Suchergebnisse

Fil: Macedo, Patricia Andrea. Universidad de San Andrés. Escuela de Educación; Argentina. ; "Los diferentes sistemas de admisión a las universidades en Argentina son parte de un conjunto de políticas universitarias que entraron en discusión fuertemente a partir de la década del '90. Este debate se da entre dos posturas definidas: por un lado, quienes sostienen la libre admisión, pues afirman que de este modo garantizan la equidad; y, por el otro, quienes defienden el sistema de acceso restringido afirmando que esto asegura la calidad. Debido a la gran diversidad de ofertas de educación superior que existen en la actualidad, los mecanismos de admisión son muy heterogéneos. Esto responde a diversos factores que incluyen las características propias del contexto político y geográfico donde se encuentra inserta la institución, al tipo de estudios que ofrece, a los cupos con los que cuenta, a la demanda de estudios de este tipo, a las habilidades y conocimientos que tienen los estudiantes que aspiran ingresar a una carrera e, incluso, a la imagen que se tiene de la educación superior como proveedora, o no, de oportunidades de superación personal y profesional. Centramos esta investigación en la descripción de los sistemas de ingreso de las universidades privadas argentinas. Realizamos el análisis de las instituciones y luego procedimos a una clasificación de cada una de ellas. Retomamos las discusiones referidas a la articulación entre escuela media y universidad, a las políticas aplicadas en las universidades privadas y a los efectos de dichas políticas en la eficiencia del servicio educativo. Presentamos también algunas de las discusiones que rodean al debate sobre los sistemas de admisión, especialmente una polémica referida a la capacidad predictiva de las pruebas de ingreso al nivel universitario; es decir, si estas pueden dar cuenta del éxito académico posterior del alumno ingresante. Para ello, completamos esta investigación con un estudio de caso de una universidad privada de la Región Metropolitana, la Universidad Argentina de la Empresa (UADE), realizando el seguimiento de una cohorte de ingresantes durante un período de dieciocho meses (desde marzo 2006 hasta agosto 2007).The various systems of admission to universities in Argentina are part of a university policy that has strongly come under discussion since the 90s. This debate is between two defined positions: on the one hand, the proponents of the free access, arguing that in this way equity is ensured and, on the other hand, those defending the admission system by saying that thisensures quality. Due to the diversity of offers among higher education, the mechanisms of admission are very heterogeneous. This reflects several factors including the characteristics of the political and geographical context where the institution is inserted, the type of courses it offers, the vacancies it has, the demand for such studies, the applicants´ skills and knowledge, and even the image we have of higher education as a provider, or not, of opportunities for personal and professional growth. This research focuses on the description of the entry processes in private universities in Argentina. We analyzed the institutions and then classified them. We took again discussions regarding the articulation between middle school and university, entrance policies in private universities and the impact of these policies on the efficiency of educational services. We also present some of the discussions regarding the admission system, especially a controversy relating to the ability of the admission tests to predict university level, that is, if these tests can account for the new students' later academic success. In order to do so, we completed this research with a case study of a private university in the metropolitan area, the Universidad Argentina de la Empresa (UADE), by tracking a cohort of applicants for a period of eighteen months (from March 2006 until August 2007)." ; Duarte, Betina Gvirtz, Silvina

Agriculture is one of the most important human activities providing food and more agricultural goods for seven billion people around the world and is of special importance in sub-Saharan Africa. The majority of people depends on the agricultural sector for their livelihoods and will suffer from negative climate change impacts on agriculture until the middle and end of the 21st century, even more if weak governments, economic crises or violent conflicts endanger the countries' food security. The impact of temperature increases and changing precipitation patterns on agricultural vegetation motivated this thesis in the first place. Analyzing the potentials of reducing negative climate change impacts by adapting crop management to changing climate is a second objective of the thesis. As a precondition for simulating climate change impacts on agricultural crops with a global crop model first the timing of sowing in the tropics was improved and validated as this is an important factor determining the length and timing of the crops´ development phases, the occurrence of water stress and final crop yield. Crop yields are projected to decline in most regions which is evident from the results of this thesis, but the uncertainties that exist in climate projections and in the efficiency of adaptation options because of political, economical or institutional obstacles have to be considered. The effect of temperature increases and changing precipitation patterns on crop yields can be analyzed separately and varies in space across the continent. Southern Africa is clearly the region most susceptible to climate change, especially to precipitation changes. The Sahel north of 13° N and parts of Eastern Africa with short growing seasons below 120 days and limited wet season precipitation of less than 500 mm are also vulnerable to precipitation changes while in most other part of East and Central Africa, in contrast, the effect of temperature increase on crops overbalances the precipitation effect and is most pronounced in a band stretching from Angola to Ethiopia in the 2060s. The results of this thesis confirm the findings from previous studies on the magnitude of climate change impact on crops in sub-Saharan Africa but beyond that helps to understand the drivers of these changes and the potential of certain management strategies for adaptation in more detail. Crop yield changes depend on the initial growing conditions, on the magnitude of climate change, and on the crop, cropping system and adaptive capacity of African farmers which is only now evident from this comprehensive study for sub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore this study improves the representation of tropical cropping systems in a global crop model and considers the major food crops cultivated in sub-Saharan Africa and climate change impacts throughout the continent. ; Landwirtschaft ist eine der wichtigsten menschlichen Aktivitäten, sie stellt Nahrungsmittel und andere landwirtschaftliche Produkte für weltweit 7 Milliarden Menschen zur Verfügung und ist in den Ländern Afrikas südlich der Sahara von besonderer Bedeutung. Die Mehrheit der afrikanischen Bevölkerung bestreitet ihren Lebensunterhalt in der Landwirtschaft und wird von Klimaänderungen stark betroffen sein. Die Doktorarbeit ist durch die Frage motiviert, wie sich von Klimamodellen vorhergesagte Temperaturerhöhungen und sich verändernde Niederschlagsverteilungen auf die landwirtschaftliche Vegetation auswirken werden. Die Forschungsfragen in diesem Kontext beschäftigen sich mit regionalen Unterschieden von Klimaänderungen und ihren Auswirkungen auf die Landwirtschaft und mit möglichen Anpassungsstrategien die mit geringem technischem Aufwand genutzt werden können. In diesem Zusammenhang wird schnell deutlich, dass Daten über die komplexen landwirtschaftlichen Systeme in Afrika südlich der Sahara häufig nur selten vorhanden sind, aus fragwürdigen Quellen stammen oder von schlechter Qualität sind. Die Methoden und Modelle zur Untersuchung der Auswirkungen von Klimaänderungen auf die Landwirtschaft werden zudem ausschließlich in Europa oder Nordamerika entwickelt and häufig in den temperierten Breiten aber seltener in tropischen Gebieten angewendet. Vor allem werden globale, dynamische Vegetationsmodelle in Kombination mit Klimamodellen eingesetzt um Änderungen in der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion auf Grund von Klimaänderungen in der zweiten Hälfte des 21.Jahrhunderts abzuschätzen. Die Ergebnisse der Arbeit zeigen einen mittleren Ertragsrückgang für die wichtigsten landwirtschaftlichen Pflanzen um 6% bis 24% bis 2090 je nach Region, Klimamodell und Anpassungsstrategie. Dieses Ergebnis macht deutlich, dass Landwirte die negativen Folgen von Klimaänderungen abschwächen können, wenn sie die Wahl der Feldfrucht, die Wahl des Anbausystems und den Aussaattermin an geänderte Klimabedingungen anpassen. Die Arbeit stellt methodische Ansätze zur Berechung des Aussaattermins in temperierten und tropischen Gebieten (Kapitel 2) sowie zur Simulation von Mehrfachanbausystemen in den Tropen vor (Kapitel 3). Dabei werden wichtige Parameter für das globale, dynamische Vegetationsmodell LPJmL überprüft und neu berechnet. Es zeigt sich, dass das südliche Afrika und die Sahelregion die am stärksten betroffenen Regionen sind, vor allem aufgrund von Niederschlagsänderungen, weniger aufgrund von Temperaturerhöhungen. In den meisten anderen Teilen, vor allem Zentral- und Ostafrikas bedingen Temperaturerhöhungen Rückgänge der Erträge (Kapitel 4). Diese Arbeit leistet einen wichtigen und umfassenden Beitrag zum Verständnis der Auswirkung von Klimaänderung auf die landwirtschaftliche Vegetation und damit zu einem großen Teil auf die Lebensgrundlage von afrikanischen Landwirten.

Desde los años 1970 los estados de Europa y de América Latina y del Caribe intentan forjar sus relaciones políticas- comerciales con los países del espacio Asia Pacífico, principalmente con los poderes grandes y los "pequeños tigres" emergentes organizados en la ASEAN.Este proceso de integración se desarrolló en formas muy diferentes según la estructura interna de los dos actores. La Comunidad Europea/Unión Europea estableció un sistema común y uniforme de cooperación e integración en forma de las construcciones de las"Cumbres UE-ASEAN" (1) y la organización del "ASEM" (2). Con estos instrumentos muy estructurados y un gran aparato administrativo, la UE supranacional-intergubernamental logró integrarse con más de 20 países y sus actores civiles en este espacio. Los países de América Latina y del Caribe dentro del marco de suregionalismo "postliberal" siguieron una doble estrategia: Por una parte la participación individual en instituciones pacíficas de cooperación ya existentes (1), por otra parte la creación de instrumentos nuevos de integración (2) como el "Foro de Cooperación América Latina-Asia del Este (FOCOLAE). La asimetría institucional de los dos actores no hace esperar en perspectiva futura una competencia real sino más una cooperación pragmática entre Europa y América Latina en la región de Asia-Pacifico. ; Since the decade of the seventies, the states of Europe and of Latin America and the Caribbean have made an effort to intensify their political and trading relations to the countries of the Asian Pacific area, especially with the bigger countries and the emerging "small tigers", which are organized in the ASEAN. This integration process developed in very different ways depending on the intern structure of the acting parties. The European Community / European Union established a common and uniform cooperation and integration system, with the construction of the "EU-ASEAN Summits" (1) and the organization of the "ASEM" (2). With this structured instruments and a huge administrative apparatus, the supranational-intergobernamental European Union has reached to integrate with more than 20 countries and their civil actors in this area. The countries of Latin America and the Caribbean followed a double strategy within their "postliberal" regionalism: On the one hand, the individual participation in existing pacific cooperation institutions (1), and on the other hand with the creation of new integration instruments (2) as the "Latin America–Eastern Asia Cooperation Forum (FOCOLAE). The institutional asymmetry of these two actors does not lead to expect a real competition in the future but rather a pragmatic cooperation between Europe and Latin America in the region of Asia-Pacific. ; Dès les années 70, les États de l'Europe, et de l'Amérique latine et les Caraïbes, tentent d'avancer leurs relations politiques et commerciales avec les pays de l'espace Asie-Pacifique, principalement avec les grandes puissances et les «petits tigres » émergents organisés dans l'ASEAN. Ce processus d'intégration a été développé de manières très différentes en fonction de la structure interne des deux acteurs. La Communauté européenne/ Union européenne a établi un système commun et uniforme de coopération et d'intégration sous la forme des constructions des «Sommets UE-ASEAN » (1) et l'organisation de « l'ASEM » (2). Avec ces instruments fort structurés et un grand appareil administratif, l'UE supranationale et intergouvernementale a réussi à s'intégrer avec plus de 20 pays et leurs acteurs civils dans cet espace. Les pays de l'Amérique latine et des Caraïbes dans le cadre de leur régionalisme « post-libéral » ont suivi une double stratégie : D'une part la participation individuelle aux institutions pacifiques de coopération déjà existantes (1), d'autre part la création de nouveaux instruments d'intégration (2) comme le Forum de Coopération Amérique Latine-Asie de l'Est » (FOCOLAE). L'asymétrie institutionnelle des deux acteurs ne permet d'espérer au futur une compétence certaine, mais plutôt une coopération pragmatique entre l'Europe et l'Amérique latine dans la région Asie-Pacifique. ; 81-90 ; semestral

Web Services are currently the base of a lot e-commerce application. Today's security solutions proposed for Web services help to protect communications confidentiality and integrity between Web services and to control access to Web services. Nevertheless, clients often use these services without knowing anything about their internals. Moreover, they have no clue about the use of their personal data inside the global application. BPEL (Business Process Execution Language) is a programming language orchestrating Web Services within Service-Oriented Architecture (SOA). As one feature of SOAs is the dynamic discovery of services actually used during execution, a BPEL user does not know prior to the execution how, and by whom, the data he provides will be used. In this thesis we propose a model of political control information flow suitable for service-oriented architectures and in particular orchestrations of services. This model offers the opportunity to the user to specify constraints on the use of its personal data. This policy is configured at runtime by the user of the BPEL program. However, the dynamic aspects of the web services lead to situations in which the policy prohibits the nominal operation of the orchestration (e.g., when using a service that is unknown by the user). To solve this problem, we suggest the user to dynamically allow exceptional unauthorized flows. In order to make his decision, the user is provided with all information necessary for decision-making. We then applied this approach to BPEL orchestration language. In particular, we presented the main information flow involved in this language. Finally, we proposed an implementation of these information flow control mechanisms by modifying an existing BPEL orchestrator. ; Les Web Services sont aujourd'hui à la base de nombreuses applications de commerce électronique. Aujourd'hui les solutions de sécurité qui sont proposées pour les Web-Services permettent de protéger en confidentialité et en intégrité les communications entre les Web-Services et de contrôler l'accès aux Web-Services. Cependant, le plus souvent, les clients utilisent ces applications sans en connaître le fonctionnement interne. De ce fait, ils n'ont aucune connaissance sur l'usage de leurs données qui est effectué à l'intérieur d'une application. BPEL (Business Process Execution Language) est un langage de programmation permettant d'orchestrer des Web-Services au sein d'une architecture orientée services. Une des fonctionnalités des architectures orientées services est la découverte dynamique des services effectivement utilisés au cours de l'exécution d'une orchestration. De ce fait, l'utilisateur d'un programme BPEL ne peut connaitre avant l'exécution comment et par qui les données qu'il va fournir seront utilisées. Dans le cadre de cette thèse, nous proposons un modèle de politique de contrôle de flux d'information adapté aux architectures orientées services et en particulier aux orchestrations de services. Ce modèle offre aux utilisateurs la possibilité de spécifier des contraintes sur l'usage qui est fait de leurs données personnelles. Les politiques de contrôle de flux d'information définies suivant ce modèle sont définies au cours de l'exécution par l'utilisateur d'une orchestration de services. Les aspects dynamiques des Web-Services conduisent, en effet, à des situations où la politique peut empêcher l'exécution nominale de l'orchestration (par exemple lorsqu'il est fait usage d'un service que l'utilisateur ne connaissait pas avant l'exécution). A cet effet, nous proposons à l'utilisateur d'autoriser dynamiquement des modifications de la politique de contrôle de flux d'information. Afin de lui permettre d'effectuer cette modification, nous proposons dans le cadre de cette thèse un mécanisme permettant à l'utilisateur de disposer d'un maximum d'informations sur l'usage qui est fait de ses données et qui conduit à une violation de la politique de contrôle de flux d'information. Nous avons ensuite appliqué cette approche au langage d'orchestration BPEL. Nous avons en particulier présenté les principaux flux d'information qui interviennent dans ce langage. Nous avons enfin proposé une implémentation de ces mécanismes de contrôle de flux d'information en modifiant un orchestrateur BPEL existant.

This paper summarizes the results of a Global Development Network study, carried on by sixteen multidisciplinary research teams and covering thirty developing countries, under the authors general direction, on the effects of different governance structures on the quality and equity of access in three public services: basic education, drinking water supply and roads. Governance reforms analyzed referred mostly to decentralization, formal processes of citizen's participation and alternative modes of delivery and, within each of them, emphasis was placed on the effects of accountability systems, informational flows and incentive structures. Case studies used both econometric techniques and qualitative analysis based on surveys and structured interviews of policy makers, service providers and users. The impact of governance reforms and alternatives was found to vary significantly with country context, but three major conclusions emerged: 1) Political culture and legacy are the deeper determinants of effective accountability and results. Thus, countries with a history of highly centralized and authoritarian regimes find it harder to make decentralization, participation and competitive modes of delivery work effectively. However, a culture of accountability can be built overtime when adequate institutions and incentives are introduced and maintained overtime; 2) Adequate information flows are not only a necessary condition, but they often promote effective accountability and better results, as they lead citizens and clients to demand accountability and agents to be more responsive to user needs; 3) Self-financing schemes also promote more accountability and better results, as users demand better services when they pay for them and citizens are more demanding (and local authorities are more responsive to their needs) when local taxes finance local services. ; Este trabajo sintetiza los resultados de un estudio del Global Development Network, realizado por dieciséis equipos multidisciplinarios, cubriendo treinta países en vía de desarrollo, para analizar los efectos que distintas estructuras de gobernanza causan sobre la calidad y la equidad en el acceso a tres servicios públicos: educación básica, agua potable y carreteras. Las reformas de gobernanza analizadas se refieren en particular a procesos de descentralización, procesos formales de participación ciudadana y modelos alternativos de provisión de servicios públicos. Al interior de estas reformas, analizamos con especial atención los efectos de los sistemas de rendición de cuentas, los flujos de información y la estructura de incentivos. Los estudios de caso utilizaron técnicas econométricas y análisis cualitativo basado en encuestas y entrevistas estructuradas a hacedores de política, proveedores y usuarios. Aunque encontramos que el impacto de las reformas de gobernanza varía significativamente entre países, identificamos tres conclusiones generales: 1) La cultura y el legado político de regímenes previos son los determinantes básicos de la existencia y efectividad de los sistemas de rendición de cuentas y de los resultados en la provisión del servicio público. Así, países que históricamente han tenido regímenes centralizados y autoritarios tienen más dificultades en lograr una descentralización efectiva, una participación ciudadana eficaz y modelos verdaderamente competitivos para proveer servicios públicos. A pesar de esto, encontramos que se puede construir una cultura efectiva de rendición de cuentas a largo plazo, cuando se establecen instituciones e incentivos adecuados y se mantienen en el tiempo; 2) El flujo adecuado de información no solo es una condición necesaria para tener un buen sistema de rendición de cuentas, sino que es uno de sus determinantes y está asociado a mejores resultados en la provisión del servicio. En efecto, los flujos de información conducen a que los ciudadanos demanden rendición de cuentas por parte del sistema y a que los proveedores y hacedores de política sientan la necesidad de dar respuestas a las necesidades de la ciudadanía; 3) L os esquemas de auto financiamiento también promueven mayor rendición de cuentas y mejores resultados. Esto se explica por qué usuarios que pagan por la prestación de un servicio público exigen mayor calidad en el suministro. Algo muy similar sucede cuando el servicio se financia con impuestos locales, ya que en ese caso los ciudadanos son más exigentes y las autoridades locales más receptivas a sus requerimientos.

My dissertation locates Paulo Freire's theory of conscientizaçāo within a genealogy of critical theory of the Americas. In contrast to the skepticism of poststructuralist theory, Freire offers an anti-skeptical view of language and provides a method for reading the decolonial hermeneutics contained in the works of the authors I study, each of which, in different ways, teaches us to read as listeners. In particular, I focus on the political significance of reading for what I term the decolonial literary imagination (Chapter 1), and the relation between the novel form and confession (Chapters 2 and 3). With this project, I hope to contribute to the emerging fields of Transnational American Studies and (Human Rights) Law and Literature by formulating a hermeneutical model that considers the ways in which queer of color and feminist conceptions of intersectionality have yet to be incorporated into the study of the novel form.By coupling María Lugones' theory of pilgrimage (or world-traveling) with Kimberlé Crenshaw's Critical Race Studies, I foreground intersectionality as a shared method for both legal and literary analysis. For Crenshaw and Lugones, the "civil identities" created or legitimated by either the nation-state or a traditional civil rights discourse are limiting insofar as they cannot account for the subject's multiple experiences of oppression. My formal reading of John Rechy's City of Night (1963) and Alicia Gaspar de Alba's Desert Blood: The Juárez Murders (2005) helps me to show that the novel can embody a similar critique. In this way, I build on what Marcial González names the "politics of form" insofar as my dissertation argues that it is the form of the novel, rather than exclusively the characters or the identity of the author, that teaches us a decolonizing history and ethics.In my first chapter, "The Decolonial Literary Imagination: Conscientizaçāo and a Marxist `politics of form,'" I lay out the theoretical framework for my dissertation by providing a comparative study of Emma Pérez's decolonial feminist praxis of "sitio y lengua" and Paulo Freire's dialogic conscientizaçāo. This attention to literary and social form, moreover, expands Pérez's decolonial imaginary for literary purposes and coincides with what I term the (w)holistic imperative of decolonial feminist thought. In the two long chapters that follow, I seek to establish the relation between American coloniality and the novel form. In Chapter 2, "`American' Child of Migrants: Confession and the Sexual Outlaw's Pilgrimage in John Rechy's City of Night," I argue that the decolonial literary imagination operates within Rechy's critical restructuring of the relationship between (non)waged-labor, liturgical temporality, and the logic of entrapment at work in legal, migrant, and sexual confession. In contrast to the polemics of a queer (literary) theory that fails to consider intersecting forms of oppression, I claim that the pilgrimage structure of Rechy's novel extends the problematic of narrating migration beyond the particular Mexican American history of the narrator's family to become the story of America itself. In chapter three, "Undoing the Value of Rape: A Hermeneutics for Redirecting the Necrophilic Gaze from Maquiladora Murders to Life in Juárez," my reading of representations of feminicide understands rape within a theory of sovereign power that remaps Juárez as a legible terrain of material and symbolic struggle. My comparative reading of Gaspar de Alba's Desert Blood and Gregory Nava's film, Bordertown (2007) historicizes the changing nature of transnational feminist organizing in general, and, more specifically, recasts this dynamic history by considering the emergence of the human rights protagonist within postcolonial studies and the Chicana/o detective novel. Furthermore, my reading of the extra-legal project of queer familia in Desert Blood envisions a decolonial feminist pedagogy for undoing the coloniality of gender operating in contemporary forms of Eurocentric conceptions of the human.

The legal profession is facing profound and perhaps irreversible changes. Whether you view these striking demographics as a "crisis" likely depends on the location of your perch. If you are a tenured professor at a T14 law school or a senior partner at an NLJ 250 firm, you may view the trends we have been discussing today as cyclical corrections. If you are an unemployed graduate looking for work or an untenured professor at a lower-tier school that is struggling to stay afloat, you may be more likely to view these trends as permanent and paradigm shifting. While applications to American law school have been steadily dropping since 2005, the last three years have seen the most dramatic changes. Between 2010 and 2012, the total number of applicants to U.S. law schools decreased by 25%. This year alone -- 2012-2013 -- the number of applicants dropped another 19%. By 2014, the legal academy may for the first time face an open enrollment situation where the total number of available seats exceeds the number of applicants. Most law schools have responded to this sharp application decline in one of two ways. Many schools have dramatically reduced their class sizes, which entails foregoing tuition revenue. Lower gross revenue means schools must seek out opportunities to cut costs. Other schools have kept their class sizes relatively stable by offering more scholarship assistance to attract students (essentially increasing their discount rates). This approach too requires expenditure cuts, because absent additional non-tuition sources of funding (such as gifts or endowment) spending more money on scholarships means spending less money on something else. Law schools cannot make up for this lost revenue by continuing to raise their tuitions at rates that far outpace inflation. A continued upward spiral in tuition threatens to further exacerbate the downward spiral in applications. On average, law school tuition in the United States increased 375% at private law schools and 820% at public law schools between 1985 and 2009. During this 25 year period, law schools on average increased their tuition between 6-15% each year, while inflation averaged only 3%. By way of comparison, tuition for MBA students at our nation's top management schools increased only 80% in the past decade, an average increase of 4-6% per year. Reining in the law school tuition spiral is critical to restoring consumer confidence in the value of the product we are selling -- especially in a climate where the job prospects for the graduates of some law schools are increasingly bleak. Legal educators are now engaged in some very difficult and painful conversations about the financial model of legal education. Schools that take an ostrich-like approach to this challenge risk becoming obsolete or irrelevant. What follows are seven proposed changes to the structure of legal education that could simultaneously reduce overall costs to law students, and improve the quality of their education. Quality is not always synonymous with price. With vision and lots of hard work, it may be possible to do more with less. Three of my proposals will require amendments to ABA accreditation standards. The political and institutional climate now seems ripe to make these reforms. Many ABA accreditation standards are perceived to impede experimentation and innovation in legal education, and to primarily benefit academics (who largely have captured the accreditation process) over students and the practicing bar. The President of the American Bar Association has recently appointed a "Task Force on the Future of Legal Education" that is looking at the structural and economic models of legal education, and the impact of rising tuition and falling employment rates on crushing student debt. The Task Force is soliciting comments and testimony from all sectors of the profession, and some of its members have predicted "bold" and perhaps even "radical" reform. My hope is that several of the proposals presented at today's symposium will be submitted for consideration by the Task Force in the critical months ahead.

Climate policy measures can be roughly subdivided into mitigation measures and adaptation measures. Mitigation policy aims at a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions with the overall goal of slowing down climate change and global warming. Since greenhouse gases like CO2, Methane etc. are global pollutants which have the same effect on world climate irrespective of where they are emitted mitigation policy creates benefits for people all over the world. Adaptation policy on the other hand does not seek to influence the world climate but, instead, is meant to reduce the negative consequences of climate change for a specific region. The benefits created by adaptation policy are, therefore, only of local importance while mitigation policy yields global benefits. This difference has, of course, consequences for the welfare economic appraisal of mitigation policy measures as compared to adaptation policy measures. Since the wellbeing of many more people worldwide is affected by mitigation measures than by adaptation measures the former will always appear more attractive in a cost-benefit analysis than the latter, at least from a global perspective. In this paper we want to show that adaption policy measures are often undervalued in cost-benefit analyses because only their so-called use values are considered, while the nonuse values they create are neglected. The use value of a commodity accrues from a direct utilization of that commodity. In an environmental context the use value of e.g. a beautiful landscape is felt by those people who visit this landscape. Beyond this use value the landscape might also have a value for people who never visit it but still enjoy the knowledge that in their country such a beautiful landscape exists and that endangered animals and plants are preserved there. This value that originates from the mere existence of a (market or environmental) good is often called its nonuse value because it is independent of a direct (and empirically observable) utilization of this good. If it can be shown that some adaptation policy measures in the context of climate policy create also nonuse values in addition to the use values this might lead to a new assessment of such measures and it might increase their chances of being approved in the political decision process. It is obvious that the systematic undervaluation of adaptation policy measures resulting from the neglect of the nonuse values they create might have the consequence that they are declined because they do not pass the cost-benefit test, though they create high nonuse values which are not considered in this test. Of course, the existence of nonuse values depends on the cultural background of the people affected by these measures and of the society they live in. Especially in an emerging country like China many people might still underestimate the importance of climate adaptation measures in comparison with economic policy measures triggering the economic growth of the country, especially if the adaptation measures are conducted in faraway regions of the country. In this study we test empirically the hypothesis that also in a growth-oriented economy like China non-materialistic values like the nonuse values of climate policy are perceived and respected by the population. This should especially hold for the better educated people living in big cities like Beijing. Therefore, we conduct a survey in Beijing where we ask people to assess a climate change adaptation project to be implemented in a faraway region, in this case in the Tarim basin in Xinjiang. In this survey we find that also Beijing citizens feel responsible for the environmental conditions in Xinjiang, especially under the impression of climate change. We find that they are even willing to contribute personally to financing a public project for the improvement of the living conditions in this remote (as viewed from Beijing) region. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: the next chapter focuses on the importance of nonuse values in environmental cost-benefit analyses; information concerning the impact of climate change on the Tarim area is provided in chapter three; the survey method and sampling procedure are introduced in chapter four; in chapter five results of the survey in Beijing are presented and analyzed, followed by some concluding remarks.

From 1995 to 2005, the San Francisco Bay Area underwent quick and rapid changes as the forces of the "New Economy," particularly those connected to internet related businesses, pushed the region's economic engine at warp speed. San Francisco power brokers recognized the economic power of these new internet related firms and worked to lure and retain this new economic force to and within the city. By 1998, their efforts, along with other forces, created an uneven spatial distribution of internet related firms in San Francisco's eastern quadrant, a historically working-class area of the city. The encroachment of these internet related firms into eastern quadrant neighborhoods like the Mission District, a working-class and predominantly Latina/o area of the city, also brought gentrification. Between 1998 and 2002, the time focus of this dissertation, the upward trend that the "New Economy" had been experiencing since 1995, hit its peak before falling back to earth. During this same time, the pressures of gentrification that had been impacting Mission District residents since 1995 also hit its peak. Commercial, manufacturing and light-industrial space was being converted apace into office space, live-work lofts, and luxury condominiums. Residential evictions in the Mission District easily outpaced those in other parts of the city during this four year stretch as local real estate firms jumped into speculative real estate deals. The displacement of local industries and people combined contributed to significant residential and commercial shifts in the Mission District.In 1998, Mission District activists and residents formally began an anti-displacement movement. This movement, which found its most potent expression in the working-class Latina/o Mission District before radiating out to other San Francisco neighborhoods, demonstrates the need to understand better the importance of space and place for social movement actors. The Mission District's claim for spatial and social justice also highlights three key themes for social movement scholarship: collective consumption, cultural identity, and political self- management. In the Mission District these three dimensions showed themselves through a geographic struggle over the protection of livable space, the culturally and racially relevant form of protest within a place based identity formation, and efforts to gain greater community control over city planning processes and decision-making procedures. As much as this dissertation examines a social movement, it also expands on the cultural forms of spatialized and geographically scaled protest activity. The latter two are brought to bear through the resistive efforts of a grassroots led community movement that struggled to create, challenge, and reproduce cultural meanings of place that are absolutely inscribed in our socio-spatial landscape.The close focus of this dissertation on a single community movement within one neighborhood in San Francisco highlights larger issues of concern. How normalized processes such as privatization, and gentrification play out across major urban centers of late capitalist society reveals an intense struggle by those displaced as well as those profiting from the changes. While gentrification may be most visible at the local scale, it would be a mistake to not also understand its connecting threads to larger regional and global forces. As such, viewing gentrification through a multi-scaled lens allows one to view the nuanced impacts of larger global neoliberal tendencies and logics in actually existing places (Brenner & Theodore, 2002). These larger tendencies and logics have made the outcomes of contemporary gentrification - further displacement, dislocation and general marginalization of the urban working-class - a durable part of a larger socio-spatial landscape that for so many produces the interruption and/or destruction of everyday life. This project is situated in larger theoretical issues of organized abandonment, "landscape," mobility/immobility, and the racialized/spatialized outcomes of short-sighted spatial fixes to crises. This project also demonstrates how these unevenly developed landscapes carry the necessary elements for the creation of spatial justice, and the features necessary for "geographies of justice", features that extend beyond the local scale, having fluid interplay at varying scales.

This dissertation examines the start of a new era in the history of biodiversity conservation. While new parks, nature reserves, and other conservation areas are being created all over the world, many older parks have lost funds for continued management. Waza National Park in northern Cameroon, is one such site. I analyze the effects of a crumbling fortress conservation area and demonstrate that the absence of authority within it has been devastating to both the surrounding populations and the animals previously protected by the park. Farmers and pastoralists in the region are exposed to physical violence and food insecurity on a par with those faced by those evicted in the early years of park establishment and an open access situation has taken hold. I locate these problems of park management in the region's history, tracing the articulations of territory, access, governance, and subjectivity from the precolonial period. The creation of the Waza protected area was an act of enclosure as well as a form of state territorialization. Before the creation of this reserve, the territory that became Waza was governed by sedentarized village leaders under a larger system of indirect rule by German and French colonials. Before German colonialism, local people had managed the space for farming, pastoralism, fishing, and other subsistence activities. With the French colonial government's creation of the reserve in the 1930s, the space was violently transformed, becoming a strictly governed protected area. Local people's access to and control over land and natural resources were lost and they were evicted from the Waza Protected Area. The reserve was both a symbol of colonial power in the region, and an economic resource for the French administration. Subsistence users and former residents were legally relegated outsiders as squatters, poachers, and thieves within protected area limits. The maintenance of this enclosure was continued by the independent Cameroonian government until the 1990s. The lines between those the government administrators construed as insiders and outsiders were not as circumscribed in everyday practice as they were in French and Cameroonian law. Though local residents had no formal rights to their former village territories, they maintained access. Locals deployed gender, ethnic, spatial, and political subjectivities to achieve an insider status that afforded them access to park resources. Outsiders, generally users from areas distant to the protected area, were less able to negotiate access and were targets of enforcement and often subjected to violence if they transgressed the park's limits. Alliances were formed, however informally, between locals and park guards, with the effect of protecting the park's resources from certain subjects and not others. Due to economic crisis, changed presidential priorities, and structural adjustment projects, state-led park management began to wane in the 1990s and NGOs took on park management responsibilities. In the early 2000s as global conservation discourses shifted their focus from biodiversity to global warming, these NGOs left the park and management declined. Waza National Park became an open access space with all the attendant wildness associated with such a status. Local leaders were unable and unwilling to defend this space and the animals within. Waza National Park's empty and ungoverned territory has also created an ideal spot for criminals to use as a base of operations for kidnapping, murder, and theft causing local people to fear for their physical security. The case of Waza National Park illustrates the problems that arise when conservation is imposed from the outside without real participation by local people. The promoters of protected areas profess extensive commitment to control of the boundaries, legal and physical, created by the initial enclosures. Without either the institutionalization of more viable long term management structures, or local engagement in and benefit from the process from the start, the goals of both biodiversity preservation and community well-being cannot be guaranteed.

We value many things for their historical significance--for instance, the Parthenon, Gettysburg, the redwood forests, and the tea ceremony. While they may also be beautiful, educational, or useful, we often value them simply in virtue of their historical properties. This mode of valuation carries with it a suite of common assumptions: what we value for its history is irreplaceable, it demands preservation, and we should value it only if we have a personal stake in its history. My dissertation interrogates these seemingly intuitive commitments, and explores the moral, evaluative, and political consequences of rethinking them. I develop an account of the norms governing our interactions with historically valuable objects and places, yielding an improved understanding of the values latent in such diverse examples as heirlooms, relationships, artworks, artifacts, and historic sites. It also, I argue, sheds light on other important sources of value, including persons and the natural environment.It is often thought that things worth valuing for their historical properties are necessarily irreplaceable, and that this fact makes a defining contribution to their distinctive value. For example, no candidate substitute can be valuable in the same way as my father's ring. Against this widespread view, I argue that a plausible understanding of historical significance entails that many things we value for their histories are not irreplaceable after all. What makes historically significant things worth valuing is not their irreplaceability, but rather the connection with the past that they afford.This raises the difficult question of how we can best realize a connection with the past. I argue that historical value, like value in general, fundamentally involves reasons to engage appropriately with valuable things: that is, to respond to them in a manner sensitive to the specific ways in which they are valuable, for instance, by viewing a painting, playing a sport, or savoring a fine meal. This contrasts with the views of many philosophers, who believe that the value of objects fundamentally involves reasons to preserve them. As I argue, reasons for preservation are subordinate to and explained by reasons for engagement--there is no reason to preserve even the Mona Lisa if no one can have the opportunity to engage with it. Recognizing the centrality of engagement in evaluative theory and practice has extensive implications, both in historical cases and beyond.Consider the distinction between personal and impersonal value. It is natural to think that some objects (such as family heirlooms) have merely personal value, whereas others (such as the pyramids or the Grand Canyon) have value for anyone. But how exactly are we to understand this distinction? Traditional accounts suggest that things are impersonally valuable if they would be valued from a suitably "detached" perspective. But I show that this criterion does not reliably identify things of impersonal value. On the alternative framework I propose, an object's value is impersonal if and only if it is appropriate (and therefore evaluatively permissible) for anyone to engage with it. Only a few people have reason to engage with a family heirloom, whereas the pyramids are candidates for universal engagement. Moreover, this account leaves open the possibility that the reasons that each individual has to value the pyramids can vary with that individual's particular history, interests, and capacities, unlike the shapeless "agent-neutral" reasons of the traditional view. Finally, I argue that the historical mode of valuation is often properly understood as a kind of aesthetic valuing. While many twentieth century philosophers have acknowledged the importance of art historical properties to aesthetic evaluation, I distinguish between art historical properties and the more general historically significant properties that are found both within and beyond the artworld. I then argue that these historical properties can be accommodated on a number of influential accounts of aesthetic value, and indeed, that they comprise an important dimension in aesthetic experience. This helps cement the extension of aesthetic inquiry beyond the artworld, and articulates a familiar yet surprising way in which we engage with the past.

Tanto en el panorama cinematográfico español como en el argentino, varios son los títulos que desde el ámbito no sólo de la ficción, sino también del documental, han pretendido dar una visión de lo que sucedió durante la guerra civil y el franquismo y, en el caso del país latinoamericano, de la última dictadura militar encabezada por Jorge Rafael Videla. Dentro de este grupúsculo de películas, en la última década se ha producido un nada despreciable número de películas documentales (Nadar, Entre el dictador y yo, Muerte en El Valle, El muro de los olvidados, Cosas raras que pasaban entonces, Pepe el andaluz o Tierra encima, en España; o Los Rubios, M, En memoria de los pájaros, Encontrando a Víctor, Papá Iván o La fe del volcán, en Argentina) firmadas por la generación siguiente o subsiguiente a la de quienes fueron víctimas directas o indirectas de la tortura, el exilio, la represión y la falta de libertades impuestas por sendos regímenes totalitarios. Se trata, en todos los casos, de jóvenes cineastas y videastas que se acercan a un pasado que no recuerdan pero al cual necesitan interrogar de manera imperiosa para poder definirse en tanto que sujetos políticos. El artículo que presentamos pretende acercarse a dos corpus cinematográficos fraguados en países geográficamente muy distantes pero realizados bajo una mirada muy similar: aquella que se arroja desde la 'posmemoria', esto es, desde una distancia generacional respecto a los hechos históricos evocados que proporciona a estas cintas una voz políticamente más crítica pero no por ello menos intimista y autobiográfica que la que puede ostentar el superviviente o el testigo directo de los hechos. El propósito último de nuestro análisis es el de poder dilucidar los puntos de convergencia y de divergencia entre un conjunto de producciones documentales que si bien creemos que aboga por la transmisión de la memoria entre generaciones y su continuidad en el futuro, implica la presencia, por su misma idiosincrasia, de vacíos, silencios, recreaciones y, en definitiva, (auto)ficciones que, normalmente desde la primera persona, dan fe de unos sujetos fracturados por los traumáticos y complejos orígenes de sus respectivas genealogías familiares ; Both in Spanish as in Argentina, there are several films that have tried to give an overview of what happened during the Civil War and the Franco's regime and, in the case of the Latin American country, during the military dictatorship headed by Jorge Rafael Videla. Within this small group of films in the last decade there has been a not inconsiderable number of documentary films (Nadar, Entre el dictador y yo, Muerte en El Valle, El muro de los olvidados, Cosas raras que pasaban entonces, Pepe el andaluz or Tierra encima, in Spain or Los Rubios, M, En memoria de los pájaros, Encontrando a Víctor, Papá Iván, or La fe del volcán, in Argentina) signed by the next or subsequent generation to those who were victims of torture, exile, repression or murder imposed by the two totalitarian regimes. They are, in all cases, young filmmakers and videographers who come to a past they do not remember but which they need to ask in order to define themselves as political subjects. The present paper pretends to dive into two cinematic corpus forged in countries geographically distant but made under a very similar look: that which is thrown from the 'postmemory', that is, from a generation gap regarding historical facts evoked that provides these tapes a voice politically critical but no less intimate and autobiographical than it can bear the survivor or the direct witness of the events. The ultimate purpose of our analysis is to be able to explain the points of convergence and divergence between a set of documentary productions that not only advocates for the transmission of memory between generations, but also implies the presence, for their idiosyncrasies, of gaps, silences, recreations and invented stories.

Tanto en el panorama cinematográfico español como en el argentino, varios son los títulos que desde el ámbito no sólo de la ficción, sino también del documental, han pretendido dar una visión de lo que sucedió durante la guerra civil y el franquismo y, en el caso del país latinoamericano, de la última dictadura militar encabezada por Jorge Rafael Videla. Dentro de este grupúsculo de películas, en la última década se ha producido un nada despreciable número de películas documentales (Nadar, Entre el dictador y yo, Muerte en El Valle, El muro de los olvidados, Cosas raras que pasaban entonces, Pepe el andaluz o Tierra encima, en España; o Los Rubios, M, En memoria de los pájaros, Encontrando a Víctor, Papá Iván o La fe del volcán, en Argentina) firmadas por la generación siguiente o subsiguiente a la de quienes fueron víctimas directas o indirectas de la tortura, el exilio, la represión y la falta de libertades impuestas por sendos regímenes totalitarios. Se trata, en todos los casos, de jóvenes cineastas y videastas que se acercan a un pasado que no recuerdan pero al cual necesitan interrogar de manera imperiosa para poder definirse en tanto que sujetos políticos. El artículo que presentamos pretende acercarse a dos corpus cinematográficos fraguados en países geográficamente muy distantes pero realizados bajo una mirada muy similar: aquella que se arroja desde la 'posmemoria', esto es, desde una distancia generacional respecto a los hechos históricos evocados que proporciona a estas cintas una voz políticamente más crítica pero no por ello menos intimista y autobiográfica que la que puede ostentar el superviviente o el testigo directo de los hechos. El propósito último de nuestro análisis es el de poder dilucidar los puntos de convergencia y de divergencia entre un conjunto de producciones documentales que si bien creemos que aboga por la transmisión de la memoria entre generaciones y su continuidad en el futuro, implica la presencia, por su misma idiosincrasia, de vacíos, silencios, recreaciones y, en definitiva, (auto)ficciones que, normalmente desde la primera persona, dan fe de unos sujetos fracturados por los traumáticos y complejos orígenes de sus respectivas genealogías familiares ; Both in Spanish as in Argentina, there are several films that have tried to give an overview of what happened during the Civil War and the Franco's regime and, in the case of the Latin American country, during the military dictatorship headed by Jorge Rafael Videla. Within this small group of films in the last decade there has been a not inconsiderable number of documentary films (Nadar, Entre el dictador y yo, Muerte en El Valle, El muro de los olvidados, Cosas raras que pasaban entonces, Pepe el andaluz or Tierra encima, in Spain or Los Rubios, M, En memoria de los pájaros, Encontrando a Víctor, Papá Iván, or La fe del volcán, in Argentina) signed by the next or subsequent generation to those who were victims of torture, exile, repression or murder imposed by the two totalitarian regimes. They are, in all cases, young filmmakers and videographers who come to a past they do not remember but which they need to ask in order to define themselves as political subjects. The present paper pretends to dive into two cinematic corpus forged in countries geographically distant but made under a very similar look: that which is thrown from the 'postmemory', that is, from a generation gap regarding historical facts evoked that provides these tapes a voice politically critical but no less intimate and autobiographical than it can bear the survivor or the direct witness of the events. The ultimate purpose of our analysis is to be able to explain the points of convergence and divergence between a set of documentary productions that not only advocates for the transmission of memory between generations, but also implies the presence, for their idiosyncrasies, of gaps, silences, recreations and invented stories.

Tanto en el panorama cinematográfico español como en el argentino, varios son los títulos que desde el ámbito no sólo de la ficción, sino también del documental, han pretendido dar una visión de lo que sucedió durante la guerra civil y el franquismo y, en el caso del país latinoamericano, de la última dictadura militar encabezada por Jorge Rafael Videla. Dentro de este grupúsculo de películas, en la última década se ha producido un nada despreciable número de películas documentales (Nadar, Entre el dictador y yo, Muerte en El Valle, El muro de los olvidados, Cosas raras que pasaban entonces, Pepe el andaluz o Tierra encima, en España; o Los Rubios, M, En memoria de los pájaros, Encontrando a Víctor, Papá Iván o La fe del volcán, en Argentina) firmadas por la generación siguiente o subsiguiente a la de quienes fueron víctimas directas o indirectas de la tortura, el exilio, la represión y la falta de libertades impuestas por sendos regímenes totalitarios. Se trata, en todos los casos, de jóvenes cineastas y videastas que se acercan a un pasado que no recuerdan pero al cual necesitan interrogar de manera imperiosa para poder definirse en tanto que sujetos políticos. El artículo que presentamos pretende acercarse a dos corpus cinematográficos fraguados en países geográficamente muy distantes pero realizados bajo una mirada muy similar: aquella que se arroja desde la 'posmemoria', esto es, desde una distancia generacional respecto a los hechos históricos evocados que proporciona a estas cintas una voz políticamente más crítica pero no por ello menos intimista y autobiográfica que la que puede ostentar el superviviente o el testigo directo de los hechos. El propósito último de nuestro análisis es el de poder dilucidar los puntos de convergencia y de divergencia entre un conjunto de producciones documentales que si bien creemos que aboga por la transmisión de la memoria entre generaciones y su continuidad en el futuro, implica la presencia, por su misma idiosincrasia, de vacíos, silencios, recreaciones y, en definitiva, (auto)ficciones que, normalmente desde la primera persona, dan fe de unos sujetos fracturados por los traumáticos y complejos orígenes de sus respectivas genealogías familiares ; Both in Spanish as in Argentina, there are several films that have tried to give an overview of what happened during the Civil War and the Franco's regime and, in the case of the Latin American country, during the military dictatorship headed by Jorge Rafael Videla. Within this small group of films in the last decade there has been a not inconsiderable number of documentary films (Nadar, Entre el dictador y yo, Muerte en El Valle, El muro de los olvidados, Cosas raras que pasaban entonces, Pepe el andaluz or Tierra encima, in Spain or Los Rubios, M, En memoria de los pájaros, Encontrando a Víctor, Papá Iván, or La fe del volcán, in Argentina) signed by the next or subsequent generation to those who were victims of torture, exile, repression or murder imposed by the two totalitarian regimes. They are, in all cases, young filmmakers and videographers who come to a past they do not remember but which they need to ask in order to define themselves as political subjects. The present paper pretends to dive into two cinematic corpus forged in countries geographically distant but made under a very similar look: that which is thrown from the 'postmemory', that is, from a generation gap regarding historical facts evoked that provides these tapes a voice politically critical but no less intimate and autobiographical than it can bear the survivor or the direct witness of the events. The ultimate purpose of our analysis is to be able to explain the points of convergence and divergence between a set of documentary productions that not only advocates for the transmission of memory between generations, but also implies the presence, for their idiosyncrasies, of gaps, silences, recreations and invented stories.

There is international concern relating to access and opportunity in Higher Education, particularly for those from traditionally marginalized groups (Council of Europe, 1996; Rougaas, 2001). In Australia, the Government has recently established targets to increase the proportion of Australian 25–34-year-olds with a Bachelor degree to 40% by 2025 and the proportion of undergraduate enrolments from low-socioeconomic backgrounds to 20% by 2020 (Gillard, 2009). The drive towards equity and social cohesion in tertiary education is a clear political goal internationally (OECD, 2008, Rougaas, 2001; ) with significant policy congruence across Europe, the USA and Australia (Ball, 1998). However, longitudinal studies in the USA (Tinto, 2006-7) Australia (Kift, Nelson & Clarke, 2010) and Europe (UK) suggest that concerted government and individual institutional efforts are piecemeal or have made minimal difference to overall retention and completion rates of students from traditionally marginalized groups. Furthermore, the intent and effectiveness of these interventions have been brought into question (Osborne, 2003)This 'wicked' international problem seems resistant to focused policy interventions suggesting, as argued by Gale (2009), that a more fundamental shift is required in how tertiary institutions might be more responsive to increasing diversity. Like Kift et al. (2010) and Krause et al. (2005), Gale (2009) focuses on the student learning environment as the site or "glue that holds knowledge and the broader student experience together" (McInnis, 2001)" and consequently where issues of exclusion and embodied knowledge may best be addressed. However, unlike these researchers, Gale advocates a more sophisticated approach to student equity and social inclusion [that] entails the creation of space in higher education not just for new kinds of student bodies but also for their embodied knowledges and ways of knowing … [that] has relevance for the epistemologies of all socio-cultural groups. (2009, p.14) Higher education institutions and researchers have become increasingly interested in how and why tertiary education systems tend to reproduce privilege (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Teese, 2011). Sellar and Gale (2011) after Connell (2007) posit that real student engagement necessarily involves a shift towards 'epistemological equity' (Dei, 2008) "…from a politics of representation ( of population groups and particular interests) to a politics of recognition (of knowledges and ways of knowing in addition to Eurocentric forms). This conceptual framework resonates strongly with a design-thinking orientation to pragmatic ways in which universities might rethink and reshape their approaches. Taking up Sellar and Gale's (2011) proposition, this paper analyses data collected in the development and implementation of a whole-of-institution Transition Framework for commencing students at one Australian university which used a design-thinking oriented methodological approach to try to disrupt the dominant institutional paradigms at work. In particular, attention is paid to the epistemologies and institutional policies and practices that work as powerful technologies (Ball, 2003) in maintaining a dominant culture. Method: This paper uses a creative and innovative combination of conceptual frameworks; design thinking and the notion of epistemological equity (Dei, 2008) to analyse data collected over two years in the development and implementation of a whole of institution transition framework. Design thinking is an intellectual approach to tackling complex (wicked) problems that focuses on close observation, understanding of and empathy with, end-users (students) as a way of obtaining deep knowledge and rapid prototyping of effective solutions (Caroll et al. 2010). The processes of development of the transition framework followed design thinking processes. Data sources included quantitative institutional data as well as qualitative data from staff and student interviews and surveys. Expected Outcomes: The analysis provides insights into how and why institutional policies, practices and epistemologies militate against the creation of more inclusive spaces and experiences for non-traditional students and proposes some ways in which institutions might tackle the issue of widening participation. It also suggests ways in which institutions might enact a politics of recognition and design more positive and productive higher education experiences for increasingly diverse students.