Suchergebnisse

The studies that focused on the topic of first-degree agricultural cooperative movement in the Province of Chaco, did it from different perspectives (historical-institutional, economic, geographic, sociological, etc.), with different objectives and sources. Nevertheless, what all these works had in common was that their analysis took into consideration the political and institutional evolution of the Nation-State. Methodologically, this strategy succeeded in considering the first-degree cooperative societies. However, such strategy did not show the internal dynamics of the institutions, nor their evolution in relation to other factors that shaped their evolution.The objective of this paper is to generate a study proposal that begins with the cooperative institutions themselves, based on institutional analysis, which might work as a model for future approaches to this theme. ; Los estudios que abordaron la temática del cooperativismo agrícola de primer grado del Chaco, lo hicieron desde diversas perspectivas (histórica-institucional, económica, geográfica, sociológica, etc.), con diferentes objetivos y fuentes; sin embargo todos los trabajos tuvieron en común que sus análisis lo hicieron teniendo en cuenta la evolución política-institucional del Estado-Nación. Metodológicamente, dicha estrategia sirvió para realizar un recorte de las cooperativas de primer grado, pero que no evidenció las dinámicas internas de las instituciones, ni su evolución institucional ligadas a otros factores que modificaron su devenir.Es objetivo de este escrito, generar una propuesta de estudio que parta desde las propias instituciones cooperativas, a partir del análisis institucional y que sirva de modelo para futuras aproximaciones a la temática.

Society undergoes changes with passage of time due to internal and external factors. However, more radical nature of changes takes place due to external factors. Such changes prompt social reorganization. Kashmiri culture and society is no exception to this rule where penetration of different exogenous influence has led to the process of active assimilation, re-orientation and accommodation of over-all socio-cultural setup. In diverse societies inhabitants are differentiated on the basis of colour, caste, creed, etc. In the same way the inhabitants of the Kashmir valley are stratified and include many marginalized communities such as Watals, Dombs, Galwans, Dhobis, Hanjis, etc. These marginalized communities are assigned the lowest position in Kashmiri society only because of their profession and caste. Although the dominant religion of masses in Kashmir is Islam but actually it was only in sixteenth century that Islam replaced Hinduism in Kashmir. Islam preaches equality and universal brotherhood, and it negates distinction of its followers based on any ground. Thus with the advent of Islam in the valley it can be expected that the above mentioned distinctions would be diminished. But that is not the case. Even after adopting Islam the caste restrictions of Hinduism, which was prevalent before the inception of Islam, remained deeply rooted in the minds of Kashmiris. Those who were at the top of the hierarchy still corner all the privileges for them and the weaker sections are deprived and marginalized. This article attempts to highlight this discrimination, which is visible in Kashmir's contemporary society as well.

Based on international public policy as an extension of national sovereignty, governments with authoritarian deviations are reforming their constitutions, criminal laws, etc. with the aim of preserving the inalienable values of their States and the Christian roots of their societies (traditional marriage and family model). For this purpose, basing on the vertical conception of SDG 16 (in which the areas of peace and justice are subordinated to the area of strong institutions), they seek to strengthen the state by gradually annulling its "disintegrating factors": Muslim immigrants and refugees, members of the LGBTI community, leftist politicians, independent journalists and the EU itself (values, legislation and its incipient public policy). The research analyzes this problem affecting the family and its rights. ; Con base en el orden público internacional como expresión de la soberanía nacional, gobiernos con desviaciones autoritarias están realizando reformas constitucionales, penales, etc. con el propósito de preservar los valores inalienables de sus Estados y las raíces cristianas de sus sociedades (modelo de matrimonio y familia tradicional). Para eso, con base en la concepción vertical del ODS 16 (en que los ámbitos paz y justicia se supeditan al ámbito instituciones sólidas), buscan fortalecer el Estado mediante la gradual anulación de sus "factores de desintegración": inmigrantes y refugiados musulmanes, miembros de la comunidad LGBTI, políticos de izquierda, periodistas independientes y la propia UE (valores, legislación y su incipiente orden público). La investigación analiza este problema que afecta a la familia y sus derechos.

The global COVID-19 pandemic envokes numerous challenges in many areas of societies, including social services. The idea of 'social distancing' contradicts the whole idea of social work and inevitably causes deepening social exclusion. This study is aimed to analyse peculiarities of Ukrainian social workers' activities under severe quarantine restrictions or lockdown. Special attention is paid to local social services for the elderly as a group recognised as most vulnerable to COVID-19. A survey of representatives of territorial centres of social services in Ukraine, conducted in August 2020, revealed some problems caused by restrictive quarantine measures and positive changes in the centres. The study highlights some surprising contradictions in the impact of the pandemic on social work practice with the elderly. Social services providers in local communities (territorial centres of social services, social services centres for families, children, youth, etc.) received almost no additional support during the quarantine. Yet, they consider introducing new, distant forms of communication, adjusting the work schedule, etc., as positive changes in service provision.The study determines that the response to the challenges of a problematic situation depends on local characteristics and mostly on human resources - work organisation and professional adaptability. An important role belongs to the ability of social workers to act in emergencies, the availability of standard procedures, protocols, and resources for use in such situations, understanding the need to adhere to values of social solidarity. The specific applications from the study results are drawn for Ukrainian social work.

The object of this research is an interaction between public and government within the Russian regional policy, and the subject is the essence and content of social partnership as an integrated (value-normative, institutional and communicative) phenomenon that forms a co-development model in the interaction between public and government of regional societies. The authors analyze the historical tradition, continuity and novelty in the understanding of partnership interaction, as well as substantively characterize the current state of social partnership in The Russian Federation, and also indicate the prospects for its development based on materials of sociological research and expert polls in Russian regions. The theoretical and methodological basis of the work was made by domestic and foreign studies of political scientists, sociologists and lawyers. The work uses ideological (phenomenological, sociocultural, systemic, etc.), general scientific (analysis, synthesis, analogy, etc.), as well as specific scientific (historical and political method, political modeling method) approaches and methods. The empirical basis of the research was sociological studies and expert surveys conducted in the regions of the Russian Federation.The authors argue that social partnership should be analyzed in three interrelated aspects: value (axiological), institutional (level of organization of social institutions and their interaction) and technological (level of socio-political forms of activity and specific practices). The work shows a positive trend in the regional socio-political consciousness, what is associated with an awareness of the importance and responsibility of all the subjects of the interaction between public and government in solving various problems of the development of a regional socio-economic and political space.

Residential tourism transforms societies and rural economies. Among other changes, it converts agrarian land into urbanized land, and brings new agents into the land market (real estate investors, clients acquiring second homes, etc.). These two factors imply an increase in land prices that often gives way to a crisis of traditional agrarian activities and stimulates the emigration of the local population. The present article examines how this process takes place. Is it simply a mechanism of supply and demand? Or are other economic and political factors at work? To understand this phenomenon, we analyze three South American cases, one in Brazil and two in Ecuador, in which residential tourism is in different stages of development.Resumen: Turismo, desarrollo inmobiliario y descampesinización en América LatinaEl turismo residencial transforma las sociedades y economías rurales. Entre otros cambios, convierte la tierra de vocación agraria en suelo urbanizable, e incorpora en el mercado de tierras a nuevos agentes (inversores inmobiliarios, clientes que adquieren la residencia, etc.). Estos dos factores comportan un incremento del precio del suelo que muchas veces impulsa la crisis de las actividades agrarias tradicionales y estimula la emigración de la población local. El presente texto examina cómo tiene lugar este proceso. ¿Es el simple mecanismo de la oferta y la demanda? ¿O actúan también otros factores económicos y políticos? Para ello, se analizan tres casos sudamericanos, uno en Brasil y dos en Ecuador, en los que el turismo residencial se encuentra en diferentes fases de desarrollo.

The studies that focused on the topic of first-degree agricultural cooperative movement in the Province of Chaco, did it from different perspectives (historical-institutional, economic, geographic, sociological, etc.), with different objectives and sources. Nevertheless, what all these works had in common was that their analysis took into consideration the political and institutional evolution of the Nation-State. Methodologically, this strategy succeeded in considering the first-degree cooperative societies. However, such strategy did not show the internal dynamics of the institutions, nor their evolution in relation to other factors that shaped their evolution.The objective of this paper is to generate a study proposal that begins with the cooperative institutions themselves, based on institutional analysis, which might work as a model for future approaches to this theme. ; Los estudios que abordaron la temática del cooperativismo agrícola de primer grado del Chaco, lo hicieron desde diversas perspectivas (histórica-institucional, económica, geográfica, sociológica, etc.), con diferentes objetivos y fuentes; sin embargo todos los trabajos tuvieron en común que sus análisis lo hicieron teniendo en cuenta la evolución política-institucional del Estado-Nación. Metodológicamente, dicha estrategia sirvió para realizar un recorte de las cooperativas de primer grado, pero que no evidenció las dinámicas internas de las instituciones, ni su evolución institucional ligadas a otros factores que modificaron su devenir.Es objetivo de este escrito, generar una propuesta de estudio que parta desde las propias instituciones cooperativas, a partir del análisis institucional y que sirva de modelo para futuras aproximaciones a la temática.

Los estudios que abordaron la temática del cooperativismo agrícola de primer grado del Chaco, lo hicieron desde diversas perspectivas (histórica-institucional, económica, geográfica, sociológica, etc.), con diferentes objetivos y fuentes; sin embargo todos los trabajos tuvieron en común que sus análisis lo hicieron teniendo en cuenta la evolución política-institucional del Estado-Nación. Metodológicamente, dicha estrategia sirvió para realizar un recorte de las cooperativas de primer grado, pero que no evidenció las dinámicas internas de las instituciones, ni su evolución institucional ligadas a otros factores que modificaron su devenir.Es objetivo de este escrito, generar una propuesta de estudio que parta desde las propias instituciones cooperativas, a partir del análisis institucional y que sirva de modelo para futuras aproximaciones a la temática. ; The studies that focused on the topic of first-degree agricultural cooperative movement in the Province of Chaco, did it from different perspectives (historical-institutional, economic, geographic, sociological, etc.), with different objectives and sources. Nevertheless, what all these works had in common was that their analysis took into consideration the political and institutional evolution of the Nation-State. Methodologically, this strategy succeeded in considering the first-degree cooperative societies. However, such strategy did not show the internal dynamics of the institutions, nor their evolution in relation to other factors that shaped their evolution.The objective of this paper is to generate a study proposal that begins with the cooperative institutions themselves, based on institutional analysis, which might work as a model for future approaches to this theme.

Cameroon proffers a propitious environment for the breeding of interesting linguistic phenomena that attract the curiosity of innumerable researchers. Its rich socio-cultural and linguistic background demonstrate a seemingly harmonious co-existence of two official languages – English and French, a wide spread de facto lingua franca – Pidgin English and a myriad of about 266 Home Languages attest to the complexity inherent here. The co-existence of these languages, like in similar multilingual societies produces language contact situations such as code switching, interference, linguistic borrowing, diglossia, translation, etc., as users interact. This paper assesses language behaviour in such a complex multilingual setting where users adopt varying behavioural patterns leading to the production of interesting linguistic features and patterns worthy of investigation. Following Giles' Accommodation Theory and the descriptive and exploratory approaches, the paper accounts for and paints a vivid picture of the nature of language contact here, the consequences on the different languages and their users. It redefines conflict in relation to the socio-cultural and linguistic realities of this community. Drawing evidence from true-to-life situations, the paper establishes that if contact has to engender conflict, certain socio-cultural, political and linguistic forces related to attitudinal prejudices, unintelligibility, language policies, contextual clues, linguistic hostilities, etc., are likely to be responsible. It concludes with practical remedies like the redefinition of language policies based on the linguistic aspirations of speakers and the reconciliation of linguistic and political independence in order to carefully harness the linguistic resources of this crassly heterogeneous community.

URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/ripp/article/view/1540 ; Este artículo analiza el discurso antiamericano y anti-israelí característico los medios de comunicación y el estamento intelectual árabes, tomando como punto de partida el examen de dos obras recientes de Mahdi Elmandjra. Intenta poner de manifiesto cómo dicho discurso se nutre en buena parte de mitos y falacias. Su arraigo resulta preocupante porque: 1) hace el juego a la estrategia de "choque civilizacional" y "ataque al enemigo lejano" diseñada por Al-Zawahiri y otros ideólogos yihadistas; 2) distrae la atención del público árabe, contribuyendo al eterno aplazamiento de las reformas que aquellas sociedades necesitan (democratización, eficiencia económica, derechos de la mujer, tolerancia religiosa, secularización, educación, etc.). ; This article analyses the anti-American and anti-Israeli discourse so characteristic of the Arab media and academy , instantiated in two recent works of the Moroccan scholar Mahdi Elmandjra. The article attempts to show how this discourse relies largely on myths and fallacies. Its widespread acceptance is worrying because the anti-Western discourse plays along -intentionally or not- with the strategies of the "clash of civilisations" and "strike the distant enemy" designed by Al-Zawahiri and other yihadist ideologues; it does, furthermore, divert the Arab opinion's attention, thus favouring the endless postponement of the reforms that those societies so badly need: democratisation, economic efficiency, women's rights, religious tolerance, secularisation, education etc. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

After referring to the accepted views of totemism, this article outlines the basic differences between the « guilt civilization », represented by Christianity with its linear time, and the « shame civilization », represented by totemism with its mythical time.
The classification system of totemism may not organize its hierarchy with man at the top, but initiation will emphasize man's dual relationship with his ancestors (who are present in the paintings, singing, and dancing, and the final banquet, the ancestor's flesh) and with nature in which he must find his place : through rhythm (the initiated person participates in the time cycle), through dancing (he occupies his place in space), and through ornaments and dancing (he becomes a part of the rhythm and space of nature).
Recalling the importance of the major feasts (pilou, etc.) in these societies who have a display economy rather than a survival one, the A. uses an aesthetic approach to initiation ceremonies to stress the importance of the « double » (in other words, the same). This « double » has the same appearance as the initiated person who with his festive costume (body paintings, ornaments, etc.) becomes « the same », that is, a real man, and through his decorations a creature of beauty. This festive costume and the way it is worn govern the ethics of the totemized person. The A. suggests the neologism « calliontique » (from χαλλος = beautiful, and ών, οντος = creature) to express the particular situation of the totemized person and to help counter the general tendency to limit totemism by associating it exclusively with religious systems.

Terörizmin demokratik toplumlarda mı, yoksa otoriter ya da totaliter hükûmetlerin iktidarda olduğu toplumlarda mı daha fazla imkânlar bulabildiği konusunda görüş farklılıkları vardır. Hâkim görüş demokrasinin terörizm için diğerlerinden daha fazla imkânlar sunduğu yönündedir. Bu halde demokrasiyi dünya üzerinde yaygınlaştırmaya matuf çabaların altında yatan niyetlerden birkaçının ülkedeki toplumsal gruplar arasında çatışmalar oluşturmak, siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik istikrarsızlıklar yaratmak, devletleri/hükûmetleri güçsüzleştirmek vb. olduğu ileri sürülebilir. Nitekim bazı devletlerin hâlihazırda bir yandan demokrasiyi teşvik etmeleri diğer yandan ise terörizme ve terör örgütlerine destekler vermeleri, demokrasinin bu uğurda kullanılabileceğine dair iddiaları bir komplo teorisinin ürünü olmaktan çıkarmaktadır. İnsanın yaşam kalitesinin artırılabilmesi için önemi haiz olan demokrasi, bazı toplumlarda radikal fikirlerin oluşması için uygun zeminler sunabilir. Öyle bir zeminde radikalleşmeyi hızlandırıp aşırıcı davranışları teşvik ederek toplumlarda azınlık durumunda bulunan vatandaşlar ya da diğer gruplar aleyhinde aşırı sağ terörizmin gelişimini de kolaylaştırabilir. Terörizmin bu türü özellikle kültürel çeşitliliğe sahip olan toplumlarda toplumsal bütünleşmenin sağlanabilmesinin önündeki engellerden biridir. Bu nedenle özellikle bu tür toplumlarda demokratik polislik hizmetleri önem kazanmaktadır. Ancak polislik hizmetlerinde görev alacak olan kişilerin ideolojik kimlikleri, polislik hizmetlerini sunan kurumların yerleşik kurumsal kimlikleri, ülkedeki toplumsal gruplar arasında "hâkim" durumda bulunan grupların diğerlerine ilişkin algıları ve tutumları, tüm iyi niyetli çabalara rağmen, terörizmin bu türüyle mücadeleyi zorlaştırabilir. Zorluklarına rağmen demokrasilerde iç güvenlik yönetimleri ve polislik hizmetleri bu türdeki riskleri dikkate alan stratejilerin üretilmesi suretiyle yapılandırılmalıdır. Başka bir ifadeyle özellikle çokkültürlü toplumlarda polislik hizmetleri artık aşırı sağ terörizmle baş edebilecek nitelikte geliştirilmelidir. Çünkü aşırı sağ terörizmle mücadele meselesi hükûmetler için bir meşruiyet meselesi iken, devletler ve toplumları için bir beka meselesi olabilir. ; There are differences of opinion in whether terrorism finds more possibilities in democratic societies, authoritarian or totalitarian societies. The prevailing view is that democracy offers more opportunities for terrorism than others. In this case, it can argue some of the underlying intentions of the efforts to spread democracy around the world are to create conflicts between social groups in the country, to create political, social and economic instability, to weaken states/governments etc. As a matter of fact, the fact that some states are already promoting democracy on the one hand and supporting terrorism and terrorist organizations on the other hand makes the claims that democracy can be used for this purpose from being the product of a conspiracy theory. Democracy, which is important for increasing the quality of life of people, can provide suitable grounds for the formation of radical ideas in some societies. It can also facilitate the development of far-right terrorism against citizens or other groups who are in a minority position in societies by accelerating radicalization and encouraging extremist behavior on such a ground. This type of terrorism is one of the obstacles to social integration, especially in societies with cultural diversity. For this reason, democratic policing services gain importance especially in such societies. However, the ideological identities of the people who will take part in the police services, the established institutional identities of the institutions providing the policing services, the perceptions and attitudes of the groups that are in a "dominant" position among the social groups in state, may complicate the fight against this type of terrorism despite all well-intentioned efforts. Despite their difficulties, internal security administrations and policing services in democracies should be structured by producing strategies that take into account such risks. In other words, policing services, especially in multicultural societies, should be developed in a way that can cope with far-right terrorism. Because of while the issue of the fight against far-right terrorism is a matter of legitimacy for governments, it can be a matter of survival for states and their societies.

AbstractThis article argues that the Christian ambivalence towards the Jews throughout history lies at the heart of the difficulties liberal societies are having today in accommodating religious diversity, but also more broadly, in discussing issues pertaining to religion and secularity in a nuanced way. After a brief summary of the characteristics of Christian supersessionism, the article first explores the modern concept of religion as a product of Protestant Christianity and thus as a category that inherently privileges a Christian perspective. Although the specific associations to Christians versus Jews have become less pronounced, the inherited dichotomies (archaic/enlightened, material/spiritual, particular/universal, etc.) live on and continue to shape attitudes towards what is perceived as more and less desirable forms of religion in contemporary Western societies – as mirrored in the widespread political rhetoric claiming that Islam is not 'compatible' with Western culture. However, to understand the full dimensions of the mechanisms guiding the public discourse on religion post-9/11, it is important also to recognize the extent to which not only the modern concept of religion but also of secularity is based on a supersessionary logic. Hence the second part of the article explores how the religious and the secular today jointly serve to uphold a hierarchical cultural order, where certain practices and values gain the upper hand by being associated with terms such as 'rational', 'progressive' or 'Human Rights', while other practices and values are framed as incompatible with these terms.

Abstract Researchers interested in expanding our understanding about individuals, who are silenced by majority societies or those who willingly position themselves close to condemned standpoints, need to also think about ways of approaching and encouraging potential research participants. The current paper frames that need as an act of curiosity and an ethical responsibility. With that framing in hand, the paper explains the process of overcoming difficulties related to recruiting radicalized subpopulations of youngsters (154 self-identified Muslim youth with migration backgrounds and 153 native youth who support movements labeled as far right) in a transnational qualitative research conducted in four different countries (Germany, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands) in 2020–2022. Because both groups are subject to the labels imposed on them by the majority societies (e.g., Muslim, Salafi, conservative, fascist, right wing, etc.), the researchers felt the need to be flexible in the ways they address and approach each participant. In the field, the purposeful efforts of recruitment wording for each individual appeared very useful in encouraging this by nature skeptical group of people. The current paper documents the development of this flexible strategy, which I hope will be useful to many qualitative researchers to facilitate their data collection efforts to identify and reach youth that is on the path of radicalization. We would like to encourage academics to stay curious about these two subpopulations of youth and other marginalized, singled out, and stigmatized groups, and consider interviewing as many individuals as possible in order to discover the radicals .

In the face of current events in the global community, Africa cannot afford to lag-behind in pursuing a meaningful sustainable development in all strata. The current crisis of relevance of the African societies in the comity of nations is traceable to the obvious poverty, under development, irresponsive and irresponsible governance, illegitimate political administrations, prolonged military administrations, martial social and economic systems, repressive policies, and etc. This paper employed qualitative method of research dwelling on the use of secondary data, analyzed through the method of content and descriptive analysis. From the secondary data gathered and analyzed, it was discovered that the dilemma of the African societies is the absence of public spirited leadership which these writers preferred to refer to as Ethical Political Leadership. A society either rises or falls depending on the kind of leadership within its system. This paper therefore concluded that Africa needs this style of leadership that is first and foremost people-oriented. The absence of this has been the bane of any meaningful development in Africa. If we must develop and transverse this level of living at the mercy of the international organizations and almost absolute reliance on development assistance, African political leaders must rise to the responsibility of engendering a social system that will reduce corruption in both public and private spheres, and must also get involved in outright formulation and implementation of policies that will enhance the self-realization of the African citizens. Above all, this paper recommends the need for moral education in Africa. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n6p481