The subject of the study is the aesthetic cultural tradition of China, a symbol and a symbolic worldview, which are considered in the context of the processes of globalization, dialogue of cultures. The relevance of the topic of research is due, firstly, to the dynamics of the development of the modern world, integration processes, the strengthening of the principles of the open world, and the expansion of the information and communication space; secondly, the increased interest of socio-humanitarian knowledge in the analysis of various models of understanding the symbol and symbolic perception of the world within the framework of China's aesthetic culture, both in theoretical terms and in its specific reflections; thirdly, increased intercultural contacts with the business community of modern China, the effective implementation of which is impossible without taking into account a wide range of ideas about the characteristics of national culture. The value of the study is determined by the justification of the methodological role of Chinese philosophy, which serves as the foundation of the symbol and symbolic worldview.
Cover -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- 1. The Origins of Freemasonry -- A Peculiar System of Morality -- The First Recorded Lodge -- 2. The Organization of Freemasonry -- Rank Structure -- Grand and Provincial Grand Lodges -- 3. The Rituals of Freemasonry -- The First Degree -- The Second Degree -- The Third Degree -- 4. The Symbols of Freemasonry -- Types of Symbols -- The Masonic Symbols -- Understanding Symbols -- Human Consciousness -- The Symbols of Science -- Masonry's Platonic View of Symbols -- 5. Freemasonry and Religion -- Your Supreme Being -- The Philosophy of Freemasonry -- Initiation -- Freedom of Belief -- 6. Scottish Roots -- William the Wastrel -- Sir Robert Moray -- 7. The First Grand Lodges -- The Grand Lodge of York -- The Grand Lodge of England in London -- Anderson's Constitutions -- Grand Lodges in Scotland and Ireland -- 8. The Spread of Freemasonry -- Freemasonry in France -- Freemasonry in the British Empire -- Freemasonry in Germany -- The Spread of the Scotish Rite -- 9. The Growth of Franternalism in the United States and Beyond -- The Military Lodges -- The Boston Tea Party -- The War of Independence -- The First Masonic President -- The Prince Hall Masonic Lodge -- Masonry on the Moon -- Further Readimg -- About the Author/Illustrator -- Backcover.
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The aim of the article is to think over the Bakhtin's role and the place of his ideas in the modern world. The reason for the authors' reflection was the publication of the essays collection "Inspired by Bakhtin: Dialogical Methods" (2018). Its participants tried to demonstrate how Bakhtin's dialogism was implemented in various fields of humanities. The material of the history and theory of literature, Russian postmodern prose, Plato's dialogues, sociology, psychoanalysis, European cinema and architectural design shows the effectiveness of dialogic methods. The article underlines the sufficient freedom of the researchers in their dealing with Bakhtin's ideas. Sometimes it leads to the noticeable distance from his initial attitudes. This situation reflects one of the trends not only in Bakhtin studies, but in the humanities in the West. The dialogue with Bakhtin in the book is presented in the article in the context of the analysis of Bakhtin methodological discourse, given in his fragments, sketches and notes. The authors' conclusion that the book complies with the general trend of contemporary Bakhtin studies is confirmed by recently published books devoted to the study of Bakhtin's heritage in literature, arts, psychology, philosophy of education and dialogical pedagogy.
This article is devoted to the problem of definition of approaches of cultural and educational space on the basis of conceptual accents, depending on the purpose of the research. Such hermeneutic aspects are paid attention to as: the problem of correlation between the concepts of climate, environment and space, which are used in pedagogical discourse with similar meanings. The clarification of the content of the cultural and educational space is vital in the interdisciplinary context of philosophy, cultural studies and sociology, since all these scientific disciplines are involved in the formation of the contents, which circulate in the pedagogical discourse. The article eliminates the criteria for the definitions of cultural and educational space by different authors and generalized formulations, which arise from these criteria. In particular, the distinction is made by the following criteria: the physical organizational factor, the organizational and managerial category, the factor of pedagogical influence, the system of coordinates/ values, the communicative space, the object of philosophical and educational discourse, the factor of the formation of the subjectivity of an individual, circumstances of the reality metaphorization while its wording
The paper is devoted to the discussion of the fundamental ideas of one of the most well-known French philosopher – Jacques Maritain concerning the problems of personalization and pluralism in modern democratic society. Exceptional actuality of the Maritain's treatment of the problems of the relations between laic state and believes for modern democratic countries social field are the quintessence of the paper. The fundamental questions of the philosophy of law: personalism and pluralism in the light of the concepts and interpretations of one of the brightest representatives of the French philosophical and law schools Jacques Maritain (November 18, 1882, Paris, France - April 28th 1973, Toulouse, France), which has become already the classic theorist are to be considered in the paper. Nowadays these issues seem to be particularly interesting and relevant: the transformation of sovereignty in the era of globalization, the political and the personal, mental and social transformation of the national identity and traditions on the one hand and the European integration and globalization on the other that are the challenges of the day. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s3p192
There is a tendency evident in the various strands of contemporary anarchism to ignore both Marx, Marxism and the history of Marxism, and the critiques formulated by the anarchist tradition. Against this tendency, the aim of the present article is to emphasize both the contemporary relevance of these critiques and the contribution of Marxism to a radical critique of all forms of domination. It therefore recalls the role played by the critique of Marxism in the elaboration of the anarchist movement, whether for the philosophy of history, the status of the political, the role of organization, or the postulate that the revolutionary subject is to be exclusively identified with the proletariat. While some of the critiques are aimed more at the Second International than at Marx himself, they do however retain their relevance in our present situation. They are, furthermore, here coupled with the attempt to go beyond the exclusive partiality of these two traditions, the Marxist and the anarchist. The question of self-emancipation thus finally emerges as the most important and problematic heritage of the conflict between Marxism and anarchism.
There is a tendency evident in the various strands of contemporary anarchism to ignore both Marx, Marxism and the history of Marxism, and the critiques formulated by the anarchist tradition. Against this tendency, the aim of the present article is to emphasize both the contemporary relevance of these critiques and the contribution of Marxism to a radical critique of all forms of domination. It therefore recalls the role played by the critique of Marxism in the elaboration of the anarchist movement, whether for the philosophy of history, the status of the political, the role of organization, or the postulate that the revolutionary subject is to be exclusively identified with the proletariat. While some of the critiques are aimed more at the Second International than at Marx himself, they do however retain their relevance in our present situation. They are, furthermore, here coupled with the attempt to go beyond the exclusive partiality of these two traditions, the Marxist and the anarchist. The question of self-emancipation thus finally emerges as the most important and problematic heritage of the conflict between Marxism and anarchism.
There is a tendency evident in the various strands of contemporary anarchism to ignore both Marx, Marxism and the history of Marxism, and the critiques formulated by the anarchist tradition. Against this tendency, the aim of the present article is to emphasize both the contemporary relevance of these critiques and the contribution of Marxism to a radical critique of all forms of domination. It therefore recalls the role played by the critique of Marxism in the elaboration of the anarchist movement, whether for the philosophy of history, the status of the political, the role of organization, or the postulate that the revolutionary subject is to be exclusively identified with the proletariat. While some of the critiques are aimed more at the Second International than at Marx himself, they do however retain their relevance in our present situation. They are, furthermore, here coupled with the attempt to go beyond the exclusive partiality of these two traditions, the Marxist and the anarchist. The question of self-emancipation thus finally emerges as the most important and problematic heritage of the conflict between Marxism and anarchism.
There is a tendency evident in the various strands of contemporary anarchism to ignore both Marx, Marxism and the history of Marxism, and the critiques formulated by the anarchist tradition. Against this tendency, the aim of the present article is to emphasize both the contemporary relevance of these critiques and the contribution of Marxism to a radical critique of all forms of domination. It therefore recalls the role played by the critique of Marxism in the elaboration of the anarchist movement, whether for the philosophy of history, the status of the political, the role of organization, or the postulate that the revolutionary subject is to be exclusively identified with the proletariat. While some of the critiques are aimed more at the Second International than at Marx himself, they do however retain their relevance in our present situation. They are, furthermore, here coupled with the attempt to go beyond the exclusive partiality of these two traditions, the Marxist and the anarchist. The question of self-emancipation thus finally emerges as the most important and problematic heritage of the conflict between Marxism and anarchism.
In a moment of unguarded honesty that went viral last week, President Biden was asked by reporters if U.S. airstrikes in Yemen targeting the Shia Islamist group known as the Houthis were "working."The President sheepishly replied, "Well, when you say 'working'—are they stopping the Houthis? No. Are they going to continue? Yes." In a single sentence, Biden captured the impuissant hollowness of two decades of U.S. foreign policy bromides on the use of military force, the Middle East, and deterrence.Washington's critics have often said that, whenever a crisis occurs, U.S. policymakers exhibit an almost Pavlovian instinct to reach for military options — no matter the facts on the ground or the odds of success — in a desperate attempt to "do something." Amid mounting tension in the Middle East stemming from the Israel-Hamas conflict, the foreign policy establishment is again hand-waving those criticisms away amid vague calls for indefinite U.S.-led intervention in Yemen and even war with Iran — this, despite the President's own admission that doing so will fail to change a thing.Indeed, despite at least eight rounds of U.S. strikes that expended hundreds of valuable precision-guided munitions, Houthi attacks on ships transiting the Red Sea have only increased in frequency and scope, targeting more U.S.-owned and U.S-flagged vessels. While legitimate military analysts and regional experts knew these strikes were doomed to fail from the start, it should now be obvious there is no credible military solution to the crisis in the Red Sea.More importantly, as three U.S. troops were killed and more than 30 injured in a local Shia militia attack on a remote outpost along the Syria-Jordan border known as "Tower 22" on Sunday, the last thing the Biden Administration should be doing is looking to escalate things in Yemen. Instead, Washington should start by recognizing that both its economic and national security interests are largely unaffected by Red Sea transit. If it wants, the U.S. can truly afford to do nothing there. Despite a 65% decline in expected freight container volumes transiting the Red Sea, the U.S. saw just a 1% decline in net imports for the month of December. The U.S. does not need to spend between $260 and $573 million per month, as some analysts estimate, to defend foreign merchant shipping with no end in sight.Meanwhile, China has eschewed the use of force and is instead free-riding on U.S. military action in the Red Sea, even though Beijing faces mounting freight and insurance costs that have caused its economy significant harm. China has a destroyer, frigate, and replenishment vessel currently situated in the Gulf of Aden — not to mention a naval base in Djibouti at the mouth of the Bab el-Mandeb strait — and is perfectly capable of stepping up to conduct defensive operations in the Red Sea.Yet, through no cogent or intentional U.S. action, the demonstrated ineffectiveness of military action — alongside rising costs — are likely now spurring new Chinese efforts to pressure Iran to rein in the Houthis. While Iran retains very strong ties to the group, having provided them with weapons, training, and assistance over the years, it doesn't have total control over the Houthis. Nonetheless, China has the requisite economic leverage over Tehran — and by extension the Houthis — to demand an end to the crisis.For its part, the U.S. should not impede any such resolution simply because it didn't play a leading role in brokering a deal. If a deal is eventually reached, many in Washington would view it as evidence of Beijing establishing itself as a key security broker in the Middle East. But if America's recent experience as a security provider in the region is any guide, it is not clear such a development would be bad for the United States vis-à-vis its rivalry with China.However, if the U.S. wanted to take a more active role in resolving the crisis than passing the buck to China, a diplomatic response could also be pursued. Diplomacy would serve to avoid an unpredictable and costly U.S. military campaign that would immediately compromise two of Washington's stated objectives in the Middle East: to prevent the war in Gaza from further consuming the region, and officially ending the civil war in Yemen.The Houthis have repeatedly linked their motive for attacking ships in the Red Sea to the Israel-Hamas conflict. Over the course of the war, Houthi attacks have correlated with events in Gaza. For example, Houthi attacks decreased during the brief truce in November, only to resume afterwards. In December, the group's official spokesman claimed attacks on ships transiting the Bab el-Mandeb Strait toward the Suez Canal will continue until "Gaza receives the food and medicine it needs." As Houthi strategic intentions have not changed, and their attack capabilities have not been meaningfully degraded, diplomacy is a low-cost option for Washington to consider without foisting some terrible result on the United States.Working to increase aid shipments to Gaza would not just help to alleviate the humanitarian crisis there, but would deprive the Houthis of their claimed justification for attacks in the Red Sea and provide the group with an offramp for de-escalation that would also serve to prevent indefinite U.S. participation in a broader regional war. However, this would also necessitate increased diplomatic pressure on the Israeli government to allow more aid into Gaza, a step the Biden Administration remains uninterested in taking.Put simply, there are no existential or vital U.S. national interests at stake in Yemen, and very little is at stake for the U.S. economically in the Red Sea. Any multi-billion-dollar effort to fight a war in Yemen would render no political, economic, or security benefits to the United States. Strategies like "buck passing" and diplomatic engagement are perfectly viable, would do the U.S. no harm, and could resolve the crisis. Continued military action in Yemen, by contrast, presents dubious prospects for success. The pitfalls of sustained U.S. military action in Yemen — and in other fronts across the Middle East tied to the war in Gaza like Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, or yesterday's tragedy in Jordan — still include a non-trivial risk of regional war that can only be ignored at the world's peril.
The Kurds are the fourth largest ethnic group in the Middle East. An Indigenous people from the Mesopotamian plains and highlands in what is now Southeast Turkey, Northeast Syria, Northern Iraq, northwest Iran and Southwest Armenia, they are the largest stateless people in the world. Denied a national identity, their culture and language have been banned or suppressed throughout the centuries and theirs is a story of resistance and survival. This book offers a contemporary overview and critical analysis of the Kurds quest for national identity and statehood from the end of the Ottoman Empire to the modern day. Kurdish nationalism has taken many forms and had to endure periods of rebellion, acceptance, oppression and ethnic cleansing. Mandana Hendessi outlines the contours of the political struggle and military conflict that continue to shape the lives of a people that occupy one of the most contested regions in the world.
About the organisationsContributorsAcknowledgementsForewordsIntroduction1.0 Society1.1 Where is the trust? For the good of the peopleProf. Stephen Naylor and Prof. Sandra Harding1.2 Shaping inclusive open cities in divisive times -- the interplay of communities and the municipality in ViennaMaria Vassilakou2.0 Culture2.1 Building empowering media ecosystems for citiesEmmanuel Benbihy2.2 Enhancing the identity of cities through creative media installationsProf. Tim Heath and Evangelia Pavlaki3.0 Space 3.1 Living better through sportLim Teck Yin3.2 The science of street life and the rebirth of the boulevardTim Stonor4.0 Environment 4.1 Traditional islamic values for passive environmental designProf. Hisham Mortada4.2 Landscape citiesAndrew Grant5.0 Technology5.1 Designing emergent futures for productive citiesTomas Diez5.2 Understanding the future of education in the context of smart communitiesCharif Hamidi6.0 Economy 6.1 Digital economies and city development: a perspective from Africa and the Middle EastSamvit Kanoria and Prakash Parbhoo6.2 The rise of the digital economy and its impact on the smart cityProf. Jason PomeroyConclusionPhoto credits
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1. Introduction -- 2. Resilience in the European Union External Action -- 3. Projecting Stability to the South: NATO's 'New' Mission? -- 4. The EU, Resilience and the Southern Neighbourhood after the Arab Uprisings -- 5. EU Counter-Terrorism Cooperation with the Middle East and North Africa -- 6. Sanctions as a Regional Security Instrument: EU restrictive measures examined -- 7. European Energy Security and the Resilience of Southern Mediterranean Countries -- 8. Libya: From Regime Change to State Building -- 9. Resilience to what? EU capacity-building missions in the Sahel -- 10. Resilience as a tool for conflict resolution? The UN in the Sahel region -- 11. Resilience in the Eye of the Storm: Capacity-Building in Lebanon -- 12. The Horn of Africa: NATO and the EU as partners against piracy -- 13. Paths to resilience: examining EU and NATO responses to the Tunisian and Egyptian political transitions -- 14. Civil-Military Cooperation in the Mediterranean Sea: Lessons not Learnt -- 15. Conclusions
1. Introduction -- 2. Resilience in the European Union External Action -- 3. Projecting Stability to the South: NATO's 'New' Mission? -- 4. The EU, Resilience and the Southern Neighbourhood after the Arab Uprisings -- 5. EU Counter-Terrorism Cooperation with the Middle East and North Africa -- 6. Sanctions as a Regional Security Instrument: EU restrictive measures examined -- 7. European Energy Security and the Resilience of Southern Mediterranean Countries -- 8. Libya: From Regime Change to State Building -- 9. Resilience to what? EU capacity-building missions in the Sahel -- 10. Resilience as a tool for conflict resolution? The UN in the Sahel region -- 11. Resilience in the Eye of the Storm: Capacity-Building in Lebanon -- 12. The Horn of Africa: NATO and the EU as partners against piracy -- 13. Paths to resilience: examining EU and NATO responses to the Tunisian and Egyptian political transitions -- 14. Civil-Military Cooperation in the Mediterranean Sea: Lessons not Learnt -- 15. Conclusions
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According to the Chinese zodiac, 2018 was the year of the 'earthly dog'. In the middle of the long, hot, and feverish dog days of the summer of 2018, some workers at Shenzhen Jasic Technology took their chances and attempted to form an independent union. While this action was met by the harshest repression, it also led to extraordinary demonstrations of solidarity from small groups of radical students from all over the country, which in turn were immediately and severely suppressed. China's year of the dog was also imbued with the spirit of another canine, Cerberus—the three-headed hound of Hades—with the ravenous advance of the surveillance state and the increasing securitisation of Chinese society, starting from the northwestern region of Xinjiang. This Yearbook traces these latest developments in Chinese society through a collection of 50 original essays on labour, civil society, and human rights in China and beyond, penned by leading scholars and practitioners from around the world.
