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This article considers the gap between the universal promise of human rights and the reality of the rights enjoyed by irregular immigrants in liberal democracies such as Australia and the United States. Against the idea that stronger international rights enforcement mechanisms will automatically improve the position of irregular immigrants, it argues that international law currently provides a warrant for the way in which countries like Australia and the United States treat irregular immigrants. After developing this argument, the article explores how irregular immigrants might employ the language of rights more effectively in their political mobilizations

When in 1929 King Alexander I Karadjordjević dissolved the parliament and abolished the constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, it was only the final act in a long lasting political drama which had started back in 1918. The country got a new name - the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and it was divided into new regional units which replaced the former historical provinces. These regions became a nucleus of a new national paradigm with huge ideological loading. Architecture played major part in this new regionalist imagination of Yugoslav identity, expressing a visual language of a newly reconceptualised nation.

Die Verfasserin gibt einleitend einen Überblick über die Thematisierung von politischer Sozialisation und kollektiver Identität in der amerikanischen Bewegungsforschung. Vor dem Hintergrund von Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von Frauenbewegung und Gewerkschaften legt sie im Folgenden Ergebnisse einer Fallstudie der Coalition of Labor Union Women (CLUW) vor, einer Organisation, die sich um eine Verbindung zwischen Frauen- und Gewerkschaftsbewegung bemüht. Auf der Basis lebensgeschichtlicher Interviews wird eine Mitgliedertypologie der CLUW entwickelt, die das breite Spektrum von in politischen Sozialisationsprozessen über den Lebenslauf hinweg ausgebildeten Arbeiterinnenfeminismen sichtbar macht. Die (1) Gründermütter betonen ihre Gewerkschaftsidentität, während für die (2) rebellischen Töchter die feministische Kritik an den Gewerkschaften und die Thematisierung von Rasse und Klasse in der Frauenbewegung zentrale Themen sind. Den (3) political animals geht es in erster Linie um die Lösung konkreter Probleme, während die (4) kämpfenden Opfer ihr Engagement aus den eigenen Diskriminierungserfahrungen heraus entwickeln. Die kollektive Identität der CLUW bildet sich aus der Interaktion zwischen diesen Mitgliedertypen heraus. (ICE2)

One of the most common themes in the literature on political development is the assumption of an elite—mass gap based on differing educational, occupational, income and social class backgrounds. The saliency of such differences are presumed to be more important in developing than developed nations because of an overlay of Westernization to be found in the elite sectors and a strong traditional orientation among the masses, particularly the rural masses. Urban dwellers are often thought of as residing in a transitional limbo between the old and the new, between a disintegrating traditional self-identity and an emerging modern one.

This paper (1) summarizes an investigation into the political and financial factors which inhibited the ready application of computers to individual academic libraries during the period 1967-71, and (2) presents the author's speculations on the future of libraries in a computer dominant society. Technical aspects of system design were specifically excluded from the investigation. Twenty-four institutions were visited and approximately 100 persons interviewed. Substantial future change is envisaged in both the structure and function of the library, if the emerging trend of coalescing libraries and computerized "information processing centers" continues.

Diaspora Literature has played an important role in modern Tamil literature. It involves an idea of homeland, a place from where the displacement occurs and narratives of harsh journeys undertaken on account of economic compulsions. Basically, Diaspora is a minority community living in exile. On a global scale, Life of immigrants is largely fraught with problems and challenges. They have to face various difficulties in the countries where they emigrated. Their presence is precariously located in the face of racism. They have lost their own culture and language. Their existence is set among political problems. This article aims to record the Cultural loss, Political and Racical problems of Tamil Diaspora, through the Fictions of Matale Somu who is an International Tamil Diaspora writer living in Australia. He wrote Twenty-five books including five novels, five Short stories books, three Novellas and Research books. This article includes the definition of Diaspora and Culture. And Cultural loss, Political and Race Issues of Tamil Diaspora also discussed in this text.

This article outlines a new approach to answering the foundational question in democratic theory of how the boundaries of democratic political units should be delineated. Whereas democratic theorists have mostly focused on identifying the appropriate population-group – or demos – for democratic decisionmaking, it is argued here that we should also take account of considerations relating to the appropriate scope of a democratic unit's institutionalized governance capabilities – or public power. These matter because democratically legitimate governance is produced not only through the decision-making agency of a demos, but also through the institutionally distinct sources of political agency that shape the governance capabilities of public power. To develop this argument, the article traces a new theoretical account of the normative and institutional sources of collective agency, political legitimacy, and democratic boundaries, and illustrates it through a democratic reconstruction of the classical body politic metaphor. It further shows how this theoretical account lends strong prescriptive support to pluralist institutional boundaries within democratic global governance.

This dissertation from the qualitative research methodology and from a descriptiveperspective - historical, aims to reflect on the legal status of political partiesand their role in the Colombian state. This in order to understand the deficienciesthat these organizations have demonstrated in the context of Colombian politics.To this end, the fundamental policy framework is developed figure and thematicdiscussion principals are anticipated against that organization. ; La presente disertacion desde la metodología de investigación cualitativa y desde una perspectiva histórico-descrptiva, pretende reflexionar sobre la naturaleza jurídica de los partidos politicos y su papel en el Estado colombiano. Lo anterior con la finalidad de comprender las deficiencias que dichas organizaciones han evidenciado en el marco de la política colombiana. Para tal efecto se desarrolla el marco normativo fundamental de la figura y se preven las principales tematicas de debate frente a dicha organización.

Rahul Ranjan, Political Life of Memory: Birsa Munda in Contemporary India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022), 296 pp., ₹1,295, ISBN: 9781009337908 (Hardbound).

Information is increasingly hailed as a tool to achieve good governance. This dissertation challenges claims that naturalize the relationship between information and good governance. I argue that such claims are based on the reification of information as a well-defined object with intrinsic value and have shifted focus away from the relations, materials and practices in which information is embedded. The first goal of the dissertation is to examine the costs of reifying information in the domain of governance. I argue that "information" has to be unpacked and understood as a technique of governing that is involved in making, maintaining and shifting boundaries between a state and its population. The second goal of the dissertation is to examine the benefits of reifying information, where I argue that the reification and flexibility of information as a term have helped it rally support from a diverse range of organizations and individuals. I draw on a modified form of Bayly's "information order" to examine my first concern and address the second using the idea of a "boundary object." My analysis is based on two cases from India. The first is a set of campaigns led by Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), a political people's movement, that eventually led to a nationwide campaign for a right to government information. The second is a project established by Swaminathan Foundation, an NGO, that provided government information through Information and Communication Technology-based information shops. Based on ten months of fieldwork and archival research, I analyze how information was leveraged as a term, object and rallying point in the two cases.Addressing my first concern, I show how an information order was deployed as a technique of governing in the two cases. I argue that it helped maintain boundaries between state and population by dictating who could contribute to the creation of official records and rules, who could access documents and who was required to possess documents to make use of public schemes. But the information order was also challenged in both cases. I show that such shifts came about when the blurred nature of the state-population boundary or connections across it were leveraged, albeit differently in the two cases. MKSS organized political campaigns and lobbied with bureaucrats to change the interpretation and implementation of rules. In contrast, information shops strived to be apolitical. I show how an information shop and its operators, nevertheless, became involved in the creation and verification of social facts for the state; were drawn on as valuable resources for petitioning the state, and were deemed irrelevant in arenas where they chose to stay away from politics. By examining ideologically different initiatives, I conclude that the meaning, creation and use of information is situated in the practice of governing and that its circulation is always political irrespective of whether an initiative sees its work as political or not. In addressing my second concern, I show how the reification and flexible meaning of information helped the term act as a boundary object that brought in diverse supporters in both cases. I conclude by identifying the tension between the situatedness of information in practice and the universality of the term information in the two cases.

The story of liberal democracy over the last half century has been a triumphant one in many ways, with the number of democracies increasing from a minority of states to a significant majority. Yet substantial problems afflict democratic states, and while the number of democratic countries has expanded, democratic practice has contracted. This book introduces a novel framework for evaluating the rise and decline of democratic governance. Examining three mature democratic countries – Britain, Australia and New Zealand – the authors discuss patterns of governance from the emergence of mass democracy at the outset of the twentieth century through to its present condition. The shared political cultures and institutional arrangements of the three countries allow the authors to investigate comparatively the dynamics of political evolution and the possibilities for systemic developments and institutional change

Cover -- Introduction -- Thinking about legitimacy -- The liberal perspective on legitimacy -- The challenge of pluralism and public justification -- Legitimacy as public justification in Rawls's work -- The structure of the book -- Part I - Liberal legitimacy in context -- 1. The concept of legitimacy -- 1.1 The elements of political power -- 1.1.1 The political system -- 1.1.2 The means of the political system -- 1.2 Concepts and conceptions of legitimacy -- 1.3 Empirical conceptions of legitimacy -- 1.3.1 Weber's belief-based conception of legitimacy -- 1.3.2 Beetham's hybrid conception of legitimacy -- 1.4 Normative (especially liberal) conceptions of legitimacy -- 1.4.1 Legitimacy and the resolution of political disagreements -- 1.4.2 Legitimacy, the justification of coercion, and obligation -- 1.4.3 The standards of legitimacy -- 1.5 Conclusion of the chapter -- 2. Liberal legitimacy and public justification -- 2.1 Two ideas of consent -- 2.2 Voluntarist accounts and their shortcomings -- 2.3 Hypothetical agreement and contractualism -- 2.3.1 The point of contractualist theories -- 2.3.2 The normative role of reasons in contractualist theories -- 2.3.3 The example of Kant's contractualism -- 2.4 Legitimacy as public justification -- 2.4.1 From philosophical to public justification -- 2.4.2 The challenge of legitimacy as public justification -- 2.5 Conclusion of the chapter -- Part II: Liberal legitimacy in a Rawlsian framework -- 3. Justice and legitimacy before the political turn -- 3.1 The nature of justification and reflective equilibrium -- 3.2 The contractualist argument for justice as fairness -- 3.2.1 The contractualist device of the original position -- 3.2.2 Two core ideas -- 3.2.2.1 Society as a system of fair cooperation -- 3.2.2.2 The two moral powers as the basis of freedom and equality.

In this article, we study the local political mobilization effects of political protests in the context of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. We analyze monthly voter registration data from 2136 US counties across 32 states, leveraging variation in the exposure to BLM protests across counties in a two-way fixed-effects framework with a matched control group. In contrast to previous studies, which reported substantial mobilization effects of local protests in other contexts, we show that voter registrations in the aggregate were insensitive to the presence of local BLM protests. We further disentangle the effects along party lines and the degree to which protests were associated with violent behaviors and find similarly insignificant effects. We present some preliminary evidence that the large scale of the protests and their extensive news coverage might have reduced the importance of experiencing a protest firsthand.

Research on gender and politics has primarily focused on women's participation in women's movements and institutional politics separately. Our article is innovative in multiple respects: first, employing a comparative perspective we analyse what impact gender regimes have on participation in street protests. Second, we study the relationship between participation in electoral and protest politics and how this relationship is gendered. Third, we compare the participation of men and women in social movements. We are able to do this by drawing on nuanced survey data of five street demonstrations in the UK and Sweden. Our comparative research demonstrates that involvement in protest and institutional politics varies by gender, country and context. Our findings have important implications for gender equality in terms of social inclusion and political representation and contribute to political sociology, sociology of gender and social movement research.