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Professionalized movement organizations today rely on outside expertise in fundraising, recruitment, lobbying, management, and public messaging. We argue that the risks that accompany that development have less to do with experts' mixed loyalties to the movement than with the tendency of expert discourse to remake political problems into technical ones, thereby obscuring the dilemmatic choices movement groups must make. We focus on expert discourse around personal storytelling, a strategy that has become popular for raising funds, advocating for policy, and building public support. Our interviews with activists and consultants and content analysis of stories they rated as successful point to an expert discourse that emphatically rejects "victim" storytelling. Instead, activists are instructed to tell stories of hope and resilience, avoid referring to the graphic details of abuse, and only hint at their emotional pain. Experts justify these strategies as the best way to avoid exploiting storytellers, and only coincidentally as also appealing to audiences. However, we argue that, rather than superseding the tension between empowering movement participants and persuading those outside the movement, storytelling as currently practiced has reproduced that tension.

Social innovations and changes in educational systems are the cornerstones for success of emerging countries. Current developments in Brazil and heterogeneity of society make the country a perfect candidate to investigate these topics. Drawing on historical analysis and content analysis, the author builds a model that recognizes patterns of social change. This model enables to analyze social change through the interaction of radical changes, innovations, social movements, and reforms. This model is applied to two periods in Brazil, where social movements, like the revolution in the 1930s and the military coup in the 1960s, triggered a series of social changes. The findings of this study suggest that social change is a cyclical process where social innovations and educational change are involved. These findings have significant implications for our understanding of current changes in the Brazilian society and provide a key instrument for analyzing social change in other societies.

Deliberative democrats are committed both to inclusion & to barring coercion in public discourse. Their commitment to democratic inclusion should make them sympathetic to the challenges faced by social movements. An adequate sociology of contentious public discourse, however, shows that social movements must often act coercively in order to be included. For example, they must often alter the terrain of conflict, create a crisis, pressure interlocutors to argue consistently, or compel other parties to enter social arenas of contention that they have avoided. Democratic theorists who are committed to inclusion should approve of such coercion. Under the actual circumstances movements face, there is a tension between non-coercion & democratic inclusion. This tension demonstrates the need for a democratic standard & a mode of democratic social analysis beyond those that deliberative theory offers. Adapted from the source document.

The article employs anthropological ritual theory and the concepts of symbolism and liminality to provide a theoretical framework for analyzing ethnographic insights into the academic peace research community in Germany. Using secondary sources for a broader historical outline, I analyze the evolution of peace research discourses in Germany from the beginnings as a new social movement to a contemporary professionalized policy space in which knowledge discourses are (re)produced. Academic conferences and the routines around presenting theoretical papers have become institutionalized by the ritual dynamics of a small group of organizers and venues, fostering "indoor rituals" that represent transformations of the activities of the "outdoor" peace movement that was active in postwar Germany for many decades.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Notes on contributors -- 1 Analyzing social movements, nonviolent resistance, and the state -- PART I Nonviolence and social movements: elaborations -- 2 Performative power in nonviolent tactical adaptation to violence: evidence from US civil rights movement campaigns -- 3 Asserting land rights: rural land struggles in India and Brazil -- 4 Defections or disobedience? Assessing the consequences of security force collaboration or disengagement in nonviolent movements -- 5 Protest waves and authoritarian regimes: repression and protest outcomes -- 6 Bound by the red lines? The perils and promises of moderate mobilization under authoritarianism -- PART II Nonviolence and social movements: engagements -- 7 How the effectiveness of nonviolent action is the wrong question for activists, academics, and everyone else -- 8 Three common objections to the study of nonviolent resistance -- 9 The missing unarmed revolution: why civil resistance did not work in Bahrain -- 10 Nonviolent civil resistance: beyond violence and nonviolence in the age of street rebellion -- 11 Authoritarianism, nonviolent resistance, and Egypt's Kefaya movement -- Index

AbstractA worldwide resurgence of local ethnic or religious identities has led to numerous conflicts locally, and also globally, since the end of the Cold War. This trend is exemplified by Indonesia, where political liberalisation after 32 years of authoritarian rule have allowed local identities and political aspirations to be expressed more freely and in new ways. In this paper, I look at new social movements that are demanding regional autonomy, more local control of local resources and greater recognition for traditional institutions. Such movements shed light on the challenges faced by the multi-ethnic nation of Indonesia today and, more generally, on shifting local identities in developing nations in a globalising world. An example of regional cultural revival movements in Indonesia is the Ajeg Bali Movement. This movement stems from a growing sense of disenfranchisement and desire for self-empowerment among Hindu Balinese. Contributing factors are political liberalisation and decentralisation, the 'touristification' of local culture, increasing dependence on the global economy, the threat of terrorism after the Bali bomb, the influx of Muslim labour migrants and fears of an Islamisation of the Indonesian state.