Suchergebnisse

This important overview explores the connections between Singapore's past with historical developments worldwide until present day. The contributors analyse Singapore as a city-state seeking to provide an interdisciplinary perspective to the study of the global dimensions contributing to Singapore's growth. The book's global perspective demonstrates that many of the discussions of Singapore as a city-state have relevance and implications beyond Singapore to include Southeast Asia and the world. This vital volume should not be missed by economists, as well as those interested in imperial history, business history and networks.

Books reviewed in this article:Rickie Solinger (ed.), Abortion Wars: A Half Century of Struggle, 1950‐2000Nicola Beisel, Imperilled Innocents: Anthony Cornstock and Family Reproduction in Victorian AmericaHelen Hardacre, marketing the menacing Fetus in JapanKaren Newman, Fetal Positions: Individualism, Science, Visuality

The planning system which dominates most of the comtemporary world is of European and American origin. It has come out of the particular socio-historical background of these Western countries and has naturally had some implicit assumptions regarding the concepts, purposes and ideology of planning. This system has been exported to, and often imposed upon, countries with different social conditions where those assumptions are not necessarily valid. As a result, in many developing countries, planning is considered ineffective, and planners become frustrated.

I first came across Harlan Lane's work towards the end of my PhD, which I was undertaking at University College London, UK. My dissertation was on the construction of "difference" in the British Empire, particularly the differences ascribed to race and gender. Using nineteenth-century medical missionaries as a way in, I had started to think about differences evoked by health, disability, and the body. In particular, I noted the way in which missionaries used the language of disability as a discourse of racialisation. The African and Indian colonial subjects they encountered were described throughout missionary literature as "deaf to the Word", "blind to the light" and "too lame" to walk alone. I have two d/Deaf cousins, one of whom is the sign language sociolinguist Nick Palfreyman, and around about this time Nick had started to familiarise me with some of the issues surrounding Deaf politics. Becoming interested and wanting to know more, I began to learn British Sign Language (BSL) and contemplate the connections between the historical work I was doing and contemporary struggles of Deaf politics and disability politics (I was particularly interested in DPAC - Disabled People Against Cuts - given the contemporary climate of austerity in the UK). As I did so I became acquainted with the work of Harlan Lane. Here, although acutely aware of my own positionality as a white, British, hearing woman, I have taken up the challenge set by the editors of this special issue to re-read his work twelve years on from my initial encounter with it, using the insights into postcolonial study I have gained through my historical work.

Often political races are not really competitive, and the path to reelection is smooth for many incumbents. In two-candidate races for office we suggest the introduction of a new re-election rule, which we call the "Score-replication Rule." This rule requires that, to be reelected, any incumbent has to obtain a percentage of votes that is at least as high as the highest vote-share he/she obtained in any previous election (reduced by some margin). Such a delimiter would restrain negative "incumbency advantages," and render reelection competitive again. It could also reduce polarization in the United States Congress. Moreover, we suggest how history-bound reelections could be used in European-style proportional election systems.

Y. S. Brenner is an economist whose main concern is with development, and this attitude is reflected in his approach to economic history. He begins this seminal study in the era of the Reformation in Europe, and bases it on the hypothesis that once started, economic progress will spread over ever-increasing parts of the earth wherever and whenever conditions become suitable. From this point of view, he examines the nature of the impediments which prevent the more rapid and general progress of mankind towards greater material affluence, while at the same time considering the positive growth pro

The historical study of American constitutional law has long rested on a conceptual framework that divides the past into linear units of analysis. Constitutional time unfolds according to discrete eras defined by changes in political leadership and governance, whereas constitutional space typically appears divided into bordered jurisdictions and regional sections. Despite the prominence of this conceptual framework, scholars have yet to ask how, why, and to what effect it became the paradigmatic mode of study. In the absence of close study, the framework instead appears as a neutral embodiment of the constitutional order. This essay offers a preliminary sketch of how theories of knowledge production, and particularly Louis Althusser's theory of law as an ideological apparatus, can help to move beyond this facile assumption. By returning to a selection of landmark judicial opinions and legal treatises from the long nineteenth century and analyzing their discursive practices in relation to the dominant modes of production, this exploratory essay suggests a striking possibility: that the paradigm that we have assumed to be a primordial part of the constitutional order only emerged in its current iteration in the late nineteenth-century shift from a plantation mode of production rooted in enslaved labor to an industrial mode of production rooted in wage labor. As these sources indicate, leading jurists in America's age of conquest and enslavement regularly analyzed questions of state power and rights by organizing time according to chains of title rooted in dispossession based on race and space according to the geographic circuits of capital. Effective in naturalizing the strict racialized hierarchy integral to the production and circulation of export commodities, this discourse of tethering institutions to the history of property acquisition and the movement of commodities began to shift with the formal abolition of slavery and rise of intensive industrialization, as a new generation of legal academics created a paradigm of institutional time and space that, by erasing material histories of structural inequality, made it possible to reconstitute an old social order redicated on racial classifications of whiteness.

A project of the Utah Women's History Association and cosponsored by the Utah State Historical Society, Paradigm or Paradox provides the first thorough survey of the complicated history of all Utah women. Some of the finest historians studying Utah examine the spectrum of significant social and cultural topics in the state's history that particularly have involved or affected women. The contents are as follows: A Comparison of Utah Mormon Polygamous and Monogamous Women Jessie L. Embry and Lois Kelley Innovation and Accommodation: the Legal Status of Women in Territorial Utah, 1847-96 Lisa Madsen Pearson and Carol Cornwall Madsen Conflict and Contributions: Women in Utah Churches, 1847-1920 John Sillito Utah's Ethnic Women Helen Z. Papanikolas The Professionalization of Utah's Farm Women, 1890-1940 Cynthia Sturgis Gainfully Employed Women in Utah Miriam B. Murphy From Schoolmarm to State Superintendent: The Changing Role of Women in Utah Education, 1847-2004 Mary Clark and Patricia Lyn Scott Scholarship, Service, and Sisterhood: Utah Women's Clubs and Associations, 1847-1977 Jill Mulvay Derr Women of Letters in Utah Gary Topping Utah Women in the Arts Martha Sontag Bradley-Evans Women in Politics: Power in the Public Sphere Kathryn L. MacKay Utah Women's Life Stages: 1850-1940 Jessie L. Embry ; https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/usupress_pubs/1108/thumbnail.jpg

This article introduces a special issue of Citizenship Studies in which historians of East, South and Southeast Asia continue the project of globalizing citizenship by analyzing practices and conceptions of citizenship in pre-colonial China, India and Indonesia. Building on the recent global turn in citizenship studies as well as historicizing this turn, we shift the conceptual focus from formal membership and contracts to practices and acts of citizenship. Against citizenship essentialism, conceptual room is created for different ways in which people across Asia have participated in ruling and being ruled, employing different vocabularies, institutions and practices that showed they had agency in the polities they lived in. The main conclusion is that forms of citizenship participation can be found everywhere in Asian history, and were often anchored in practices which were both structural and effective.

"Anjali Arondekar's Abundance asks what would happen if we shift the structuring narrative of the history of sexuality from that of archival loss and a paucity of evidence to one of abundance-"we have all the evidence we need," as one of the author's archivists remarks. Arondekar employs this approach in an historical account of a group of former Goan Devadasi, an "Other Backward Castes" community. Arondekar starts with this sense of abundance and then raises a set of connected historiographical issues to show what histories might tell if we constructed them differently. Her focus on a subaltern group that moves back and forth between Portuguese and English domination in South Asia, opens to larger questions about histories of sexualities as parts of area, colonial, and decolonial histories"--