067 adults aged 40 to 69 years from the UK Biobank were included in the new GWAS analyses. The PRS was evaluated in 1516 adults aged 24 to 51 years from the ALSPAC mothers cohort. The PRS had an AUROC of 0.67 (95% CI, 0.65-0.70) for myopia, 0.75 (95% CI, 0.70-0.79) for moderate myopia, and 0.73 (95% CI, 0.66-0.80) for high myopia. Inclusion in the PRS of information associated with genetic predisposition to educational attainment marginally improved the AUROC for myopia (AUROC, 0.674 vs 0.668; P = .02), but not those for moderate and high myopia. Individuals with a PRS in the top 10% were at 6.1-fold higher risk (95% CI, 3.4–10.9) of high myopia. Conclusions and Relevance: A personalized medicine approach may be feasible for detecting very young children at risk of myopia. However, accuracy must improve further to merit uptake in clinical practice; currently, cycloplegic autorefraction remains a better indicator of myopia risk (AUROC, 0.87). ; PhD studentship grant from the College of Optometrists (Drs Guggenheim and Williams; supporting Mr Mojarrad) entitled Genetic prediction of individuals at-risk for myopia development) and National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Senior Research Fellowship award SRF-2015-08-005 (Dr Williams). The UK Medical Research Council and Wellcome grant 102215/2/13/2 and the University of Bristol provide core support for the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (ALSPAC). A comprehensive list of grants funding is available on the ALSPAC website (http://www.bristol.ac.uk/alspac/external/documents/grant-acknowledgements.pdf). This research was conducted using the UK Biobank Resource (application 17351). The UK Biobank was established by the Wellcome Trust, the UK Medical Research Council, the Department for Health (London, England), the Scottish government (Edinburgh, Scotland), and the Northwest Regional Development Agency (Warrington, England). It also received funding from the Welsh Assembly Government (Cardiff, Wales), the British Heart Foundation, and Diabetes UK.

The paper advances typical prosodic models of the accentuated personalities' English public speeches. The inaugural and convention speeches delivered by the American presidents and British prime ministers within the second half of the 20th century served as the material of the study. It was found out that the effective realization of any public speech is determined by the rational choice of linguistic as well as the adequate use of prosodic means for its organization. The authors regard the accentuated language personality as a speaker with enhanced traits of his/her character or temperament which are revealed in the process of his/her communicative activity within the range of acceptable psychological norm and beyond it. It is outlined that in order to conduct the study of prosodic features of the English accentuated personalities' public speaking the authors created the program and methodology of a complex experimental phonetic research which was carried out in four stages. It is singled out that the politicians, whose inaugural and convention speeches were analyzed, belong to four types of accentuation of their character: demonstrative, impulsive, obsessive-compulsive, and paranoid. The determined prosodic peculiarities of the accentuated politicians' public speaking which were gained by means of the auditory analysis are presented. Besides, the results of the acoustic analysis of the experimental material, linguistic interpretation and generalization of the obtained data enabled the authors to figure out the invariant and variant prosodic models of the accentuated politicians' public speaking. ; Работа посвящена установлению просодических моделей публичных речей акцентуированных личностей – американских президентов и британских премьер-министров второй половины ХХ века. Материалом исследования служили инаугурационные ипрограммные речи указанных политиков. Определено, что на фоне рационального выбора языковых средств политическими деятелями решающим для эффективного оформления публичной речи становится адекватное использование ими просодических средств языка. При этом, под акцентуированной языковой личностью в работе понимается говорящий с усиленной чертой характера или темперамента, которые демонстрируются им в его коммуникативной деятельности как в диапазоне допустимой психологической нормы, так и за ее пределами. С целью изучения просодических особенностей публичной речи англоговорящих акцентуированных личностей были разработаны программа и методика комплексного экспериментально-фонетического исследования, которые предполагали его проведение в четыре этапа. Выявлено, что политическим деятелям, инаугурационные и программные речи которых анализировались, присущи четыре типа акцентуаций характера: демонстративная, возбудимая, педантичная и застревающая. В работе представлены просодические характеристики публичной речи акцентуированных личностей, которые были получены в результате проведения аудитивного анализа. Кроме этого, результаты акустического анализа экспериментального материала, лингвистическая интерпретация и обобщение полученных данных позволили описать инвариантные и вариантные модели просодические публичной речи акцентуированных политиков. ; Роботу присвячено встановленню просодичних моделей публічних промов акцентуйованих особистостей – американських президентів і британських прем'єр-міністрів другої половини ХХ століття. Матеріалом дослідження слугували інавгураційні і програмні промови зазначених політиків. Установлено, що на тлі раціонального вибору мовних засобів політичними діячами вирішальним щодо ефективного оформлення публічного мовлення стає адекватне використання ними просодичних засобів мови. При цьому, під акцентуйованою мовною особистістю у роботі розуміється мовець з підсиленою рисою характеру чи темпераменту, які виявляються ним уйого комунікативній діяльності як у діапазоні припустимої психологічної норми, так і за її межами. Зметою дослідження просодичних особливостей публічного мовлення англомовних акцентуйованих особистостей були розроблені програма та методика комплексного експериментально-фонетичного дослідження, що передбачали його проведення у чотири етапи. З'ясовано, що політичним діячам, інавгураційні і програмні промови яких аналізувалися, притаманні чотири типи акцентуацій характеру: демонстративна, збудлива, педантична і застрягаюча. У роботі представлені просодичні характеристики публічного мовлення акцентуйованих особистостей, встановлені за допомогою аудитивного аналізу. Окрім того, результати акустичного аналізу експериментального матеріалу, лінгвістична інтерпретація та узагальнення отриманих даних дозволили описати інваріантні та варіантні просодичні моделі публічного мовлення акцентуйованих політиків.

In the paper, the author has outlined the representation of social problems inEnglish post-postmodernistic novel. It is found out that in post-postmodernism there is a return of the subject who retellspersonal stories related to the experience of injuries, pain, describing the situation of an existential choice. It has been analyzedthat characters reveal the need for existential truth, which opposes the discourse of the post- truth. It is discovered that theaccentuation on the personal component in the post-postmodernistic novel determines his particular sensuality andunderstanding of social conflicts and crises in terms of philosophy, psychology and medicine (human biology). On thematerial of D. Mitchell's "Cloud Atlas" the specificity of dystopia in post-postmodernistic novel has been investigated.Dystopia is a genre type of social science fiction, in which there is a criticism of social system, political institutions,ideological lack of freedom, etc. It was investigated that English post-postmodernistic novel is open to representing socialissues that were not exploited in postmodernism. The interaction of realistic and fictional in contemporary British novels has been analyzed. The features of (post)realism as one of the stylistic parameters of post-postmodernism are found out. A complex ofsocial problems and motives, which find a critical understanding in English post-postodernistic novel, has been spotlighted. References Hailend, M. Dzh. 2008. Uhamuite mene. Lviv: Kalvariia. Heddon, Mark. 2016. Zahadkovyi nichnyi intsydent iz sobakoiu. Kharkiv: KSD. Johnston, Jennifer. 1983. Daleko li do Vavilona? Staraya shutka. Moskva: Hudogestvennaya literatura. Krasavchenko, Tatyana. 2010. "Angliyskaya proza: novoe dyihanie". Literaturnaya gazeta 4(55): 3. Lebid, Andrii. 2014. "Paradyhma realizmu ta teorii istyny". Liudynoznavchi studii. Drohobych. 30:129–143. Makyuen, Ian. 1998. Amsterdam. Moskva: "FTM", "Eksmo", Makiuen, Ian. 2008. Spokuta. Lviv: Kalvariia. Makiuen, Ian. 2007. Subota. Lviv: Kalvariia. Nalyvaiko, Dmytro. 2008. "Zamitky shchodo henezy y typolohii sotsialistychnoho realizmu". Slovo i Chas 9: 46–52. Nalyvaiko, Dmytro. 2006. Teoriia literatury y komparatyvistyka. Kyiv: "Kyievo-Mohylianska akademiia". Perelomova, O. S. 2011. "Deiaki osoblyvosti realizmu v ukrainskomu khudozhno-literaturnomu yskursi".Visnyk Kharkivskoho natsionalnoho universytetu imeni V. N. Karazina 940(42):12–114. "Politika postpravdyi v sovremennom mire". 2017. Sbornik materialov po itogam Vserossiyskoy nauchnoy konferentsii s mejdunarodnyim uchastiem "Politika postpravdyi i populizm v sovremennom mire". SPb.: Skifiya-print. Kharkhun, Valentyna. 2009. "Dva sotsrealizmy", abo Problema interpretatsii "osnovnoho metodu radianskoho mystetstva". Naukovi zapysky Kirovohradskoho derzhavnoho pedahohichnoho universytetu imeni Volodymyra Vynnychenka 85: 391–399. Shalahinov, Borys. 2011. "Karnaval i misteriia: rozdumy pro istorychni doli dvokh metaform yevropeiskoho mystetstva". Vsesvit 3–4: 249–255. Shalahinov, Borys. 2013. Klasyky i romantyky: Shtudii z istorii nimetskoi literatury XVIII-XIX stolit. Kyiv:Kyievo-Mohylianska akademiia. Haddon, Mark. 2004. The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night-Time. London: Vintage. Loftis, Sonya Freeman. 2015. Imagining Autism: Fiction and Stereotypes on the Spectrum. Indiana University Press. McEwan, Ian. 2006. Saturday. London: Vintage. Mitchell, David. 2004. Cloud Atlas. London: Random House. ; У статті окреслено репрезентацію соціальних проблем в англійському постпостмодерністському романі.З'ясовано, що в постпостмодернізмі відбувається повернення суб'єкта, який оприявнює особисті історії, пов'язані зпереживанням травм, болю, потраплянням у ситуації екзистенційного вибору. Проаналізовано, що персонажівідчувають потребу в екзистенційній правді, яка протистоїть дискурсу постправди. Виявлено, що акцентуація наособистісному компоненті в постпостмодерністському романі детермінує його особливу чуттєвість і осмисленнясоціальних конфліктів і криз із погляду філософії, психології та медицини (біології людини). На матеріалі «Хмарногоатласу» Д. Мітчелла досліджено специфіку антиутопії в постпостмодерністському романі. Антиутопія є жанровимрізновидом соціальної фантастики, у якій наявна критика суспільного ладу, політичних інститутів, ідеологічноїнесвободи тощо. Досліджено, що англійському постпостмодерністському роману властива соціальна проблематика, якої не було представлено в постмодернізмі. Проаналізовано взаємодію реалістичного тавигаданого в сучасних романах Великої Британії. З'ясовано риси (пост)реалізму як однієї зі стильовихособливостей постпостмодернізму. Виявлено комплекс соціальних проблем і мотивів, які критичноосмислюються в англійському постпостмодерністському романі.

This master's thesis studies the representation of Irish themes in the cartoons of a satirical British magazine Punch (1841–2002) during the Victorian Age. The aim of the study is to uncover how Irish themes were portrayed in the cartoons and to shed light on the historical factors that may have influenced the formation of these depictions. The data consists of 151 Victorian Age Punch cartoons that are studied by using iconography as a tool for examining and interpreting the contents of the cartoons. The cartoons are grouped together on the basis of the central themes and characteristics that were detected in them, and the analysis focuses on how these themes were represented. The themes are additionally examined to see whether or not any political, social or cultural factors from the previous 800 years of Anglo-Irish history could have had an influence on the representations of Irish themes that were presented in Punch cartoons. Irish themes in Punch cartoons were represented through the depictions of Irish people, Irish issues and Ireland as a country. Out of all three groups, the Irish people received the worse treatment in Punch cartoons. Portrayed as lazy, unindustrious, violent, uneducated simians, they represented all the negative qualities that were associated with Ireland. Irish issues were depicted only slightly less negatively than the Irish people, and as other issues were derided, some were dismissed completely suggesting a hint of indifference towards Irish issues. While Irish people and issues were often met with ridicule and hatred, Ireland as a country was portrayed in a positive light and as the ray of hope among the doomed Irish people. The influence of historical events such as the Plantation of Ulster, numerous rebellions and the Penal Laws on the formation of these representations is evident form the results of this study. To further validate these findings, additional research should be done on other Victorian Age Punch cartoons. ; Tässä pro gradu -tutkielmassa tutkin sitä, kuinka Irlantiin liittyviä aiheita kuvattiin brittiläisen Punch-satiirilehden (1841–2002) sarjakuvissa viktoriaanisella aikakaudella. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on selvittää, kuinka Irlantiin liittyviä aiheita kuvattiin lehden sarjakuvissa ja mitkä historialliset tekijät ovat mahdollisesti vaikuttaneet näiden kuvausten syntyyn. Tutkimusmateriaali koostuu 151:stä Punch-lehden sarjakuvasta viktoriaaniselta ajalta ja kuvien tutkimiseen sekä tulkintaan käytetään apuna ikonografian tutkimusalasta tuttuja metodeja. Kuvat ryhmitellään niiden sisältämien keskeisten teemojen perusteella ja analyysi keskittyy siihen, kuinka kyseisiä teemoja on sarjakuvissa kuvattu. Irlantiin liittyviä teemoja tarkastellaan myös historiallisesta näkökulmasta, jotta saadaan selville mitkä Englannin ja Irlannin yhteisen 800 vuotisen historian aikana syntyneet poliittiset, sosiaaliset ja kulttuuriset tekijät ovat voineet vaikuttaa lehden sarjakuvissa esiintyviin Irlanti-aiheisiin kuvauksiin. Irlanti-teemaiset Punch-sarjakuvat keskittyivät kuvamaan Irlannin asukkaita, Irlantiin liittyviä yhteiskunnallisia aiheita ja Irlantia maana. Näistä kolmesta ryhmästä huonoimman kohtelun Punch-lehden sarjakuvissa saivat Irlannin asukkaat. Heidät kuvattiin laiskoina, työtä vieroksuvina ja sivistymättöminä apinoina, jotka omasivat kaikki ne huonot ominaisuudet, jotka liitettiin Irlantiin. Irlantiin liittyviä yhteiskunnallisia aiheita kuvattiin vain hieman positiivisemmin kuin irlantilaisia ihmisiä. Se, että toisia aiheita kuvattiin negatiivisesti, kun taas toisia ei kuvitettu ollenkaan, viittaa välinpitämättömyyteen irlantilaisia yhteiskunnallisia kysymyksiä kohtaan. Vaikka Punch-sarjakuvat usein pilkkasivat irlantilaisia ja Irlantiin liittyviä yhteiskunnallisia aiheita, Irlantia maana kuvitettiin positiivisessa valossa ja se nähtiin tuhoon tuomittujen irlantilaisten toivon kipinänä. Historiallisten tapahtumien kuten Ulsterin uudelleenasutuksen, lukuisten kapinoiden ja 1695-vuoden lakiuudistusten vaikutus Punch-lehden Irlanti-aiheisiin sarjakuviin käy ilmi tämän tutkielman tuloksista. Muita viktoriaanisen ajan Punch-sarjakuvia tulisi tutkia, jotta saataisiin vielä tarkempi kuva siitä, miten Irlantiin liittyviä aiheita käsiteltiin lehden toimesta.

The USA's policy in reference to Taiwan in the 50s of the XIX century has been studied in the article. Assisted by the published sources, the auther shows a process of investigation of the island by Commodore M. Perry's expedition to Japan in 1852 – 1854 and has come to the conclusion that the Americans aimed for the economic exploration and the political domination of Formosa. The ending of the first Opium War (1839 – 1842) and signing of the treaty of Nanking between Qing Empire and Great Britain allowed Great Britain to make decisive steps on the way towards its expansion in the Far East. In the first instance for the British trade five Chinese cities were opened. Also, according to the treaty, the island of Hong Kong passed under Great Britain's authority which strengthened the position of the state in the Far East.Comprehending all the preferences, which the competition was to get, the Establishment of the United States under President John Tyler (1841 – 1845) endeavoured to obtain the identical conditions for commercial facilities in China. With this end in view, the USA's diplomatic mission was headed by Caleb Cushing (1800 – 1879) to Beijing in 1844. The treaty was signed in Vence on July, 3rd, 1844, after which the United States won the benefits from China which were similar to those of the British.In the 50s of the ХІХ century Washington stood for the fastest hold of the island in the Chinese seas. And Taiwan was one of the main objects of the USA foreign policy during this period. Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry (1794 – 1858) was the first American politician who appeared consistent for joining of the island. «Opening» of Japan in 1854 wasn't a single purpose of Perry's mission. Not the least important a task set to the Commodore by the American government was the investigation and potential acquisition of the islands in the China Sea. That's why Perry carefully studied all information about the region before the expedition and included the islands of Taiwan, Ryukyu, Bonin and Okinawa in the way of his expedition. Having no capability to explore each island which met on his way, Commodore decided to send two ships – "Macedonian" and "Supply" – to the shores of Taiwan in the end of May 1854 under the command of his assistant J. Abbott. The purpose of that visit to the island was the investigating into the fate of the Americans trapped in Formosa or the Japanese islands. Besides, captain J. Abbot explored coal mines of Formosa and the ways of organizing of coal supply, coal production volume and the cost of manufacture and loading. After Perry's expedition in the 50s of the ХІХ century in the American Establishment a permanently fixed opinion about Taiwan's capture predominated. It should have strengthened the USA political and economic interests in the Pacific.Accorgingly, the issue of Formosa's joining the USA was a key one after the end of the Second «opium war» between China and Britain in 1856 – 1860. This aspect will be discussed in the oncoming research articles. ; У статті розглядається американська експедиція до острову Тайвань, здійснена у першій половині 50-х рр. ХІХ ст. у ході дипломатичної місії комодора М. Перрі до Японії (1852 – 1854). Спираючись на джерельні матеріали та роботи представників західної історіографії автор доводить, що у досліджуваний період Перрі мав наміри не тільки відкрити для іноземної комерції японські острови, а й захопити під американський контроль кілька островів у Тихому океані, які мали стати основою колоніальної імперії США у цьому регіоні. Також комодора цікавили можливості використання тихоокеанських островів у якості стоянки для кораблів торгівельного та військово-морського флотів та видобуток вугілля. Саме тому, на думку автора, у досліджуваний період острів Тайвань опинився у центрі уваги представників правлячої еліти США.

High-flying illusions on the part of the proponents and grim predictions of the sceptics characterize the controversy about Brexit. The article analyses five issues at stake for the Post-Brexit relationships between Britain, the EU and Africa with a focus on the Commonwealth Sub-Saharan Africa: market access, FDI, aid, security and partnership . The British government's vision of a 'Global Britain' relies heavily on a reinforced co-operation with Commonwealth nations. However, most likely this would be possible only at the expense of the poor in Africa and elsewhere. Concerning security cooperation with Africa, London apparently exaggerated its defence input in order to enhance its bargaining position with the EU. It will be crucial for both the EU and the UK to find post-Brexit agreements to stem irregular migration and the growth of jihadist groups and terrorism. In a nutshell, the analysis of these different policy fields shows that expectations of Brexiteers and African politicians alike concerning an enhanced, partner-like Post-Brexit Commonwealth relationship are largely unfounded. ; Author's comprehensive version of an article forthcoming in Africa Spectrum, Vol. 53, No. 2 (2018), GIGA Journal Family, GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Hamburg, Germany. ; RÉSUMÉ: "Grande-Bretagne et Afrique: en route pour les rochers du Brexit: Des illusions vu trop grand de la part des partisans et des prédictions sinistres des sceptiques marquent la controverse sur le Brexit. L'article analyse cinq des principaux enjeux des relations post-Brexit entre la Grande-Bretagne, l'UE et l'Afrique, en mettant l'accent sur l'Afrique du Commonwealth: à savoir, l'accès aux marchés, IDE, aide, sécurité et partenariat. La vision du gouvernement britannique d'une «Grande-Bretagne mondiale» repose largement sur une coopération renforcée avec les pays du Commonwealth et les marchés libéralisés. On peut se demander si cela impliquerait également un meilleur accès aux marchés pour l'Afrique et la protection de ses industries naissantes. Compte tenu de la forte position de Londres sur les marchés financiers mondiaux, la politique d'après-Brexit pourrait entraîner d'additionnelles investissements nets substantiels en Afrique. Cependant, il est fort probable que cela ne soit possible qu'au détriment des pauvres en Afrique et ailleurs. Les perspectives de la future relation d'aide entre le Royaume-Uni et l'Afrique après le Brexit sont étroitement liées à la politique commerciale et financière de la Grande-Bretagne. L'analyse révèle que le Brexit devrait entraîner une diminution de l'aide. En ce qui concerne le renforcement de la sécurité en Afrique, Londres aurait apparemment exagéré son apport en matière de défense afin de renforcer sa position de négociation avec l'UE. Enfin, l'analyse de ces différents domaines politiques montre que les attentes des Brexiteers et des politiciens africains en ce qui concerne une relation post-Brexit améliorée avec les partenaires sur un pied d'égalité sont largement infondées. ; ZUSAMMENFASSUNG "Großbritannien und Afrika: im Aufbruch zu den Brexit-Felsen": Hochfliegende Illusionen der Befürworter und grimmige Vorhersagen der Skeptiker kennzeichnen die Kontroverse um den Brexit. Der Artikel analysiert fünf der wichtigsten Fragen, die für die Beziehungen zwischen Großbritannien, der EU und Afrika nach dem Brexit anstehen, mit einem Schwerpunkt auf dem Commonwealth Afrika: und zwar Marktzugang, FDI, Entwicklungshilfe, Sicherheit und Partnerschaft. Die Vision der britischen Regierung von einem "Global Britain" hängt stark von einer verstärkten Zusammenarbeit mit den Commonwealth-Staaten und liberalisierten Märkten ab. Ob dies einen besseren Zugang zu Märkten auch für Afrika und den Schutz seiner jungen Industrien bedeuten würde, ist fraglich. Angesichts der starken Position der City of London auf den globalen Finanzmärkten könnte die Post-Brexit-Politik zu erheblichen Nettoinvestitionen in Afrika führen. Dies wäre jedoch höchstwahrscheinlich nur auf Kosten der Armen in Afrika und anderswo möglich. Die Perspektiven zukünftiger Hilfsbeziehungen des Vereinigten Königreichs mit Afrika nach dem Brexit sind eng mit der britischen Handels- und Finanzpolitik verknüpft. Analysen zeigen, dass der Brexit wahrscheinlich zu einem Rückgang der Entwicklungshilfe führen wird. Was verstärkte Sicherheit für Afrika anbelangt, so hat London offenbar seinen Verteidigungsbeitrag übertrieben, um seine Verhandlungsposition gegenüber der EU zu verbessern. Nicht zuletzt zeigt die Analyse der o.g. unterschiedlichen Politikbereiche, dass die Erwartungen von Brexiteers und afrikanischen Politikern hinsichtlich einer verstärkten partnerschaftlichen Beziehung auf Augenhöhe weitgehend unbegründet sind.

This dissertation explores how younger-generation Malay Muslims in Malaysia enact Islamic piety through ethical practices of economic action in entrepreneurial business and finance. I look to key sites in urban Malaysia where Malay Muslims develop their understandings and practices of piety as economic action, and vice versa – in the fields of technology startup enterprise, venture capital, Islamic banking and finance, and in forms of consumer debt such as credit cards, personal loans, and home mortgages – in order to trace how they have emerged as ethical issues, and what kinds of grapplings they have engendered. The expansion of these economic sectors, loosely aggregated under the label of entrepreneurship and finance in Malaysia, represent comprehensive efforts by the Malaysian state to increase national wealth and re-allocate capital from the hands of historically affluent groups of ethnic minorities, such as the Chinese, to the hands of the nation's ethno-religious majority group, Malay Muslims. After more than 150 years of British colonial rule that ended in 1957, a newly independent Malaysia, led by pro-Malay Muslim political figures, was left struggling to come to terms with the economic disparity that resulted from colonial governance policies tying race to labor. The unevenness of this capital accumulation has created the conditions in which Islamic understandings of proper conduct in exchange and finance have come to be positioned in opposition with conventional (that is, non-Islamic) modes of commerce. I argue that Malay Muslims' understanding of economic action as ethical – and therefore as political – developed within these historical conditions as a result of their participation in social spaces such as Islamic study circles, where they are encouraged by scholars (and by one another) to reflect upon, evaluate, and make changes to the way that they engage with dominant forms of contemporary capitalism. Put into practice, these understandings and explorations of ethics in economic action have developed into projects of critique, reform, and intervention into the normative and taken-for-granted ways that capitalism is assumed to operate in their daily lives as entrepreneurs and financiers – as profit maximization, calculative logic, and interest. By dis-embedding the assumption in theories of economy that individuals maximize toward their own interests, these interventions make possible another economics grounded in Islamic ethics. Furthermore, I examine how the ability of today's younger-generation pious Muslims to critique and re-imagine the operations of capitalism in this manner – through articulations of its limitations, injustice, and oppression – is enabled by their familiarity with its normative forms, having come of age in a "financialized" Malaysia characterized by the primacy of investment logics and entrepreneurial merit. While younger-generation, middle-class Malay Muslims are critical of the neoliberal economic reforms initiated by the Malaysian state (as well as the growth of the financial and business sectors that resulted from these reforms), these critiques are often forged and articulated through pious practices of ethical self-cultivation that resonate with what some might call a form of neoliberal self-governance. But rather than assume that pious Muslims are therefore figures of "neoliberal piety" whose ethical attachments and practices remain epiphenomenal to their economic subjectivity, I hold this tension between the object of their critique and the mode of their critique, theorizing that it is hegemonic capitalism itself that contains within it these tools of critique, thereby making it possible to imagine and take action toward living a life outside of neoliberal capitalism. This dissertation therefore makes a key intervention within the study of Islamic piety by examining how, in its concentration on ethical economic practices, pious self-cultivation can be oriented toward not only affecting change within the self, but also toward eliciting ethical transformation within broader Muslim society.