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Ethnographic data are drawn on to examine Puerto Rican social movement organizing in three New York City neighborhoods, 1960s-1990s, including nationalist housing, & acquired immune deficiency syndrome activist movements. It is argued that mobilizing frames & trajectories of these neighborhood movements were determined by differences in the local political opportunity structure, particularly by the (1) distribution of political power among competing ethnic groups, (2) opportunity to form political coalitions, & (3) divergent trajectories & frames of previous movements. These frames shaped the way organizers responded to new issues & influenced activists' selection of targets, alliance partners, tactics, & discourse. 3 Tables, 70 References. Adapted from the source document.

Background: There is a situation when people are discussing topics that are considered sensitive which labeled vulgar or inconsiderate such as death, religion, sex, racial issues, or politics, the use of euphemism is very useful. By using the euphemism, it can turn unmentionable words into mentionable and less offensive. Turning the unmentionable or bad words into mentionable or good words that make euphemism give rise to semantic change through changing the sense of words.Purpose: The aim of this research is to find the types of euphemism in The Washington Times online political articles.Design and methods: This research applied a descriptive qualitative method, while the data were collected by close reading and observing the words, phrases, or clauses that contain the euphemism types in The Washington Times online political articles. This research applies the theory of Allan and Burridge for euphemism typesResults: As the results of representative data, the types of euphemism found in the articles are 3 metaphors, 1 remodeling, 9 circumlocutions, 1 abbreviation, 2 one-for-one substitutions, and 1 hyperbole. All of the euphemism types in this research are often used as substitute expressions in order to have a positive connotation and to save the readers from unpleasant topics or issues.

The rapid development of genetic research, determined, among others, by the requirements of The Human Genome Project, and a gradual reorientation in the perception of the role of nature and culture in the process of shaping complex networks of human relations by some political scientists, result in the increasing application of genetic data and methods in research regarding political behaviours. One of the key philosophical objections against the studies of the genetic foundations of political behaviours is that of excessive reductionism. This is supposed to manifest itself in the inadequate selection of the level of analysis for the explained phenomenon, the incompleteness of explanations and their low utility. My findings show that this objection is not sufficiently supported by contemporary science. Both studies using classical behavioural genetic methodologies and studies using DNA-based methods show that genes most likely play a role in political behaviours. Emphasising the significance of genetic influences in the midst of multiple extra-genetic interactions generates highly idealised explanations. Using the conceptual apparatus of the deformational concept of culture, I have demonstrated that the omission of a number of important extra-genetic influences by researchers is a consequence of focusing on specific causal patterns. This omission, however, does not entail negating the influence of non-genetic factors and, importantly, it may not have to be permanent. Following this approach, if correct, the reductionism of research into the genetic foundations of political behaviours is a standard cognitive procedure applied in science.

This article aims to investigate the way in which a political theory of justice should respond to the endorsement of pluralism. After offering reasons in support of the necessity for such a theory to take pluralism seriously, an argument is put forward for its characterization in minimal and procedural terms. However, taking issue with the straightforward relationship of implication identified by a number of scholars between pluralism and procedural justice, this article contends that a direct relation can only be established between pluralism and the need to define a minimal theory of justice, i.e. a theory that assumes as little as possible in terms of values and views of the world. Its procedural formulation is seen, instead, as a consequence of the limited predictive power of theory facing the heterogeneous situations with which it is expected to deal.

This study identifies the types of political participation engaged in by MSW students (n=214). A self-report survey administered to MSW students at a Northeastern university indicates limited political involvement. MSW students participate in political activities not requiring significant time, energy, or resources. Furthermore, on the scale and its two subscales, micro-oriented students had less political participation than macro-oriented students. This study suggests firstyear social work students may lack the tools to engage in the political process effectively. Schools of social work should include political participation education in both micro and macro foundation courses and field placements

The educated have figured prominently in protests and elections in several Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries. The dominant explanation for this pattern centers on grievances and unfulfilled aspirations due to low education returns in the MENA. However, the pattern may simply reflect the unequal participation observed in many democracies where education provides skills and resources that facilitate political participation. This article compares the roles of skills and grievances in explaining the relationship between education and youth political participation during and after the Arab Spring. We use youth surveys with detailed data on education and political participation from Egypt and Tunisia. We control for parental education and family background to partially account for the potential of background to drive the education and participation relationship. Overall, our results are consistent with the skill channel and lend little support to the grievance channel. Our findings raise concerns about the exclusion of uneducated youth from both unconventional and conventional political participation in MENA politics.

"This interdisciplinary volume brings together a richly substantive collection of case studies that examine European-indigene interactions, economic relations, and their materialities in the formation of the modern world. Research has well demonstrated the extent and complexity of the varied local economic and political systems, and diverse social formations that pre-dated European contact. These preexisting systems articulated with the expanding European economy and, in doing so, shaped its emergence. Moving beyond the confines of national or Atlantic histories to examine regional systems and their historical trajectories on a global scale, the studies within this volume draw examples from the Caribbean, Mesoamerica, North America, South America, Africa, and South Asia. While the contributions are rooted in substantive studies from different world areas, their overarching aim is to negotiate between global and local frames, revealing how the expanding world-system entangled the non-Western world in global economies, yet did so in ways that were locally articulated, varied and, often, non-European in their expression."

The paper offers a critique of distinctively academic understanding of penal politics, which may be designated as "principlism". Hereto, the irreducible political nature of the discourse of penal politics is asserted, the neglecting of which is very clearly illustrated by the postulation of a so called "subsidiarity principle", upon which the characterization of penal intervention as ultima ratio is usually grounded. The paper closes with a sketch of some implications of the repoliticization of the discourse of penal politics in terms of radical democracy. ; El artículo somete a crítica una determinada comprensión, distintivamente académica, de la política criminal, que admite ser designada como «principialismo». Para ello se reivindica el carácter irreductiblemente político del discurso político-criminal, cuyo desconocimiento queda ejemplificado en la problemática postulación del así llamado «principio de subsidiariedad», que usualmente sirve de base para la caracterización de la intervención jurídico-penal como ultima ratio. El trabajo se cierra con el esbozo de algunas implicaciones de la repolitización, en clave de democracia radical, del discurso político-criminal.

"Since the Cold War, debate in the West over the future of the international order has fixated upon the discourse of moral liberalism. Moral liberals envision a liberal democratic world order, focus on the individual, and invoke the need to secure universal human rights—derived variously from naturalistic, consensus, and functional theories, and construed generally to mean claims to human security (i.e., freedom from fear and want)—as justification for interventionist responses, and to claim moral high ground (i.e., "just war") in the international arena. During the 1990s and 2000s, two positions within this discourse—the cosmopolitan and the hegemonic—bifurcated the vast majority of Western statesmen, policymakers, and informed citizens participating in public political discussion. While both cosmopolitan and hegemonic moral liberals intend to advance the type of humanitarian internationalism described above, they differ in the means they propose and the concretized institutional ends they seek. The schism staged a "choice" for denizens of the West to resolve."--from page 58

This paper reports results on the progress of a government program designed to alleviate poverty in an indigenous community of Oxaca, Mexico. Named Desarrollo Humano Oportunidades, it was designed as a pilot for the entire country. Based on qualitative research results, the paper reports how the program has met challenges and complexities at the local level. These issues may also be present when the program is expanded into other areas. One example can be seen in the secondary objective "empowerment of women", which has proven a challenge due to the inexperience of many of the women in this community in dealing with political issues and situations. First, the paper offers a brief description of Oportunidades' operation. Second, it explains the corporate government system (Usos y Costumbres) of an Oaxacan indigenous community and the local actors involved in Oportunidades. Then, it considers the impacts of policy in terms of the relationship between Oportunidades' actors and the Usos y Costumbres government officials. Finally, it offers some general guidelines to improve the operation of the program in indigenous communities.

International audience ; Cahokia was the most ambitious program of monumental construction and is to day the largest archaeological site north o f Native Mesoamerica. It is situated centrally in the Mississippi Valley drainage, in what is now East St. Louis, Illinois. The site is do inated by Monks Mound, an earthen structure of several tiers. Its 615,000 cubic meters of fill rank it behind only the pyramid of Cholula and the Pyramid of the Sun a t Teotihuacdn as the largest structures in prehistoric North America. Monks Mound sat among 120 mounds, which originally comprised much of the public architecture of the site. The central precinct of Cahokia was conceived and built to create an impressive public space. Monks Mound is flanked by plazas on all four sides with the largest-the 19-hectare « Grand Plaza »-extending outward from Monks Mound's southern ramp. The Grand Plaza formed the focus of public life, elite activity, ritual, and the political organization of both town and countryside.

The Arctic region contains large amounts of natural resources considered necessary to sustain global economic growth, so it is unsurprising that it is increasingly susceptible to political, economic, environmental, and even military conflicts. This book looks in detail at the preconditions and outlook for international cooperation on the development of Arctic petroleum resources, focusing on Norwegian–Russian cooperation in the Barents Sea towards 2025. The authors provide a cross-disciplinary approach including geopolitical, institutional, technological, corporate and environmental perspectives to analyse the underlying factors that shape the future development of the region. Three future scenarios are developed, exploring various levels of cooperation and development influenced by and resulting from potential political, commercial and environmental circumstances. Through these scenarios, the book improves understanding of the challenges and opportunities for Arctic petroleum resource development and promotes further consideration of the possible outcomes of future cooperation. The book should be of interest to students, scholars and policy-makers working in the areas of Arctic studies, oil and gas studies, energy security, global environmental governance, environmental politics and environmental technology. Chapter 1 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 3.0 license. https://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/tandfbis/rt-files/docs/Open+Access+Chapters/9781138783263_oachapter1.pdf Chapter 2 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 3.0 license. https://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/tandfbis/rt-files/docs/Open+Access+Chapters/9781138783263_oachapter2.pdf Chapter 6 of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 3.0 license. https://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/tandfbis/rt-files/docs/Open+Access+Chapters/9781138783263_oachapter6.pdf