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International audience ; This article highlights the many dimensions of the threat that exists nowadays in Lebanon regarding the impact of the Syrian uprising turning into a civil war. To do so, I will firstly focus on the issue of Syrian refugee in Lebanon. Recalling the Syrian-Lebanese complex relationship, the article delves in the collective memory of the Palestinian issue in Lebanon that pops up again as thousands of them are fleeing Syria to seek refuge in Palestinian camps. In the second part, the article addresses the related question of Sunnis/Shiites tensions that have become a significant factor in the Syrian civil war and that have been imported into Lebanon by major political parties and entrepreneurs of violence.

International audience ; This article highlights the many dimensions of the threat that exists nowadays in Lebanon regarding the impact of the Syrian uprising turning into a civil war. To do so, I will firstly focus on the issue of Syrian refugee in Lebanon. Recalling the Syrian-Lebanese complex relationship, the article delves in the collective memory of the Palestinian issue in Lebanon that pops up again as thousands of them are fleeing Syria to seek refuge in Palestinian camps. In the second part, the article addresses the related question of Sunnis/Shiites tensions that have become a significant factor in the Syrian civil war and that have been imported into Lebanon by major political parties and entrepreneurs of violence.

Personalist autocracy is on the rise globally. Dictators' increasing tendency to concentrate power in their own hands has major implications for the political stability of autocracies. However, the exact nature of this impact is unclear. On the one hand, regime personalization has been linked to a reduction in the likelihood of coups. On the other hand, personalization has also been linked to an increase in the likelihood of civil war. This article reconciles these findings and argues that personalization involves a trade-off between different kinds of threats against a dictator. By increasing the degree of personalization, dictators reduce their vulnerability to insider challenges while at the same time increasing their vulnerability to outsider challenges. These expectations are corroborated by a time-series cross-sectional analysis of a global sample of autocratic regimes. The findings help shed light on recent instances of longstanding autocrats being overthrown during episodes of mass mobilization.

1. Introduction -- Section 1 Gender identities and sexualities -- 2. Loving Daughters, Devoted Sons and Kissing Protestors Online: Navigating Intimacy and Multiple Aspects of the Self among Young Facebook Users in Egypt -- 3. Making Visible the Unseen Queer: Gay Dating Apps and Ideologies of Truthmaking in an Outing Campaign in Morocco -- 4. Queer Resistance and Activism in Upon the Shadow -- 5. Saudi Women in the Mohammed bin Salman Era: Examining the Paradigm Shift -- Section 2: Gender and Activism -- 6. Mothering the protest: Gender performativity as a communication mechanism in the Iraqi protest movement -- 7. Iraq's October Revolution: Between Structures of Patriarchy and Emotion -- 8. Blogging in the pre-war Syria. Female Voices from within and Authoritarian regime and patriarchal society -- 9. Syrian women in the digital sphere -- 10. Following in Gezi's steps: Women's activism after the Gezi protests -- 11. Egypt's #Metoo in the Shadow of Revolution: Digital Activism and the Demobilization of the Sexual Harassment Movement -- Section 3: The Gender of Politics -- 12. Women and Politics in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Role of Women's Magazines -- 13. Oman's women and in the media navigating political and social powers: Females' Election campaigns versus traditional media -- 14. The Intersection of Politics, Gender, and Media: Female Politicians in Popular Israeli Women's Magazines -- 15. Seizing the Opportunity: Political Participation of Libyan Women and their Partaking in Communication Platforms.-16. Facebook's Role in Empowering Egyptian Women During COVID-19: Case of the 2020 Parliamentary Elections -- Section 4: Gender-Based Violence -- 17. Digital Intimacy and Violence in Contemporary Libya -- 18. Palestinian women's digital activism against gender-based violence: Navigating transnational and social media spaces -- 19. Uncovering Narratives; the effects of Algerian media and legal system on domestic violence survivors -- 20. Egyptian Women's Cyberactivism: The ongoing battle against sexual harassment & gender-based violence -- 21. "Don't touch me": Sexual harassments, digital threats, and social resistance toward Kuwaiti female journalists -- 22. Gender in Yemeni media: Hostility and marginalization in a fractured media -- Section 5: The Gender of Expressive Cultures -- 23. Redefining the Archive: Birdsong, Tied Circles, and Woman-Space in Dunya Mikhail's In Her Feminine Sign -- 24. Feminism ruptured, or feminism repaired? Music, feminisms, and gender politics in Palestinian subcultures -- 25. Moroccan Hip Hop Queens: A (Her)Story of Rap Music in Morocco -- 26. Women artists and contemporary art in the Maghreb: insights from the works of Aicha Filali, Sana Tamzini, and Khadija Tnana -- 27. Laughable resistance? The role of humor in Middle Eastern women's social media empowerment -- 28. Egyptian Women's Graffiti and the Construction of Future Imaginaries -- Section 6: Gender and Entrepreneurship -- 29. ICTs Impact on Female Entrepreneurs in Lebanon and UAE -- 30. Gender and ICT entrepreneurship in Jordan and Kuwait -- 31. Disruptive Social Entrepreneurship from Bahrain: The Case of Esra'a Al Shafei. .

Violence between Hindus and Muslims is a structural given of Indian society. One finds its traces very early in the country's history, a fact that can drive the analyst to explain the phenomenon by referring to the incompatibility of Hindu and Muslim cultures. However, those historians interested in the phenomenon have always emphasized the economic dimension of the rivalry between Hindus and Muslims, which springs from territorial conflicts or commercial competition. Among sociologists and political scientists, this approach has found favour with many authors more or less inclined to Marxist categories. The interpretation of violence between Hindus and Muslims that I have suggested during the last wave of riots between 1989 and 1992 is very different. This interpretation values the role of politics in two complementary aspects, the ethno-religious ideology and the exploitation of communal issues by political parties. Indeed, research on communal riots in India after 1947 suggests that these riots largely originate from a distorted idea – ideology – of the Other; the Hindu though representing an overwhelming majority, often perceive of the Muslims as a 'fifth column' threatening them from within Indian society. And the Hindu nationalist parties, which have codified this ideological pattern, employ it for electoral means in the course of campaigns laying the ground for the outbreak of violence. These parties have, in fact, learned to mobilise Hindus against Muslims on the basis of real or presumed 'sacred' issues since the emergence of electoral politics in colonial times. Their goal is to provoke such kinds of riots in order to polarise the electorate along the religious cleavage more effectively. This explanatory model of Hindu-Muslim riots has to be verified again in the light of the Gujarat riots of 2002. Moreover, these riots also commit us to reconfirm the role of the Hindu nationalist party. The latter has to be weighted even more heavily due to the events in Gujarat, for the party held political power in that State. This state of things explains the rather exceptional intensity of the Gujarat riots. Because, this time, communal violence was not so much a reflection of the common logic of communal riots in India, but rather the result of an organised pogrom with the approval of the State acting not only with the electoral agenda in mind, but also in view of a veritable ethnic cleansing. Beyond that, the intensity of the riots has also demonstrated that this kind of violence has triggered a feedback in society even among groups so far less inclined to ethnic nationalism like, for example, the tribals. But there is an effect of yet another political strategy at work, which reminds us of the ideological core of our explanatory model: the more and more thorough diffusion of Hindutva in reaction to a fear of Jihad.

La lesbofobia es un fenómeno de violencia contra lesbianas que cuenta con escasa información, sistematización y conocimientos científicos que permitan dar cuenta del problema, y por tanto, ofrecer datos relevantes para tomar acciones a nivel social y político. Este artículo ofrece un acercamiento al problema, rescatando las experiencias de lesbianas artistas y activistas que reconocen la lesbofobia como una parte importante de sus vidas, en cuanto la dificulta y muchas veces daña.A partir de los relatos de lesbianas, se ha podido organizar un cuerpo de conocimientos que permiten identificar que existen diversos tipos de violencia, que atentan contra la existencia misma de las lesbianas. Es así que se identificaron 7 tipos de violencia: golpes, expulsión, estigmatización, misoginia, censura y silencio, violencia económica y empobrecimiento, promoción de culpa y presión. Estas violencias se darían al menos en 4 escenarios: familia, escuela, iglesia y calle. Y en cuanto a los gatillantes de la violencia, estas observan que la salida del silencio, especialmente dentro de la familia; y la estética visiblemente camiona o fuera de la feminidad, desencadena prácticas violentas por parte del resto. Esta descripción de la violencia, ha permitido organizarla además en 3 formas de lesbofobia: explícita, encubierta e internalizada.Para realizar la reflexión sobre este fenómeno de estudio, se han tomado conceptos feministas que otorgan un campo de análisis teórico para la comprensión. Sobre todo, porque se trata de un problema que afecta a mujeres lesbianas, que viven una doble condición de discriminación, y cuando se trata de mujeres racializadas, una triple condición de discriminación y riesgo de violencia. Por ello, resulta necesaria la organización del pensamiento y experiencia lesbiana, para que se puedan tomar medidas y acciones en favor de la vida de estas. ; Lesbophobia is a violence phenomenon against lesbians that has little information, systematization and scientific knowledge that allows to account for the problem, and in this way, offer relevant information to take actions at the social and political level. This article offers an approach to the problem, taking into account the experiences of lesbian artists and activists who recognize lesbophobia as an important part of their lives, since this both damages and makes their lives difficult .From the stories of lesbians, it has been possible to organize a body of knowledge that allows us to identify that there are several types of violence, which threaten the very existence of lesbians. In consequence, 7 types of violence were identified: bumps, expulsion, stigmatization, misogyny, censorship and silence, economic violence and impoverishment, promotion of guilt and pressure. These types of violence occur in at least 4 settings: family, school, church and street. And as for the triggers of violence, they observe that the exit from silence, especially within the family; and the aesthetics ,visibly out of femininity, triggers violent practices from people. This description of violence has also allowed to divide it into 3 forms of lesbophobia: explicit, covert and internalized. To make the reflection on this phenomenon, feminist concepts have been taken that provide a field of theoretical analysis for understanding. Above all, because this is about a problem that affects lesbian women, who experience a double condition of discrimination, and when it comes to women belonging to an ethnic group, a triple condition of discrimination and risk of violence. For this reason, the organization of lesbian thought and lesbian experience is necessary, so that measures and actions can be taken in favor of their lives.

This collection analyses the approach taken by the current government of Ethiopia to deal with the massive human rights violations that took place from 1974 to 1991 under the Derg. The unique approach of this book is the multi-disciplinary framework that goes beyond a mere juridical analysis of the conduct of the Red Terror trials to understand the trials' broader social and political impact. It is the first comprehensive analysis of the trials, filling a glaring void in studies on Ethiopia and transitional justice. How was an autocratic emperor replaced by a totalitarian dictator? An unexpected popular upsurge in February 1974 made the ancien regime of Emperor Haile Selassie buckle. The Derg, a group of army officers led by an obscure and ruthless major Mengistu Hailemariam, seized power by military coup in September 1974 and removed the Emperor. What was the 'red terror'? The callous executions of members of the old regime initiated a cult of violence. The Derg were united by the shedding of blood. Search and destroy campaigns against militants led on to the full-blown 'red terror' in which thousands of the regime's opponents were brutally murdered in the streets. In what way was 'transitional justice' administered? The main officials were found guilty of genocide and crimes against humanity by the Ethiopian Federal High Court and sentenced to life imprisonment. Some of the minor officials had already been sentenced to death, whilst President Mugabe has given Mengistu Hailemariam sanctuary in Zimbabwe. KJETIL TRONVOLL is Professor in Human Rights, Peace and Conflict Studies at the Norwegian Centre for Human Rights, University of Oslo; CHARLES SCHAEFER is Associate Professor of African History, Valparaiso University; GIRMACHEW ALEMU ANEME is a Research Fellow at the Norwegian Centre for Human Rights, University of Oslo

This book analyzes the militant struggle of black workers against the despotism and racism of white power in the workplace, and of their participation in the broader political struggle against apartheid; the triumphant democratic breakthrough which culminated in the election of an ANC government in 1994; and the workers' strategy for reconstruction in the workplace and in local politics. Von Holdt explores the chaos and ungovernability in workplace and community as activists endeavored to disrupt the order of apartheid, as well as the outlines of a new order that emerged from this turbulence. Simultaneously, it examines the divisions and contestation within the union - between political activists and shop stewards, between migrant outsiders and urban locals - that erupted in open conflict and violence between workers. The struggle against white power was simultaneously a struggle to build trade union organization in a continuous process of forging and re-forging the meaning and "law" of the union. This book shows how trade union collective identity in the 1980s consisted of a complex amalgam of popular, class and workplace identities, many of which were forged beyond the workplace.

Between 2020 and 2021, the fight against the hate crimes bill proposal on discrimination and violence based on sex, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability marked a pivotal moment in the ongoing mobilization against LGBTQ+ rights in Italy. Proposed by the main center-left party, the Bill proposal encountered a strong opposition both by right-wing and by MPs of the progressive area itself. In particular, the category of gender identity was targeted as a danger, a confused notion, a trojan horse of the "gender ideology", etc. The Bill first adopted by the Lower House was later blocked at the Senate, thanks to the decisive action of Senator Simone Pillon, a founder and member of the Italian anti-gender movement, elected in 2018 with the radical right party of the League, led by Matteo Salvini. Anti-gender groups such as ProVita & Famiglia and Family Day, who had been campaigning against "gender theory" and "LGBT ideology" for over a decade, led this battle from outside the Parliament, online and in the streets, but also inside the Senate, during the parliamentary auditions to which they were massively invited to participate.

Advocates of wartime international criminal tribunals (ICTs) hope that such tribunals can deter combatant atrocities against civilians. Yet, more than twenty-five years after the establishment of the first wartime ICT—the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)—wartime ICTs' role in deterring such violence remains a matter of debate. Insights from criminology, as well as research on civil conflicts and international legal compliance, suggest that ICTs are most likely to deter government and rebel forces from committing atrocities against civilians when all three of the following conditions are present: (1) ICT officials have secured sufficient prosecutorial support, (2) combatant groups rely on support from liberal constituencies, and (3) combatant groups have centralized structures. Case studies of the ICTY's impact on fourteen combatant groups from the Yugoslav conflicts—combined with hundreds of field interviews with war veterans and others—confirm this prediction. The ICTY's record thus sheds important light on how and when contemporary wartime ICTs—including the International Criminal Court—might succeed in deterring combatant atrocities against civilians.

Resumen: El marco internacional de los Derechos Humanos establece tres obligaciones principales de los Estados, en la lucha contra la Trata de mujeres y niñas: "la prevención; la investigación y, enjuiciamiento". España con el "Pacto de Estado en Violencia de Género", pretende la implementación legislativa de políticas públicas protectoras de las víctimas, así como la lucha contra la criminalidad, a través de organismos y estamentos inmersos en posibilitar la coordinación para dar la más eficaz respuesta contra la criminalidad organizada ante el reto de la globalización, e implementar los Derechos Humanos de las víctimas. Abstract: The international human rights framework establishes three main obligations of States, in the fight against the trafficking of women and girls: "prevention, investigation, prosecution".Spain with the" State Pact on Gender Violence", aims to legislative implementation of public policies to protect victims, as well as the fight against crime, through bodies and institutions immersed in enabling coordination to provide the most effective response against organized crime in the face of the challenge of globalization and implement human rights of the victims.

War crimes and genocide are as old as history itself. So are regulations and laws that protect individuals during time of war, whether they be combatants or civilians. The Chinese philosopher Sun Tzu wrote in the fifth century BCE that it was important to treat "captured soldiers well in order to nurture them [for our use]. This is referred to as 'conquering the enemy and growing stronger.'" Yet several centuries later, Qin Shi Huangdi, China's first emperor, committed horrible atrocities during his military campaigns to unite China. Eric Yong-Joon Lee adds that it should be remembered that the Qin emperor also created that country's "first managed international legal order." But, according to Robert Cryer, it was the West, not Asia, that created the world's first "international criminal law regime." This "regime," R. P. Anand argues, was, in many ways, a form of"Victor's Justice" or "ruler's law," since it was forced on Asia and Africa by the West in the nineteenth century.