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Migration is a complex multistage process. In the era of globalization and scientific and technological progress deliberated migration policy is considered to be the key to the country success on international arena. As at the beginning of XIXth century, France, Germany, Great Britain remains one of the most popular countries for migrants. However, despite the undeniable experience of the, its policy in this area is often perceived ambiguously. The article describes the main dimensions of the impact of migrations on the sociopolitical situation in the EU countries. The basic principles, types and tools of immigration policy have been studied. The mechanisms and means aimed to integrate immigrants and their descendants into the cultural, social and political space have been analyzed. ; Миграция — это сложный многоэтапный процес. В епоху глобализации и научно-технического прогресса взвешенная миграционная политика — это залог успеха страны на международной арене. Как и в начале XIX века, Франция, Германия,Великобритания остаются одними из наиболее востребованных стран для мигрантов. Однако, несмотря на бесспорный опыт, часто их политика в данной сфере воспринимается неоднозначно. Рассмотрены основные направления влияния миграционных процессов на общественно-политическую ситуацию в странах ЕС. Изучены основные принципы, виды и инструменты миграционной политики. Проанализированы механизмы и средства, направленные на интеграцию иммигрантов и их потомков в культурное, социальное и политическое пространство. ; Міграція — складний багатоетапний процес. В епоху глобалізації та науково-технічного прогресу зважена міграційна політика є запорукою успіху країни на міжнародній арені. Як і на початку ХІХ століття, Франція, Німеччина, Велика Британія залишаються одними з найбільш затребуваних країн для мігрантів. Однак, незважаючи на беззаперечний досвід, їх політика в даній сфері сприймається неоднозначно. Розглянуто основні напрями впливу міграційних процесів на суспільно-політичну ситуацію в країнах ЄС. Вивчено основні принципи, види та інструменти міграційної політики. Проаналізовано механізми та засоби, спрямовані на інтеграцію іммігрантів та їхніх нащадків у культурний, соціальний і політичний простір.

The article is devoted to the analysis of possibilities of perfection of political science analysis of political movements by means of neuronet model of political system. Conclusion that political movements must be taken into account as separate blocks of neuronet model is drawn. ; Статья посвящена анализу возможностей политологического анализа политических движений с помощью нейросетевой модели политической системы. Сделан вывод о том, что политические движения должны учитываться в виде отдельных подблоков нейросетевой модели. ; Статтю присвячено аналізу можливостей вдосконалення політологічного аналізу політичних рухів за допомогою нейромережевої моделі політичної системи. Зроблено висновок про те, що політичні рухи мають враховуватись у вигляді окремих підблоків нейромережевої моделі.

The article is devoted to the analysis of possibilities of perfection of political science analysis of political movements by means of neuronet model of political system. Conclusion that political movements must be taken into account as separate blocks of neuronet model is drawn. ; Статья посвящена анализу возможностей политологического анализа политических движений с помощью нейросетевой модели политической системы. Сделан вывод о том, что политические движения должны учитываться в виде отдельных подблоков нейросетевой модели. ; Статтю присвячено аналізу можливостей вдосконалення політологічного аналізу політичних рухів за допомогою нейромережевої моделі політичної системи. Зроблено висновок про те, що політичні рухи мають враховуватись у вигляді окремих підблоків нейромережевої моделі.

Part played by individuals, corporations, trade unions, and interest groups in the financing of Canada's Conservative, Liberal, and New Democratic parties.

THE PAPER EXAMINES THE PROBLEM OF MEASURING THE EFFECT OF GENERATION MEMBERSHIP ON POLITICAL ATTITUDES. USING KARL MANNHEIM'S CONCEPT OF "GENERATION" AND "GENERATION UNITS" AS A STARTING POINT, POPULAR NOTIONS OF GENERATIONAL DIFFERENCES IN POLITICAL OUTLOOK IN GERMANY ARE DISCUSSED. THE APPLICABILITY OF COHORT ANALYSIS TO THE STUDY OF POLITICAL GENERATIONS AND SURVEY DATA IS TREATED.

Steve Biko is one of the most important liberation activists of his time. Yet, his theoretical contribution is not well understood or appreciated. This article reconstructs Biko's political ideas and introduces a new integrated reading and interpretation of his writings, speeches, and recorded interviews. It argues that Biko's Black consciousness ideal should not only be read as engaging an activist movement or programme but, also, as encompassing an original theoretical framework grounded in a communalist ethos of Biko's own conceptual development. It argues that Biko's Black consciousness ideal sought to relate racialised oppression to a historically centred communalist solution framed by two interlocking structural elements—rightful power and free community. The article argues that only by a theoretical and normative consideration of these elements, on Biko's own conceptual terms, do we get a coherent understanding of Biko's distinctive view of free postcolonial society.

In different West European countries, institutional innovations have been introduced at the local level, pursuing a shift from a model of local party democracy to one of local citizen democracy (Vetter 2009). One of the main features of this trend is the introduction of direct elections for mayors. By reducing the political parties' impact on the mayor's appointment and giving the citizens more weight in the election process, legislators tried to integrate citizens into a more democratic decision-making process: they aimed to enhance the responsiveness, strengthen the citizens' involvement and boost the turnout at local elections (Vetter & Kersting 2002; Vetter 2009). In Belgium as well, the appointment of the mayor was one of the most discussed electoral reforms at the beginning of the 21st century. Although the discussion was most fierce within Flanders, the appointment of the mayor remained unchanged: in the Flemish Region the mayor is still appointed by the Flemish Regional government, on the nomination of the Municipal Council. In Wallonia the situation is different: since the Walloon 'Code de la démocratie locale' (2005) the municipal councilor with the largest number of preferential votes of the biggest majority party is appointed mayor. This article examines the impact of local electoral legislation on the choice of the mayor in the Belgian municipalities. It focusses on the mechanical effects of electoral reforms, described by Duverger (1951) as the effects arising directly from the electoral legislation. More specifically, we examine the extent to which Flemish municipalities would have had different mayors during the 2012-2018 term if the Walloon nomination system would have been applied in Flanders. Additionally, we examine which community features (for example scale and political continuity) have a possible mediating influence on the legislation's impact on the selection of mayors.

This article is an effort to establish a comparative theoretical framework for the study of civil-military relations in communist political systems. Although the literature on civil-military relations in polyarchic and praetorian polities is theoretically as well as empirically rich, theories of civil-military relations in the field of comparative communism are still at the preliminary stage of development. It is argued that civil-military relations, like all the fundamental dynamics of communist political systems, derive from the structural relationship between a hegemonic Leninist party and the other institutions of the polity. Although the party directs and supervises all other institutions, its political supremacy is necessarily limited by the division of labor among various institutions. The relative autonomy of the military and its relations with the party vary from one country to another and can be described as coalitional, symbiotic, or fused. These relations are dynamic, changing over time in each country in response to contextual circumstances. The role of the military in politics is complex and variegated: on ideological issues, there is usually little conflict between party and army; on issues of "normal politics," the military acts as a functionally specific elite engaged in bargaining to defend its perceived institutional interests; and in crisis politics, the military is a political resource that various party factions seek to enlist against their opponents.

Abstract.This paper explores how citizenship norms of duty to vote and to volunteer in one's community influence political participation, and the role of group identities in producing these norms. By showing how citizenship norms influence an array of political activities, and by drawing on social psychology literature that shows how citizenship norms are shaped by group identifications, the paper offers a more complete picture of the relationship between citizenship norms and political participation beyond traditional civic duty/federal vote models that currently dominate Canadian political research. The central argument forwarded is that not only do citizenship norms matter to political participation, but that group identities matter, too.Résumé.Cette étude explore les effets sur la participation politique des normes relatives au devoir du citoyen de voter et de contribuer à sa communauté, de même que le rôle des identités de groupe dans la production de ces normes. En montrant comment les normes de citoyenneté influencent une foule d'activités politiques et en puisant dans la littérature en psychologie sociale, qui montre comment ces normes sont formées par des identifications de groupe, cette étude aide à mieux comprendre la relation entre ces normes et la participation politique au-delà du cadre traditionnel devoir civique / vote fédéral qui domine actuellement la recherche en politique canadienne. La thèse avancée est que les normes de citoyenneté jouent effectivement un rôle important dans la participation politique, tout comme les identités de groupe.

The research had as object of study to determine the relationship that exists between the variables that constitute its statement. The research methodology used was basic with the hypothetico-deductive method; the research design was cross-sectional non-experimental, as it seeks to establish the relationship between the variables: Motivational Profile and Citizen Participation, supporting the influence of one variable on the other. The approach that is handled is quantitative, with a census population constituted by 234 university students of the Professional Academic School of Political Science of the National University Federico Villarreal. The research intends to have a confidence level of 95%, so according to the formula established in the cases of knowing the exact number of the population, the sample consists of 146 students with a stratified probabilistic sampling (by reason of age). The technique that was used in the data collection was the survey, having as an instrument of evaluation the questionnaire, those that were submitted to pilot test obtaining as a statistical result in Cronbach's Alpha with a value of 0.989 for the citizen participation variable and 0.819 for the variable motivational profile, processing the data, making use of the Statistical Program SPSS version 22.0. Likewise, the results obtained showed that there is a positive correlation, according to the Pearson's Rho coefficient of 0.709 and a significance of 0.000. Therefore, the relationship that exists between the Motivational Profile and Citizen Participation in Political Science students of a University of Lima, is significant. ; La investigación tuvo como objeto de estudio determinar la relación que existe entre las variables que la constituyen como hipótesis. La metodología empleada fue de tipo básica asistido por el método hipotético-deductivo; con un diseño de investigación no experimental transversal de tipo correlacional; dentro del enfoque cuantitativo. Con una población censal constituida por 42 alumnos ingresantes en el año 2018 a la Escuela de Ciencia Política de la Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal. En la investigación no hay muestra, porque se tomó el 100 % de la población en estudio. La técnica que se empleó en la recolección de datos fue la encuesta, teniendo como instrumento de evaluación al cuestionario, los que fueron sometidos a prueba piloto obteniendo como resultado estadístico en Alfa de Cronbach con un valor 0,989 para la variable Perfil Motivacional y 0,819 para la variable Participación Ciudadana, posteriormente se procesaron los datos, haciendo uso del Programa Estadístico SPSS versión 22.0. De modo que los resultados obtenidos evidenciaron que existe una correlación positiva, según el coeficiente Rho de Pearson de 0,709 y una significancia de 0.000. Por lo tanto, la relación que existe entre las variables Perfil Motivacional y Participación ciudadana en alumnos de Ciencia Política de una Universidad de Lima, fue positiva alta.