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The formation of politology as an important academic discipline at the Law Faculty of the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv is analyzed. Emphasis is placed on the importance of studying politology by law students. Politology is considered as an important social and humanitarian science of politics, its role and functions in the life of society and the state. It is noted that this task can be accomplished by law students to a large extent by mastering the most general laws and features of politics formation, its theory; characteristics of the functions of the political system and state power; functions and nature of the state; essence, forms and methods of activity of subjects of politics and laws of development of political process; analysis of global politics issues, in particular, international relations. It is shown that the formation, development and institutionalization of political science or politology was a long, complex and multifaceted process. The formation and development of politology took place almost simultaneously on different continents. This indicates that the study and dissemination of political science was an urgent social necessity, without which it is impossible to achieve a high level of development of society and the state.In Ukraine, the emergence of political science, in particular about political and state power, the essence, patterns, trends in the functioning and development of politics, its place and role in society first took place at the Lviv University, including the Faculty of Law, established January 20, 1661. The study of political geography, which provided knowledge about the formation and development of the political sphere of society, geographical conditions and features of the political system, domestic and foreign policy of different states, international relations and conflicts, characterized a multifaceted comparison of natural history and human history. The study of political geography was based on the works of the French lawyer and philosopher Jean Bodin. At that time, the graduates of the Faculty of Law («both rights») of the Lviv University realized themselves not only in church and educational activities, but also built political careers as senators and ambassadors to the Grand Sejm, county and zemstvo sejms, held positions of judges of city and zemstvo courts and government officials of the then Commonwealth of Poland.Certain changes in the development of politology took place after the accession of Galicia to the Austrian monarchy. An important role in the training of civil servants (judges, prosecutors, lawyers, notaries) was assigned to the Law Faculty of the Lviv University. During the Austrian period, four departments were established within the Law Faculty of the Lviv University, including the Department of Politology and Austrian Legislation. The curriculum of the Law Faculty of the Lviv University provided for the study of political science in the fourth year, when the study at the faculty was to be completed. The last fourth year of study at the Faculty of Law was final, so the study of politology formed in future lawyers a deep understanding of the essence of political and state activities, the importance of responsible decision-making in the field of relations between different social groups, states and peoples as well as struggle for the acquisition or retention of state power. It was the deep mastery of political knowledge at the Law Faculty of the Lviv University that enabled many law graduates to become deputies («ambassadors») of the Austrian Parliament and the Galician Regional Sejm and worthily represent the interests of the native people in Austria and later Austria-Hungary.The annexation of the western Ukrainian lands to the Ukrainian SSR in 1939 opened a new page in the history of the Lviv University and its Faculty of Law. In 1944, the Department of Theory and History of State and Law was established at the Faculty of Law, which was one of the first to acquaint students with political knowledge at the Faculty of Law during the Soviet period. After 1956, the faculties of law introduced a new scientific and educational discipline – History of Political and Legal Doctrines, which researched and continues to study the history of the emergence and development of theoretical knowledge about politics, state, law, studies the process of human knowledge of politics, state and law at different stages of history in different nations, from early statehood and modernity. This discipline has become a separate subject in university didactics, which was taught at the Faculty of Law at the Department of Theory and History of State and Law, and since 2008 at the Department of History of State, Law and Political and Legal Teachings of the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv.In the early 1990s, there were significant changes in public relations. The economic and political situation in the Soviet Union continued to worsen, the national liberation struggle unfolded in the national regions of the Union. It was at that time that the Department of Politology at the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv was established. This formation took place in a difficult period of our history, due to the totalitarian regime in the former USSR. At that time, political science was ambiguously perceived. However, as early as 1989, some young university professors gave lectures on political science at some faculties. In 1990, the Department of Political Science was established at the University of Lviv as a general university department, since 1996 it has been part of the Faculty of Philosophy of the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. In 1997, the specialty "politology" was opened at the Faculty of Philosophy and the department became a graduate. The expansion of the department led to its division in 2007 into the Department of Politology and the Department of Theory and History of Political Science. The Department of Political Science taught a course in political science at the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv until 2019.In 2019, by the decision of the Academic Council of the Law Faculty of the Ivan Franko National University of, the course of politology was transferred to the Department of History of State, Law and Political and Legal Teachings of the Law Faculty , which plays an important role in training highly qualified lawyers. This course is taught in the fourth year of full-time and part-time study. The study of politics in politology is interdisciplinary in nature and is reflected in its integration with other disciplines, especially law. In addition to traditional topics for politology, while teaching politology, teachers thoroughly cover the methodology of the history of doctrines about the state and law, political and legal doctrine and thought; regularities of origin and tendencies of development of world theoretical thought about the state and law, the basic political and legal doctrines of the Ancient world, the Middle Ages, New and Modern times; main directions of modern political and legal ideology, basic schools of jurisprudence and political science at the present stage, history of political and legal thought of Ukraine. The study of politology will enrich law students with knowledge about the ways and forms of people's participation in the political life of the state, give an understanding of the types of dynamics of political processes, reveal the content and ways of forming political culture, diversity of modern concepts of social development. ; Проаналізовано становлення політології як важливої навчальної дисципліни на юридичному факультеті Львівського національного університету імені Івана Франка. Акцентовано увагу на важливості вивчення політології студентами-правниками. Розглянуто політологію як важливу соціально-гуманітарну науку про політику, її роль і функції в житті суспільства і держави. Зазначено, що це завдання може бути виконано значною мірою шляхом засвоєння студентами-юристами найбільш загальних закономірностей та особли­востей формування політики, її теорії; характеристики функцій політичної системи та державної влади; функцій і характеру держави; сутність, форм та методів діяльності суб'єктів політики та закономірностей розвитку політичного процесу; аналізу проблем глобальної політики, зокрема, міжнародних відносин. Показано, що становлення, розвиток та інституалізація політичної науки чи політології ‒ це тривалий, складний і багатогранний процес. Становлення і розвиток політології відбувався майже одночасно на різних конти­нентах. Це свідчить про те, що вивчення і поширення політологічних знань було нагальною суспільною необхідністю, без цього неможливо досягнути високого рівня розвитку сус­пільства і держави.На українських землях зародження політологічних знань, зокрема про політичну та державну владу, про сутність, закономірності, тенденції функціонування і розвитку полі­тики, її місця і ролі в житті суспільства вперше відбулося у Львівському університеті, зокрема на юридичному факультеті, створеному 20 січня 1661 року. Серед навчальних дисциплін було передбачено вивчення політичної географії, яка давала знання про формування і розвиток політичної сфери життя суспільства, географічні умови та особли­вості політичного устрою, внутрішньої і зовнішньої політики різних держав, міжнародні відносини і конфлікти, характеризувала багатостороннє зіставлення історії природи та історії людства. Вивчення політичної географії ґрунтувалося на працях французького юриста та філософа Жана Бодена.У складі юридичного факультету Львівського університету в австрійський період було створено чотири кафедри, зокрема кафедру політичних учень й австрійського законо­дав­ст­ва. Навчальна програма юридичного факультету Львівського університету передбачала вивчення політичних наук на четвертому курсі, коли завершувалося навчання на факуль­теті. Останній четвертий курс навчання на юридичному факультеті був підсум­ковим, тому вивчення політичних наук формувало у майбутніх правників глибоке розуміння сутності політичної та державної діяльності, важливості прийняття відпо­відальних рішень у галузі взаємовідносин між різними суспільними групами, державами й народами, а також рішень, пов'язаних із боротьбою за здобуття або утримання державної влади. Саме глибоке оволодіння політичними знаннями на юридичному факультеті Львівського університету дало можливість багатьом випускникам правникам стати депутатами («послами») австрійського парламенту і Галицького крайового сейму та гідно представляти інтереси рідного народу в Австрії, а згодом Австро-Угорщині.Приєднання у 1939 році західноукраїнських земель до складу Української РСР відкрило нову сторінку в історії Львівського університету і його юридичного факультету. У 1944 році на юридичному факультеті було створено кафедру теорії та історії держави і права, яка одна з перших на юридичному факультеті в радянський період ознайомлювала студентів з політичними знаннями. Після 1956 року на юридичних факультетах ввели нову наукову і навчальну дисципліну ‒ «Історію політичних і правових учень», яка досліджувала і до сьогодні продовжує вивчати історію виникнення та розвитку теоретичних знань про політику, державу, право, тобто вивчає процес пізнання людьми явищ політики, держави і права на різних етапах історії у різних народів, починаючи з ранньої державності і сучасності. Ця навчальна дисципліна стала окремим предметом в університетській дидактиці, яку викладали на юридичному факультеті на кафедрі теорії та історії держави і права, а з 2008 року на кафедрі історії держави, права та політико-правових учень юридичного факультету Львівського національного університету імені Івана Франка.Упродовж 1990‒2019 років викладання курсу політології на юридичному факультеті Львівського університету забезпечувала кафедра політології.У 2019 році рішенням Вченої ради юридичного факультету Львівського національного університету імені Івана Франка курс політології передано на кафедру історії держави, права та політико-правових учень юридичного факультету, який відіграє важливу роль у підготовці юристів високої кваліфікації. Цей курс читають на четвертому курсі денної і заочної форми навчання. Вивчення політології збагатить студентів юридичного факультету знаннями про способи і форми участі народу в політичному житті держави, дасть розу­міння типів динаміки політичних процесів, розкриє зміст і шляхи формування політичної культури, різноманітність сучасних концепцій суспільного розвитку тощо.

As a cradle of ancient Chinese civilization, the Yellow River Basin has a very long human-environment interrelationship, where early anthropogenic activities re- sulted in large scale landscape modifications. Today, the impact of this relationship has intensified further as the basin plays a vital role for China's continued economic development. It is one of the most densely-populated, fastest growing, and most dynamic regions of China with abundant natural and environmental resources providing a livelihood for almost 190 million people. Triggered by fundamental economic reforms, the basin has witnessed a spectacular economic boom during the last decades and can be considered as an exemplary blueprint region for contemporary dynamic Global Change processes occurring throughout the country, which is currently transitioning from an agrarian-dominated economy into a modern urbanized society. However, this resourcesdemanding growth has led to profound land use changes with adverse effects on the Yellow River social-ecological systems, where complex challenges arise threatening a long-term sustainable development. Consistent and continuous remote sensing-based monitoring of recent and past land cover and land use change is a fundamental requirement to mitigate the adverse impacts of Global Change processes. Nowadays, technical advancement and the multitude of available satellite sensors, in combination with the opening of data archives, allow the creation of new research perspectives in regional land cover applications over heterogeneous landscapes at large spatial scales. Despite the urgent need to better understand the prevailing dynamics and underlying factors influencing the current processes, detailed regional specific land cover data and change information are surprisingly absent for this region. In view of the noted research gaps and contemporary developments, three major objectives are defined in this thesis. First (i), the current and most pressing social-ecological challenges are elaborated and policy and management instruments towards more sustainability are discussed. Second (ii), this thesis provides new and improved insights on the current land cover state and dynamics of the entire Yellow River Basin. Finally (iii), the most dominant processes related to mining, agriculture, forest, and urban dynamics are determined on finer spatial and temporal scales. The complex and manifold problems and challenges that result from long-term abuse of the water and land resources in the basin have been underpinned by policy choices, cultural attitude, and institutions that have evolved over centuries in China. The tremendous economic growth that has been mainly achieved by extracting water and exploiting land resources in a rigorous, but unsustainable manner, might not only offset the economic benefits, but could also foster social unrest. Since the early emergence of the first Chinese dynasties, flooding was considered historically as a primary issue in river management and major achievements have been made to tame the wild nature of the Yellow River. Whereas flooding is therefore largely now under control, new environmental and social problems have evolved, including soil and water pollution, ecological degradation, biodiversity decline, and food security, all being further aggravated by anthropogenic climate change. To resolve the contemporary and complex challenges, many individual environmental laws and regulations have been enacted by various Chinese ministries. However, these policies often pursue different, often contradictory goals, are too general to tackle specific problems and are usually implemented by a strong top-down approach. Recently, more flexible economic and market-based incentives (pricing, tradable permits, investments) have been successfully adopted, which are specifically tailored to the respective needs, shifting now away from the pure command and regulating instruments. One way towards a more holistic and integrated river basin management could be the establishment of a common platform (e.g. a Geographical Information System) for data handling and sharing, possibly operated by the Yellow River Basin Conservancy Commission (YRCC), where available spatial data, statistical information and in-situ measures are coalesced, on which sustainable decision-making could be based. So far, the collected data is hardly accessible, fragmented, inconsistent, or outdated. The first step to address the absence and lack of consistent and spatially up-to-date information for the entire basin capturing the heterogeneous landscape conditions was taken up in this thesis. Land cover characteristics and dynamics were derived from the last decade for the years 2003 and 2013, based on optical medium-resolution hightemporal MODIS Normalized Differenced Vegetation Index (NDVI) time series at 250 m. To minimize the inherent influence of atmospheric and geometric interferences found in raw high temporal data, the applied adaptive Savitzky-Golay filter successfully smoothed the time series and substantially reduced noise. Based on the smoothed time series data, a large variety of intra-annual phenology metrics as well as spectral and multispectral annual statistics were derived, which served as input variables for random forest (RF) classifiers. High quality reference data sets were derived from very high resolution imagery for each year independently of which 70 % trained the RF models. The accuracy assessments for all regionally specific defined thematic classes were based on the remaining 30 % reference data split and yielded overall accuracies of 87 % and 84 % for 2003 and 2013, respectively. The first regional adapted Yellow River Land Cover Products (YRB LC) depict the detail spatial extent and distribution of the current land cover status and dynamics. The novel products overall differentiate overall 18 land cover and use classes, including classes of natural vegetation (terrestrial and aquatic), cultivated classes, mosaic classes, non-vegetated, and artificial classes, which are not presented in previous land cover studies so far. Building on this, an extended multi-faceted land cover analysis on the most prominent land cover change types at finer spatial and temporal scales provides a better and more detailed picture of the Yellow River Basin dynamics. Precise spatio-temporal products about mining, agriculture, forest, and urban areas were examined from long-trem Landsat satellite time series monitored at annual scales to capture the rapid rate of change in four selected focus regions. All archived Landsat images between 2000 and 2015 were used to derive spatially continuous spectral-temporal, multi-spectral, and textural metrics. For each thematic region and year RF models were built, trained and tested based on a stablepixels reference data set. The automated adaptive signature (AASG) algorithm identifies those pixels that did not change between the investigated time periods to generate a mono-temporal reference stable-pixels data set to keep manual sampling requirements to a minimum level. Derived results gained high accuracies ranging from 88 % to 98 %. Throughout the basin, afforestation on the Central Loess Plateau and urban sprawl are identified as most prominent drivers of land cover change, whereas agricultural land remained stable, only showing local small-scale dynamics. Mining operations started in 2004 on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, which resulted in a substantial loss of pristine alpine meadows and wetlands. In this thesis, a novel and unique regional specific view of current and past land cover characteristics in a complex and heterogeneous landscape was presented by using a multi-source remote sensing approach. The delineated products hold great potential for various model and management applications. They could serve as valuable components for effective and sustainable land and water management to adapt and mitigate the predicted consequences of Global Change processes. ; Der Gelbe Fluss - in der Landessprache Huange He genannt - ist für die Ausprägung und Entwicklung der chinesischen Kultur von großer Bedeutung. Aufgrund der frühen Einflussnahme auf die natürlichen Ökosysteme in dieser Region durch den Menschen, entwickelte sich dort eine ausgeprägte Interaktion zwischen Mensch und Umwelt. Diese Wechselbeziehung hat sich infolge der gegenwärtigen rapiden sozioökonomischen Veränderungen in den letzten Jahrzehnten weiter intensiviert. Das Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses bildet die Lebensgrundlage für fast 190 Millionen Menschen, die zum Großteil von natürlichen Ressourcen abhängig sind. Zudem gehört es zu den wirtschaftlich bedeutendsten und am schnellsten wachsenden Regionen in ganz China. Durch weitreichende Reformen wurde ein wirtschaftlicher Aufstieg forciert, um den Agrarstaat China zu einem modernen Industrie- und Dienstleistungsstaat weiterzuentwickeln. Ein derartiges rasantes wie auch ressourcenintensives Wirtschaftswachstum führte schließlich zu einem enormen Wandel in den Bereichen der Landbedeckung und Landnutzung. Hinzu kamen neue und komplexere wirtschafts-, sozial- und umweltpolitische Herausforderungen, die bis heute eine langfristige und nachhaltige Entwicklung der Region gefährden. Aus diesem Blickwinkel kann das Becken des Gelben Flusses als regionales Spiegelbild der durch den Globalen Wandel bedingten, gegenwärtigen Veränderungsprozesse in ganz China gelten. Eine wichtige Voraussetzung für den adäquaten Umgang mit den Herausforderungen des Globalen Wandels sind kontinuierliche Informationen über aktuelle sowie historische Veränderungen von Landbedeckung und Landnutzung. Infolge der technologischen Entwicklung steht heute eine Vielfalt an Satellitenbildsystemen mit immer höherer zeitlicher und räumlicher Auflösung zur Verfügung. In Verbindung mit kostenfreien und offenen Datenzugriffen ist es möglich, daraus neue Forschungsperspektiven im Bereich der Landoberflächenkartierung - insbesondere für heterogene Landschaften - zu entwickeln. Zur Generierung thematischer Karten werden häufig Klassifikationen entlang verschiedener räumlicher und zeitlicher Skalen vollzogen. Daraus können zusätzlich die nötigen Informationen für lokale wie auch regionale Entscheidungsträger abgeleitet werden. Trotz dieser neuen Möglichkeiten sind regionalspezifische Informationen, die einem besseren Verständnis der Dynamiken von Landoberflächen im Bereich des Gelben-Fluss-Beckens dienen, noch rar. Dieses Forschungsdesiderat wurde im Rahmen dieser Arbeit aufgegriffen, wobei folgende Schwerpunkte gesetzt werden: (i) Zunächst werden die vorherrschenden sozioökologischen Herausforderungen für das gesamte Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses dargestellt sowie verschiedene Management- sowie Politikmodelle für eine nachhaltigere Ressourcennutzung diskutiert. (ii) Darauf aufbauend wird die fernerkundliche Ableitung von Landbedeckungs- und Landnutzungsveränderungen der letzten Dekade im Gebiet des gesamten Gelben Flusses flächendeckend durchgeführt und anschließend interpretiert. (iii) Im letzten Schritt werden basierend auf den zuvor abgeleiteten Informationsprodukten die dominierenden Landoberflächendynamiken in höherer zeitlicher und räumlicher Auflösung detailliert untersucht. Insbesondere die dynamischen Prozesse der Minenausbreitung, Landwirtschaft, Waldgebiete und der urbanen Räume rücken in den Fokus. Aufgrund jahrzehntelanger Übernutzung der natürlichen Ressourcen im Gebiet des Gelben Flusses in Verbindung mit politischen Entscheidungen, der vorherrschenden kulturellen Prägung wie auch der Entwicklung der dort ansässigen Institutionen ist eine vielschichtige Problematik entstanden, die für die gesamte Region eine große Herausforderung darstellt. Durch frühzeitige Maßnahmen der Flutbekämpfung und Flussregulierung konnte den zahlreichen Überflutungen der Vergangenheit entgegengewirkt und das Risiko großflächiger Überschwemmungen minimiert werden. Trotz dieser Erfolge ergeben sich laufend neue, komplexere Herausforderungen mit verheerenden Auswirkungen auf Ökologie und Gesellschaft, wie zum Beispiel Boden- und Wasserdegradation, Entwaldung, Rückgang der Artenvielfalt, Ernährungsunsicherheiten und ein steigendes soziales Ungleichgewicht. Durch den anthropogenen Klimawandel werden diese negativen Probleme noch weiter verstärkt. Zwar wurden sie von der chinesischen Regierung als solche erkannt, dennoch scheiterten die Versuche, mit zahlreichen Gesetzen und Verordnungen die genannten Folgen einzudämmen, an unkonkreten Formulierungen, so dass diese der Komplexität der Herausforderungen nicht gerecht wurden. Die in jüngster Zeit verfolgten modernen und deutlich flexibleren, marktorientierten Ansätze (z.B. Subventionen, Wasserzertifikate), die speziell an die lokalen Gegebenheiten angepasst wurden, zeigen bereits Erfolge. Mit Hilfe einer gemeinsamen Daten- und Informationsplattform, beispielsweise in Form eines Geographischen Informationssystems (GIS), wäre eine integrierte und holistische Flussmanagementstrategie für den Gelben Fluss leichter realisierbar. Auf diese Weise könnten alle verfügbaren statistischen-, räumlichen- und Feldaufnahmen gespeichert, harmonisiert und geteilt und so die bisher noch unvollständigen und veralteten Daten laufend aktualisiert werden. Die Flussbehörde des Gelben Flusses (Yellow River Conservancy Commission) böte sich an, ein solches System zu verwalten. In dieser Arbeit wird die heterogene Landbedeckungsstruktur für das gesamte Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses für die Jahre 2003 und 2013 erfasst und interpretiert. Die fernerkundlichen Eingangsdaten für die einzelnen Klassifikationen bestehen aus optischen MODIS NDVI-Zeitserien, aus denen jährlich phänologische Parameter berechnet werden. Da die Qualität optischer Satellitenbilder häufig durch Wolken und Schatten beeinträchtigt ist, müssen die betroffenen Flächen maskiert und entfernt werden. Die so entstandenen Lücken in der Zeitserie werden durch einen Filteralgorithmus (SavitskyGolay) aufgefüllt und geglättet. Die verwendeten RandomForest-Klassifikationsverfahren ermöglichen die Ableitung von Landbedeckungen und -dynamiken. Diese neuen und räumlich detaillierten Produkte unterscheiden insgesamt 18 verschiedene Landbedeckungsund Landnutzungsklassen. Erstmals liefern diese eine regional spezifische Charakterisierung der vorherrschenden Landbedeckung im Gebiet des Gelben Flusses. Darauf aufbauend erfolgt eine sowohl zeitlich als auch räumlich detailliertere Untersuchung der wichtigsten Veränderungen im Bereich der Landbedeckung, die auf dichten Landsat-Zeitserien basiert. Jährliche Informationen über Dynamiken von Minenabbaugebieten, Landwirtschaft, Waldgebieten und urbanen Räumen zeigen präzise lokale Veränderungen im Einzugsgebiet des Gelben Flusses. Die daraus abgeleiteten Ergebnisse lassen insbesondere auf dem Lössplateau die Auswirkungen ökologischer Restorationsmaßnahmen erkennen, bei denen degradierte Flächen in Waldsysteme umgewandelt wurden. Auf dem Qinghai-Tibet-Plateau zeigt sich eine dramatische Ausbreitung von Kohletagebau zu Lasten der besonders anfälligen alpinen Matten und Feuchtgebiete. Auch der anhaltende Trend zur Urbanisierung spiegelt sich in den hier gewonnenen Ergebnissen deutlich wider. Durch die Kombination von Fernerkundungsdaten unterschiedlicher räumlicher und zeitlicher Auflösungen liefert diese Arbeit neue und bisher einzigartige Einblicke in historische und aktuelle Landbedeckungsdynamiken einer heterogenen Landschaft. Die regionalen Analysen wie auch die thematischen Informationsprodukte besitzen somit großes Potential zur Verbesserung der Informationsgrundlage. Die Ergebnisse dienen außerdem als aussagekräftige Entscheidungsgrundlage mit dem Ziel eines angemessenen und nachhaltigen Land- und Wassermanagements für die natürlichen Ökosysteme im Becken des Gelben Flusses.

Povijest nastanka i djelovanja građanskih udruga u Lici može se pratiti još od 1835. godine kada je osnovana Narodna čitaonica u Senju. Ipak, tek su krajem 19. stoljeća stvoreni svi preduvjeti za brojnije osnivanje svih vrsta građanskih udruga u Lici te je od tada njihov broj u stalnom povećanju. Iako je nesumnjivo da su razne vrste udruga u Lici svojim djelovanjem pozitivno djelovale na ličko društvo, taj fenomen društvene mikro-povijesti nije bio predmet sveobuhvatnog proučavanja. Ovaj doktorski rad kronološki prati stvaranje prvih građanskih udruga (društava, zaklada, štedionica, klubova i podružnica) u Lici u vrijeme Vojne krajine, njihovo naglo povećanje u vrijeme Ličko-krbavske županije i promjene koje su ih zahvatile u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije te završava početkom Drugoga svjetskog rata kada su građanske udruge u Lici naglo nestale s povijesne pozornice. U radu je prikazano političko, gospodarsko i kulturno stanje u Lici koje je uvelike utjecalo na brzinu i kvalitetu nastanka novih udruga. Također su obrađene i građanske udruge izvan prostora Like jer je njihova kulturna i ekonomska interakcija bila važan element u razvoju ove regije. Stoga je cilj ovog doktorskog rada po prvi put u našoj historiografiji dati, ne samo sumarni prikaz građanskih udruga, već i razloge, uzroke te posljedice njihovog postojanja na prostoru Like i Senja, a sve u svrhu boljega razumijevanja kompleksnih i nedovoljno razjašnjenih povijesnih procesa u hrvatskoj povijesnoj regiji Lici. ; The beginings of organizations set up in Lika region reaches far into the past, in the time of medieval brotherhoods; however, the first civil organizations in Lika did not arise until the Military Border systems have been abolished and until the break through of the modernization processes that originated in the Civic Croatia. The city of Senj had partially different but also earlier organizations' development. The first known civic organization on the area that has been the subject of this doctoral dissertation was The National Library in the city of Senj, founded in 1835. Withal, this civil organization is the first one in Croatia. In Lika region, the first civil organizations were not founded until the abrogation of the Military Border which, at the same time, has been the starting point for the progression of one of the most important forms of modernization. In the first part of this scientific work, social stratification and differentiation in the everyday life of Lika's residents has been depicted, whereas the usage of an argumented research approach has served to explain complex political, military, economic and other mutual influences between Lika's peasants-soldiers and the authorities that have dominated during that time. Multiple conflicts, unsafe and economically marginalized area, unsettled property laws and so called 'cooperative phenomena' are just a part of the numerous reasons why Lika region has entered Croatian and Habsbourg Monarchy's cultural and social processes relatively late. An emphasis is on the development of education, literacy and culture as basic determinants of future development of the civil organizations. Second major group of the research questions deals with an emersion of the organizations on the Croatian and European area, as a result of new global political processes. This part of the disertation tries to answer the question 'which were the reasons for the organizations' establishment in the first place', so as 'to what extent the organizations have influenced the residents of Wienna, Zagreb and other cities of the Habsbourg Monarchy'? Special emphasis is put on the law regulations, that is, so called 'Imperial Decree' which has helped the organizations to establish and work. Also, this group of the research questions discusses the inherited differences that existed in an administration, mentality and the development itself between the former Military Border and the Civic Croatia. Comparative research has provided an evidence that the development of a new district – Lika-Krbava county – when compared to the other districts, has been minor. Also, the questions that have been the matter of this scientific work were 'which kind of the organizations were there in the first place, 'what is the nature of the organizations' and 'which is the real level on which these organizations have fulfilled their purposes and goals'. This kind of analysis is very important in order to understand Lika's history from the beginning of the 20th century; in this period economic and cultural life of the Lika's residents is highly inflenced by a new regime of the Kingdom of SHS and, later on, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This group of questions especially makes an exception of the city of Senj, as a kind of border exception, but also explains which political and economic circumstances and perplexities resulted in prosperity and stagnation of the city beneath the Nehaj Fortress. The third group of the research questions, using the archive sources of the civil organizations' rules, gives an overview of more than one hundred and fifty civil organizations according to the territorial regions (districts) that existed during the Lika-Krbava county and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This section reveals the purposes, goals and the activities of administrative councils and assemblies of all major civic organizations (associations, clubs, affiliates, commities, foundations) found in the districts that existed during that time – Brinje, Donji Lapac, Gračac, Gospić, Korenica, Otočac, Perušić, Udbina and the cities Senj and Karlobag. In spite of major illiteracy, political and national antagonism and the fact that Lika was at the periphery in the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, until the beginning of the World War I, a great number of the organizations has been established in Lika region. When talking about this in the first place, we must mention some proffesional societies, libraries, 'falcon' organizations, music organizations and economic organizations, although there were also some historical occurences such as the first theatrical group in Otočac, or one of the oldest tennis clubs in Croatia, the one in Gospić. Thereby, in the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, Lika is the region of the numerous changes, but even more is the region of the extreme contradictions. In the same (research) way, the attention has been dedicated to history of Lika's organizations outside Lika's area. Throughout this group of questions not all civic organizations outside Lika have been elaborated, only those whose members actively participated in the development of the possibilities for the future economic prosperity of Lika region. Therefore, this part of the paper tries to show the connection between Lika region and the other parts of the countries that existed during that time, where the descendants of Lika's residents have lived. This scientific work tries to answer the questions of the real connection of Lika's people outside Lika with the real problems which were perceived by them in a different way than by those who remained living in the homeland. The Society of Lika's people in Zagreb was Lika's major emigrant organization which intensively helped its agile members and offered a solution for a hard life in Lika region. The Society for the preservation of the Plitvice Lakes was one of the best known organizations in Croatia, however, its class and narcissistic behaviour could not have been accepted by most of Lika's residents. In spite of individual interests of a great number of members of Lika's civic organizations, what does remain is a constatation that the organizations, especially those whose members were peasants, have obtained a huge success when it comes to development of cooperatives, crafts, agriculture, but also education and culture. Also, what is notecable is the fact that efficiency of the numerous affiliates of federate economic organizations has increased, what leads to the conclusion that the overall progress in Lika was connected with the political and economic centres outside Lika. A key influence onto the organizations' development in Lika was the one by certain individuals such as Buda Budisavljević, Ivan Devčić, Dragutin Trstenjak, Ante Cividini, Ivan Krajač, Ivan Gojtan, Ante Lončarić, so as many other culturaly and publicly known people. In that way, this doctoral thesis has scientificaly confirmed an actual similarity of the associations and organizations in Lika with those in the rest of Croatia, but also that these similarities were, in fact, quite limited. Civic organizations are an important factor in every community, so as, of course, for Lika's identity which is historically saturated in turbulent ways. This work tries to make a contribution not just to better understanding of the civic organizations in Lika, but to contribute to understand the overall environment, that is, the atmosphere in Lika region. This gives new knowledge regarding micro-historical elements of one culture that has been a carrier of social, cultural, political and economic development of the region between the Kapela mountains in the north and South Velebit and the river Zrmanja stream in the south. This doctoral thesis is the first scientific contribution to better understanding of the civic organizations and their importance in the region under consideration. Although this thesis, through the depiction of work of the civic organizations in Lika, has tried to give an answer regarding broader social, political, economic, cultural and religious life of Lika and Senj's residents in the period of turbulent and modernisation processes, some questions remain only partially answerable. If we take into consideration the broadness, possibilities and influence of the organizations, this observation is logical, too. Also, here we can talk about a vast area which makes a closed whole only in certain segments. That is the reason why this overview of the work of the civic organizations in Lika asks for further research attention, especially when it comes to the analysis of economic changes which have occurred in Lika during the second part of the 19th and the first part of the 20th century. In order to accomplish this, besides the archival research, a potential researcher must pay attention to the statistical analysis. Moreover, this scientific work gives just a model of how to evaluate certain types of the civic organizations and how to compare them with the organizations similar to them. Although this doctoral thesis had to be done within a canonical time frame, it will be praiseworthy if we compare the civic organizations in Lika which exist today to those which have existed during the period of Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Of course, this kind of research calls for plenty of time, as well as considerable material assets, hence it can be done sometime in the future. Despite the fact that the tragic events during the World War II lead to the abolition of the civic organizations outside Lika region, the constitution of the Republic of Croatia has created the conditions for the reestablishment of the organizations. Nowadays, more than twenty organizations outside Lika work very actively and responsibly in order to interconnect Lika's emigrants and their descendants with their homeland, from where their ancestors arrived more than one hundred and fifty years ago.

For more than a decade, Africa has enjoyed a mineral boom. is the growth mostly happening in isolated places, sectors and periods? The approach adopted in this study is two-pronged. First, through case studies, including the results of fieldwork, mining's impacts are examined in a country-specific context for each of three countries, Ghana, Mali, and Tanzania; and second, a statistical analysis is used to test whether the indicators of welfare improve with proximity to a mine.

The hypothesis that the S allele of the 5-HTTLPR serotonin transporter promoter region is associated with increased risk of depression, but only in individuals exposed to stressful situations, has generated much interest, research and controversy since first proposed in 2003. Multiple meta-analyses combining results from heterogeneous analyses have not settled the issue. To determine the magnitude of the interaction and the conditions under which it might be observed, we performed new analyses on 31 data sets containing 38 802 European ancestry subjects genotyped for 5-HTTLPR and assessed for depression and childhood maltreatment or other stressful life events, and meta-analysed the results. Analyses targeted two stressors (narrow, broad) and two depression outcomes (current, lifetime). All groups that published on this topic prior to the initiation of our study and met the assessment and sample size criteria were invited to participate. Additional groups, identified by consortium members or self-identified in response to our protocol (published prior to the start of analysis) with qualifying unpublished data, were also invited to participate. A uniform data analysis script implementing the protocol was executed by each of the consortium members. Our findings do not support the interaction hypothesis. We found no subgroups or variable definitions for which an interaction between stress and 5-HTTLPR genotype was statistically significant. In contrast, our findings for the main effects of life stressors (strong risk factor) and 5-HTTLPR genotype (no impact on risk) are strikingly consistent across our contributing studies, the original study reporting the interaction and subsequent meta-analyses. Our conclusion is that if an interaction exists in which the S allele of 5-HTTLPR increases risk of depression only in stressed individuals, then it is not broadly generalisable, but must be of modest effect size and only observable in limited situations.Molecular Psychiatry advance online publication, 4 April 2017; doi:10.1038/mp.2017.44. ; ALSPAC: Grant 102215/2/13/2 from The Wellcome Trust and grant MC_UU_12013- /6 from the UK Medical Research Council. The University of Bristol also provides core support for ALSPAC. LB receives funding as an Early Career Research Fellow from the Leverhulme Trust. MRM is a member of the UK Centre for Tobacco and Alcohol Studies, a UK Clinical Research Council Public Health Research: Centre of Excellence. Funding from British Heart Foundation, Cancer Research UK, Economic and Social Research Council, Medical Research Council, and the National Institute for Health Research, under the auspices of the UK Clinical Research Collaboration, is gratefully acknowledged. ASPIS: EKBAN 97 from the General Secretariat of Research and Technology, Greek Ministry of Development. ATP: Grants DP130101459, DP160103160 and APP1082406 from the Australian Research Council and The National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. CHDS: Grant HRC 11/792 from the Health Research Council of New Zealand. CoFaMS: Grant APP1060524 to BTB from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. We acknowledge the University of Adelaide for the provision of seed funding in support of this project. COGA: Grant U10AA008401 from the National Institutes of Health, NIAAA and NIDA. COGEND: National Institutes of Health grants P01CA089392 from NCI and R01DA036583 from NIDA. DeCC: Grant G0701420 from the UK Medical Research Council, and a UK MRC Population Health Scientist fellowship (G1002366) and an MQ Fellows Award (MQ14F40) to Helen L Fisher. EPIC-Norfolk: Grants G9502233, G0300128, C865/A2883 from the UK Medical Research Council and Cancer Research UK. ESPRIT Montpellier: An unconditional grant from Novartis and from the National Research Agency (ANR Project 07 LVIE004). G1219: A project grant from the WT Grant Foundation and G120/635, a Career Development Award from the UK Medical Research Council to Thalia Eley. The GENESiS project was supported by Grant G9901258 from the UK Medical Research Council. This study presents independent research part- funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Biomedical Research Centre at South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust and King's College London. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. GAN12-France: Research Protocol C0829 from INSERM; Research Protocol GAN12 from Assistance Publique des Hôpitaux de Paris; ANR-11-IDEX- 0004 from Investissements d'Avenir program managed by the ANR, and RTRS Sante Mentale from Fondation FondaMental. GENESIS: Grant PHRC UF 7653 & ANR NEURO 2007 'GENESIS' from CHU Montpellier & Agence Nationale de la Recherche. Heart and Soul: Epidemiology Merit Review Program from the Department of Veterans Affairs; National Institutes of Health grant R01HL-079235 from NHLBI; Generalist Physician Faculty Scholars Program from the Robert Woods Johnson foundation; Paul Beeson Faculty Scholars Program from the American Federation for Aging Research; and a Young Investigator Award from the Bran and Behavior Research Foundation. MARS: Grant LA 733/2-1 from German Research Foundation (DFG) and the Federal Ministry for Education and Research as part of the 'National Genome Research Network'. MLS: National Institutes of Health grants R01 AA07065 and R37 AA07065 from NIAAA. MoodInFlame: Grant EU-FP7- HEALTH-F2-2008-222963 from the European Union. Muenster Neuroimaging Study: Grant FOR2107, DA1151/5-1 from the German Research Foundation (DFG). NEWMOOD: Grants LSHM-CT-2004-503474 from Sixth Framework Program of the European Union; KTIA_NAP_13-1-2013-0001, KTIA_13_NAP-A-II/14 from National Development Agency Hungarian Brain Research Program; KTIA_NAP_13-2-2015-0001 from MTA-SE-NAP B Genetic Brain Imaging Migraine Research Group, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Semmelweis University; support from Hungarian Academy of Sciences, MTA-SE Neuropsychopharmacology and Neurochemistry Research Group; and support from the National Institute for Health Research Manchester Biomedical Research Centre. NESDA/NTR: The Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) and MagW/ZonMW grants Middelgroot-911-09-032, Spinozapremie 56-464- 14192, Geestkracht program of the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMW 10-000-1002), Center for Medical Systems Biology (CSMB, NWO Genomics), Genetic influences on stability and change in psychopathology from childhood to young adulthood (ZonMW 912-10-020), NBIC/BioAssist/RK (2008.024), Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRI -NL, 184.021.007), VU University's Institute for Health and Care Research (EMGO+) and Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam (NCA); the European Science Council (ERC Advanced, 230374). Part of the genotyping and analyses were funded by the Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN) of the Foundation for the National Institutes of Health, Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository (NIMH U24 MH068457-06), the Avera Institute, Sioux Falls, South Dakota (USA) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH R01 HD042157-01A1, MH081802, Grand Opportunity grants 1RC2 MH089951 and 1RC2 MH089995). PATH: Program Grant Number 179805 from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia. POUCH: Grants 20FY01-38 and 20-FY04-37 of the Perinatal Epidemiologic Research Initiative Program Grant from the March of Dimes Foundation; National Institutes of Health grant R01 HD34543 from NICHD and NINR; grant 02816-7 from the Thrasher Research Foundation; and grant U01 DP000143-01 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. QIMRtwin: Grants 941177, 971232, 339450, 443011 from the National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia; AA07535, AA07728, AA10249 from US Public Health Service; National Institutes of Health grant K99DA023549-01A2 from NIDA. Additional support was provided by Beyond Blue. SALVe 2001 and SALVe 2006: Grants FO2012-0326, FO2013-0023, FO2014-0243 from The Brain Foundation (Hjärnfonden); SLS-559921 from Söderström-Königska Foundation; 2015-00897 from Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research; and M15-0239 from Åke Wiberg's Foundation. Additional funding was provided by Systembolagets Råd för Alkoholforskning, SRA and Svenska Spel Research Council. SEBAS: National Institutes of Health grants R01 AG16790, R01 AG16661 and R56 AG01661 from NIA and grant P2CHD047879 from NICHD; and additional financial support from the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences at Georgetown University. SHIP/TREND: This work was supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research within the framework of the e:Med research and funding concept (Integrament) Grant No. 01ZX1314E. Study of Health in Pomerania is part of the Community Medicine Research net of the University of Greifswald, Germany, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research Grant Nos. 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103 and 01ZZ0403; the Ministry of Cultural Affairs; and the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. Genome-wide data were supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research Grant No. 03ZIK012 and a joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany and the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. The Greifswald Approach to Individualised Medicine (GANI_MED) was funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research Grant No. 03IS2061A and the German Research Foundation Grant No. GR 1912/5-1. TRAILS: Grants GB-MW 940- 38-011, ZonMW Brainpower 100-001-004, Investment grant 175.010.2003.005, GBMaGW 480-07-001 and Longitudinal Survey and Panel Funding 481-08-013 from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO). Additional funding was provided by the Dutch Ministry of Justice, the European Science Foundation, BBMRINL and the participating centres (UMCG, RUG, Erasmus MC, UU, Radboud MC, Parnassia Bavo group): VAHCS: Grants APP1063091, 1008271 and 1019887 from Australia's National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (NHMRC).

Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito apresentada à Faculdade de Direito ; O principal objetivo desta dissertação é examinar os marcos legais das jurisdições internacionais comuns que regulam o jogo e o jogo online. As características morais e culturais distintas do jogo fazem com que a administração legal neste setor varie significativamente entre as jurisdições em todo o mundo, particularmente em termos de legislação. Um estudo da estrutura legal de um país ou região envolve os seguintes componentes principais: Definição legal das atividades de jogo (taxonomia e categoria); Quais regimes regulatórios (como monopólios estaduais ou licenciamento) regem a operação das atividades de jogos de azar; As abordagens específicas para jogos de azar online e terrestres; Disparidades de hierarquia na legislação em diferentes países ou regiões; Leis especiais, supervisores, reguladores, para o setor de jogos de azar em certas jurisdições; Legislação sobre a tributação do jogo. A dissertação afirma que vale a pena comparar e pesquisar os enquadramentos jurídicos que regem o jogo na União Europeia e nos Estados Unidos, não obstante as disparidades dos sistemas político e jurídico. Essas jurisdições significativas representam duas das estruturas legais de jogos de azar mais típicas do mundo hoje, mas também existem vários obstáculos e desafios legais, demonstrando que a indústria de jogos de azar não é um campo direto que pode ser aprendido por meio de metodologias simplistas. O dicionário de jogos de casino define o jogo como "a previsão de um resultado incerto, assumindo as consequências das suas previsões através de apostas". Assim, o jogo tem três elementos básicos: o primeiro é apostar, o segundo é ter um oponente, e o terceiro é que o resultado é baseado na oportunidade, e um dos elementos acima não pode faltar. Este trabalho considera que o jogo e o jogo de chance (game of chance) são iguais em conteúdo e alcance. Do ponto de vista da economia política, a indústria do jogo não pode criar valor por si só, mas apenas participar na distribuição do valor através do jogo e do jogo. Do ponto de vista legal, as práticas de jogo podem ser ilegais ou legais, conforme permitido ou autorizado pelo estado. De acordo com o nível de extensão e conotação calculada, o jogo pode ser dividido em sentido estreito e amplo. Por natureza, há jogo comercial e social. A diferença entre os dois reside na forma como são organizados e se são rentáveis. Jogos sociais são muitas vezes uma forma de entretenimento organizado por pessoas, como jogar poker. Esses jogos geralmente não têm organizadores óbvios, pessoal disperso, pequeno alcance de influência e mais ênfase no entretenimento. Os governos geralmente não interferem nesses jogos de azar. O jogo comercial refere-se aos jogos de azar que lucram com as organizações operacionais especiais de acordo com as regras ou probabilidades especiais do jogo, que podem ser divididos em jogos de loteria tradicionais, jogos competitivos, jogos de cassino e assim por diante. Os jogos competitivos incluem loteria de futebol, corrida de cavalos, corrida de cães ou outras competições esportivas. Os jogos de azar comerciais têm um grande impacto na economia local e na vida das pessoas, até mesmo negativo, por isso precisam ser especialmente regulamentados pelo estado ou governo. A indústria de jogos de azar é caracterizada por serviços de entretenimento. Turistas, residentes locais e até jogadores compulsivos tendem a jogar por prazer e sorte, portanto, não devem ser considerados como ações de investimento (mesmo para aqueles com tais motivos). A taxonomia detalhada dos vários jogos será apresentada no Capítulo 1, que é considerado um bom ponto de partida para explorar os vários regulamentos do jogo. O enquadramento legal do jogo refere-se ao modo de organização e operação em que o governo supervisiona o funcionamento da indústria do jogo sob a condição de economia de mercado. Assim como o sistema regulatório de alimentos e medicamentos, o marco legal do jogo também é um meio de regulação governamental para um determinado setor ou questão dentro do sistema regulatório macroeconômico, com o objetivo de garantir o desenvolvimento sustentado, saudável e estável da indústria do jogo. O estabelecimento de uma estrutura legal para jogos de azar está intimamente relacionado ao contexto cultural de um país ou região e é derivado da compatibilidade legal, ideologia orientadora e princípios regulatórios, incluindo proibições, regulamentos especiais, acesso a mercados e tributação.Mais especificamente, o trabalho no nível operacional inclui o registro de empresas de jogos, registro de produtos, acordos governamentais e empresariais, supervisão e fiscalização de fiscalização, etc.Este artigo seleciona deliberadamente um jogo legal e modelo de estrutura fiscal para pesquisa nos Estados Unidos e na UE, a fim de mostrar quais medidas legais são aplicadas a questões específicas do "jogo" em diferentes jurisdições ao redor do mundo. ; The main objective of this paper is to examine the legal frameworks of common international jurisdictions that regulate gambling and online gambling. Gambling's distinctive moral and cultural characteristics necessitate that legal administration in this sector varies significantly between jurisdictions worldwide, particularly in terms of legislation. A study of a country or region's legal framework entails the following major components: Legal definition of gambling activities (taxonomy and category); What regulatory regimes (such as state monopolies or licensing) govern the operation of gambling activities; The specific approaches to land-based and online gambling; Hierarchy disparities in legislation in different countries or regions; Special laws, supervisors , regulators, for gambling sector in certain jurisdictions; Legislation on the taxation of gambling. The paper claims that the legal frameworks governing gambling in the European Union and the United States are worth comparing and researching, notwithstanding the political and legal systems' disparities. These significant jurisdictions represent two of the most typical gambling legal frameworks in the world today, but there are also numerous legal stumbling blocks and challenging, demonstrating that the gambling industry is not a straightforward field that can be learned through simplistic configurations.The Casino Gaming Dictionary defines gambling as "making a prediction about an uncertain outcome and then accepting the consequences of your decision for the amount of money you have bet." It can be seen that gambling has three basic elements: the first is to have a bet, the second is to have an opponent, the third is to take a chance, none of which is dispensable. This paper holds that gambling and game of chance are equal in connotation and extension. From the perspective of political economy, the gambling industry itself cannot create value, but only participates in the distribution of value through betting and gambling. From the legal point of view, according to whether the country allows or authorizes, it is divided into legal gambling and illegal gambling. According to the level of denotation and connotation will be told, there are betting points on narrow sense and broad sense. There are commercial and social gambling by nature. The difference between the two lies in the way they are organized and whether they are profitable or not. Social gambling is usually a form of entertainment organized by people, such as playing poker.Such games generally have no obvious organizers, scattered personnel, small scope of influence, and more emphasis on entertainment. Governments generally do not interfere with such gambling games. Commercial gambling refers to the gambling games that profit from the special operating organizations according to the special game rules or odds, which can be divided into traditional lottery games, competitive games, casino games and so on. Competitive games include football lottery, horse racing, dog racing or other sports competitions. Commercial gambling games have a great impact on local economy and people's life, even a negative impact, so it needs to be specially regulated by the state or government. Gambling industry is characterized by entertainment service. Tourists, local residents, and even compulsive gamblers tend to gamble for pleasure and luck, thus, shouldn't be considered as actions of investment (even for those with such motives). The detailed taxonomy of the various games will be presented in Chapter 1, which is considered a good starting point for exploring the various game regulations. Gaming legal framework refers to the organization and operation mode that the government supervises the operation of the gambling industry under the condition of market economy.Just like the regulatory system for food and drugs, the legal framework for gambling is also a means of government regulation for a specific sector or issue within the macroeconomic regulatory system, with the aim of ensuring the sustained, healthy and stable development of the gambling industry.To establish the gambling legal framework is a country or a region's cultural concept, the derived out of the country or region corresponding legal gambling compatibility, guiding ideology and principles of management, etc., including the prohibitions, regulators set, market access and taxation. More specifically, the work at the operational level includes gambling enterprise registration, business registration, government and enterprise agreement, supervision and law enforcement inspection, etc. This paper deliberately selected the United States and several member states of the European Union as the research models in the field of legal framework and taxation of gambling law, in order to show what legal measures have been applied in various jurisdictions in the world when facing the special issue of "gambling".

Programa Oficial de Doutoramento en Dereito Administrativo Iberoamericano. 5013V01 ; [Abstract] The 2008 Constitution defines Ecuador as a constitutional State of rights and justice, social, democratic, sovereign, independent, unitary, intercultural, plurinational and secular, for which it adheres to the philosophical, legal and political current of the fair State1, the tutelage strong of rights, the normative force of the Constitution and the democratic principle of popular sovereignty. The new Charter was ascribed to neo-constitutionalism, and as a consequence of the adoption of the State model, it became the constitutionalization of the legal system and the constitutionalization of administrative law in particular, as well as the constitutionalization of public administration. According to the Constitutional Court itself, with the entry into force of the Constitution, "the adoption of neo-constitutionalism as a State ideology"2 was operated, but a new type of law also emerged, the constitutionalized right of values, principles, rules, weighting and legal pluralism. This new political legal model conditions the meaning of public administration, which it defines as a service to the community governed by the principles of effectiveness, efficiency, quality, hierarchy, deconcentration, decentralization, coordination, participation, planning, transparency and evaluation3. On the other hand, the Código Orgánico Administrativo4, in force since July 2018, promulgated almost ten years after the issuance of the Constitutional Charter, models the profile of the public administration so that it corresponds to the fundamental order and is subordinate to it. Thus, the new code enshrines the "fundamental right to good public administration", develops the constitutional principles and adds others, which make up the axiological plexus that defines the public administration diagrammed by the legal system, such as legality, responsibility, proportionality and good faith. With these antecedents, this thesis explains the essential features of the public administration model that is inherent to the constitutional State of rights and justice, differentiating it from the public administration model of the State based on law; analyzes the fundamental aspects that make up this political legal model and its relationship with the elements of public administration; and, bases the proposal for the construction of a system of standards and performance indicators pertaining to public administration, so that it is in harmony with the constitutional state model of rights and justice. The thesis revolves around the essential question, how to contribute to the realization of the public administration model in correspondence with the model of the constitutional State of rights and justice in Ecuador? It is based on the hypothesis according to which the concretion of a public administration model compatible with the constitutional State of rights and justice, will be possible through the definition of standards and performance indicators that approximate the theoretical duty with the real practices of the administrative function of the State. The thesis covers the study of the constitutional state model of rights and justice; the constitutionalization of law in general and of administrative law in particular; the trends of the administrative function and administrative law; the implications of the fundamental political legal model in public administration; the rights and fundamental guarantees of citizens vis-à-vis the public administration; citizen participation and public administration; transparency and public administration; constitutional jurisprudence and public administration; standards and indicators of public administration required by the constitutional State of rights and justice. ; [Resumo] A Constitución de 2008 define a Ecuador como un Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza, social, democrático, soberano, independente, unitario, intercultural, plurinacional e laico1, polo que se adhire á corrente filosófica, xurídica e política do xusto Estado, a tutela forte de dereitos, a forza normativa da Constitución e o principio democrático da soberanía popular. A nova Carta adscribiuse ao neoconstitucionalismo e, como consecuencia da adopción do modelo de Estado, converteuse na constitucionalización do sistema xurídico e na constitucionalización do dereito administrativo en particular, así como na constitucionalización da administración pública. Segundo o propio Tribunal Constitucional, coa entrada en vigor da Constitución, operouse "a adopción do neoconstitucionalismo como ideoloxía de Estado"2, pero tamén xurdiu un novo tipo de lei, o dereito constitucionalizado de valores, principios, regras, etc. ponderación e pluralismo xurídico. Este novo modelo xurídico político condiciona o significado da administración pública, que define como un servizo á comunidade rexido polos principios de eficacia, eficiencia, calidade, xerarquía, desconcentración, descentralización, coordinación, participación, planificación, transparencia e avaliación3. Por outra banda, o Código Orgánico Administrativo4, vixente desde xullo de 2018, promulgado case dez anos despois da emisión da Carta constitucional, modela o perfil da administración pública para que se corresponda coa orde fundamental e estea subordinada a ela. Así, o novo código recolle o "dereito fundamental a unha boa administración pública", desenvolve os principios constitucionais e engade outros, que conforman o plexo axiolóxico que define a administración pública diagramada polo sistema xurídico, como legalidade, responsabilidade, proporcionalidade e boa fe. Con estes antecedentes, esta tese explica os trazos esenciais do modelo de administración pública inherente ao Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza, diferenciándoo do modelo de administración pública do Estado baseado no dereito; analiza os aspectos fundamentais que conforman este modelo xurídico político e a súa relación cos elementos da administración pública; e, basea a proposta para a construción dun sistema de estándares e indicadores de rendemento relativos á administración pública, de xeito que estea en harmonía co modelo estatal constitucional de dereitos e xustiza. A tese xira en torno á cuestión esencial: como contribuír á realización do modelo de administración pública en correspondencia co modelo do Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza en Ecuador? Baséase na hipótese segundo a cal a concreción dun modelo de administración pública compatible co Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza será posible a través da definición de estándares e indicadores de rendemento que aproximen o deber teórico coas prácticas reais do función administrativa do Estado. A tese abrangue o estudo do modelo constitucional de dereitos e xustiza; a constitucionalización do dereito en xeral e do dereito administrativo en particular; as tendencias da función administrativa e do dereito administrativo; as implicacións do modelo legal político fundamental na administración pública; os dereitos e garantías fundamentais dos cidadáns fronte á administración pública; participación cidadá e administración pública; transparencia e administración pública; xurisprudencia constitucional e administración pública; normas e indicadores de administración pública requiridos polo Estado constitucional de dereitos e xustiza. ; [Resumen] La Constitución de 2008 define al Ecuador como Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia, social, democrático, soberano, independiente, unitario, intercultural, plurinacional y laico1, por lo que se adhiere a la corriente filosófica, jurídica y política del Estado justo, la tutela fuerte de los derechos, la fuerza normativa de la Constitución y el principio democrático de soberanía popular. La nueva Carta se adscribió al neoconstitucionalismo, y como consecuencia de la adopción del modelo de Estado, devino la constitucionalización del ordenamiento jurídico y la constitucionalización del derecho administrativo en particular, así como la constitucionalización de la administración pública. Según la propia Corte Constitucional, con la entrada en vigencia de la Constitución, se operó "la adopción del neoconstitucionalismo como ideología de Estado"2, pero también surgió un nuevo tipo de derecho, el derecho constitucionalizado de los valores, los principios, las reglas, la ponderación y el pluralismo jurídico. Este nuevo modelo jurídico político condiciona el sentido de la administración pública, a la que define como un servicio a la colectividad regido por los principios de eficacia, eficiencia, calidad, jerarquía, desconcentración, descentralización, coordinación, participación, planificación, transparencia y evaluación3. Por otra parte, el Código Orgánico Administrativo4, vigente desde julio de 2018, promulgado casi diez años después de la expedición de la Carta constitucional modela el perfil de la administración pública para que ésta se corresponda con el orden fundamental y se subordine a él. Así, el nuevo código consagra el "derecho fundamental a la buena administración pública", desarrolla los principios constitucionales y agrega otros, que integran el plexo axiológico que define a la administración pública diagramada por el ordenamiento jurídico, como los de juridicidad, responsabilidad, proporcionalidad y buena fe. Con estos antecedentes, la presente tesis explica los rasgos esenciales del modelo de administración pública que le es inherente al Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia, diferenciándolo del modelo de administración pública del Estado basado en la ley; analiza los aspectos fundamentales que configuran ese modelo jurídico político y su relación con los elementos de la administración pública; y, fundamenta la propuesta para la construcción de un sistema de estándares e indicadores de desempeño atinentes a la administración pública, a fin de que ésta guarde armonía con el modelo de Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia. La tesis gira en torno a la pregunta esencial ¿cómo contribuir a la concreción del modelo de administración pública en correspondencia con el modelo de Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia en el Ecuador?. Se parte de la hipótesis según la cual la concreción de modelo de administración pública compatible con el Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia, será posible a través de la definición de estándares e indicadores de desempeño que aproximen el deber ser teórico con las práctica reales de la función administrativa del Estado. La tesis abarca el estudio del modelo de Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia; la constitucionalización del derecho en general y del derecho administrativo en particular; las tendencias de la función administrativa y del derecho administrativo; las implicaciones del modelo jurídico político fundamental en la administración pública; los derechos y las garantías fundamentales de los ciudadanos frente a la administración pública; la participación ciudadana y la administración pública; la transparencia y la administración pública; la jurisprudencia constitucional y la administración pública; estándares e indicadores de la administración pública que exige el Estado constitucional de derechos y justicia.

This article considers the implementation of the right to higher education for learners with special needs in Lithuania. Although this right is guaranteed by various international documents and national legal acts, the main responsibility to ensure equality in higher education for all learners is embedded in the discretion of higher education institutions. The aim of this article is to analyse Lithuanian legal regulation regarding inclusion of students with special needs into higher education institutions and to evaluate Lithuanian university policies, as institutional documents, concerning students with special educational needs. A brief overview and comparison of all Lithuanian HEI policies illustrates the institutional approach towards educating students with SEN and the level of attentiveness to realization of their right to education. The research also considers pivotal challenges of ensuring inclusive education for those students as well as presents recommendations to address these challenges. ; Aušrinė Pasvenskienė: ausrine.pasvenskiene@vdu.lt ; Milda Žaliauskaitė: milda.zaliauskaite@vdu.lt ; Aušrinė Pasvenskienė – doktor, prodziekan i wykładowca na Uniwersytecie Witolda Wielkiego w Kownie (Litwa). Jej zainteresowania naukowe obejmują prawo edukacyjne, prawo i technologie, technologie cyfrowe i edukację, prawa człowieka w edukacji, edukację prawniczą. ; Aušrinė Pasvenskienė – Dr, lecturer at the Vytautas Magnus University, Vice-Dean, lecturer and researcher at Vytautas Magnus University, Faculty of Law (Kaunas, Lithuania). Her esearch interests include: education law, law and technologies, digital technologies and education, human rights in education, legal education. ; Milda Žaliauskaitė – doktorantka na Uniwersytecie Witolda Wielkiego w Kownie (Litwa). Posiada tytuł magistra prawa oraz magistra biznesu i zarządzania. Jej zainteresowania badawcze obejmują prawo prywatne, w szczególności prawo umów. ; Milda Žaliauskaitė – PhD student at the Vytautas Magnus University, holds master's degree in law and master's degree in business and management and is currently a PhD student in law at Vytautas Magnus University (Kaunas, Lithuania). Her research interests include private law, particularly contract law. ; Aušrinė Pasvenskienė - Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania ; Milda Žaliauskaitė - Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania ; Bessant J., 'Measuring up'? 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U Vijestima iz sektora, u svom napisu gosp. Borislav Škegro pod naslovom "Može li državni holding biti učinkovit? Bude li se vodio logikom profita, bit će dividenda!" za primjer navodi poslovanje (odnos) šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije. Kaže kako drvoprerađivačka industrija bilježi sjajne rezultate u proizvodnji, izvozu i zapošljavanju, ali ne zadovoljava potražnju, jer je ograničavajući čimbenik nedostatak drvne sirovine (nema dovoljno drva kaže on). To smatra apsurdnim, "jer u šumama danas postoji višak drva – kod hrasta npr. i do 1/3 ukupne mase". Te povećane količine drvoprerađivačka industrija bi u kešu platila, zaposlila nove ljude, izvezla, naplatila i platila povećane poreze, "ali to nikako ne ide – nitko ne traži dividendu", kaže on. Poruka je očito novom ministru "da za početak upiše dodatnih 200 mil. kuna dividende kao prihod proračuna", pa će biti "drva k'o u priči, a dividenda i poreza k'o drva".Obrazlažući uvodno način poslovanja holdinga navodi kako se mjeri samo prinos na uloženi kapital i nema drugih ni trećih "socijalno osjetljivih, generalno razvojnih društvenih kriterija . dividenda postaje značajni neporezni dio prihoda državnog proračuna .nema opravdanja za zadržavanje radnih mjesta i socijalnim, lokalnim i političkim kriterijima". Tu imamo navode i nekih drvoprerađivača da bi trebalo zabraniti izvoz trupaca, te da potrošimo 200 mil. dolara na uvoz namještaja od hrvatskih trupaca koje smo jeftino izvezli – na taj način rasipamo nacionalno bogatstvo.Što se tiče šumarstva, na tragu potpuno laičkog razmišljanja gosp. Škegre da se može sjeći koliko kome treba, a ne prema Gospodarskoj osnovi, slično razmišljanje dijeli i predsjednik Udruge poslodavaca, a ono se ponajprije odnosi na cijenu drvne sirovine – kada bi ona bila niža (a sada je najniža u EU), onda bi hrvatska drvoprerađivačka industrija bila konkurentna. Prvome možemo odgovoriti da su etatne mogućnosti ograničene i da se u duhu načela potrajnog gospodarenja u šumarstvu sječe nešto ispod godišnjeg prirasta drvne mase, a ne koliko prekapacitirana pilanska prerada traži, pa nema govora o tome da će biti drva k'o u priči, a onda i dividenda. Njih može biti samo ako se naša drvoprerađivačka industrija posveti smanjenju ostalih 80 % troškova proizvodnje, a ne da stalno plače nad previsokim troškovima drvne sirovine, koji u strukturi troškova čine maksimalno 16-20 %. Osim toga, mora se držati načela da najkvalitetniju sirovinu maksimalno finalizira u proizvod s najvećom dodanom vrijednosti. Na to je, sigurni smo, jedino može prisiliti tržišna cijena drvnih sortimenata. Isto tako potrebno je okrenuti se najnovijim tehnologijama i ulaganju u znanje na svim razinama. Slažemo se da treba zabraniti izvoz trupaca, jer smo u dosadašnjim tekstovima u ovoj rubrici između ostalog naveli da 8 m3 izveženih trupaca znači da izvozimo jedno radno mjesto. No, koliko je nama poznato, osim nekih mekih listača i proizvoda neinteresantnih za naše drvoprerađivače, Hrvatske šume d.o.o. ne izvoze trupce, ali znamo da to čine neki drvoprerađivači, tako da dio ugovorenih količina po netržišnoj cijeni upravo radi izvoza "kamufliraju" u razne oblike minimalne pilanske prerade (prizme, fličevi, grede, četvrtače i sl.). Glede uvoza namještaja mišljenja smo da bi svatko rađe kupio domaći ako je jefiniji i barem jednako kvalitetan kao uvozni – zašto on to nije neka odgovore drvoprerađivači koji imaju domaću sirovinu po netržišnim cijenama i tako reći na svom lageru gotovo bez troškova transporta. Upravo o rasipanju nacionalnog bogatstva pisali smo u više navrata, ponajprije govoreći o šumarstvu kao specifičnoj gospodarskoj grani, a ne onoj kako je vidi gosp. Škegro i privatnici drvoprerađivači. Osim toga, očito se uzaludno trudimo upozoriti da šuma ima osim sirovinske uloge i onu ekološku, socijalnu i ekofiziološku, koje su višestruko vrjednije od sirovinske, pa je gospodarenje šumom upravo suprotno od prethodno proklamiranog "holdinškog pristupa". Svakako, kada to nismo napravili do sada, a o tome smo pisali u Šumarskome listu br. 11-12/2014., vrijeme je da se konačno zacrta konzistentna šumarska politika, kojoj treba pridodati i drvoprerađivačku industriju koja će se novo-sačinjenim strategijama provoditi. Time ćemo izbjeći nakaradna "mlečanska" razmišljanja o šumi i ukloniti netržišini odnos šumarstva i drvoprerađivačke industrije te odrediti ispravan status šumarstva u hrvatskome gospodarstvu. Uredništvo ; In his article entitled "Can a state holding company be efficient? If governed by the logic of profit, there will be dividends!", Mr Borislav Škegro illustrates his standpoint with the example of the forestry and wood processing industry business (relationship). According to him, the wood processing industry records outstanding results in the production, export and employment, but cannot satisfy the demand because it is faced with the limiting factor of the lack of raw wood material (there is not enough wood, says he). He thinks this is absurd, because "there is a surplus of wood in the forests today – up to one third of the total mass of oak, for example." The wood processing industry would pay for these excess quantities in cash, it would employ new labour force, it would export, earn and pay increased taxes, but "it just does not work – nobody wants dividends", says he. Evidently, a message for the new minister is to "for a start, add the additional 200 million kuna of dividends to the budget income"; by doing so, there will be "wood in excess, and dividends and taxes in abundance". When he expostulates on the manner of how a holding company conducts business, he says that only income from the invested capital is measured and that there are no second or third "socially sensitive, generally developmental social criteria . a dividend becomes an important part of the tax-exempt income of the government budget . there is no justification for preserving working places and for the social, local and political criteria". There are also opinions of some wood processing companies which require a ban on the export of logs. They point out that we spend 200 million dollars on the import of furniture made of Croatian logs that were exported cheaply – which is a way of squandering our national wealth. With regard to forestry, the uninformed musings of Mr Škegro, according to which one can fell as much timber as he or she needs, and not according to management plans, are complemented by similar thoughts of the president of the Employers' Association, which concern primarily the price of raw wood: if it were lower (although currently it is the lowest in Europe), then the Croatian wood processing industry would be more competitive. The first gentleman should be informed that the capacities of the annual cut are limited and that in the spirit of the principle of sustainable management, forestry follows the principle of cutting slightly below the annual wood mass increment and not according to the demands of the over-capacitated sawmill processing. Therefore, it is out of the question that there will be wood in excess and dividends in abundance. There can be dividends only if the Croatian wood processing industry applies itself to cutting down on the 80% of production costs, rather than constantly lamenting on the excessively high price of raw wood material, which accounts for a maximum of 16–20% in the cost structure. In addition, it should do its utmost to use the best quality raw material in the final product with the highest added value. We are sure that the wood processing industry can be forced to do the aforesaid only by market prices of wood assortments. Another step to take is to turn to cutting edge technologies and investment into knowledge on all levels. We agree that log export should be banned, because we have already pointed out in previous texts that 8 m3 of exported logs equals one exported work place. However, as far as we know, apart from some soft broadleaves and products which the Croatian wood processors are not interested in, the company Hrvatske Šume Ltd does not export logs, unlike some wood processors. This means that for the sake of export, they "camouflage" a part of the quantities contracted at a non-market price into different forms of minimal sawmill products (Count, Flitch, Square and similar). As for imported furniture, we are confident that people would rather buy a home-made piece of furniture on condition that it is cheaper but of equal quality as the imported one. Why it is not cheaper and of good quality rests on our wood processors, who have home raw material available at non-market prices and at almost no transport costs. Our articles have repeatedly pointed at squandering the national wealth when writing about forestry as a specific economic branch, but not as an economic branch viewed by Mr Škegro and some private wood processors. Obviously, in vain have we tried to explain that apart from its raw material role, the forest also has other roles, such as the ecological, social and eco-physiological roles, which are several times more valuable than the raw material role. Consequently, managing a forest is in stark contrast with the proclaimed "holding approach". It is high time we finally formulated a consistent forestry policy (we wrote about this in Forestry Journal 11-12/2014), adding to this the wood processing industry, which should implement the newly-formulated strategies. By doing so we will put a stop to absurd irrational contemplations on forests, do away with non-market relationships between forestry and wood processing industry, and define an adequate status of forestry within Croatian economy. Editorial Board

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 철학과(서양철학전공), 2012. 2. 정호근. ; The objective of this thesis is to elucidate the concept of the general will and to make Rousseau's point clear by refuting criticisms which determine the general will as totalitarianism. To this end, I would like to reconstruct the concept of the general will by focusing on Rousseau's paradoxical expression of 'forcing to be free'. Because I think that it is possible to get a correct understanding of the general will through paying attention to this phrase. There are two kinds of 'forcing to be free' in the theory of Rousseau's General will. One is found in the notorious passage arguing that whoever refuses to obey the general will must be forced to be free in the Book 1 chapter 7 of On Social Contract. The other is implicit one in the passage discussing the conditions of the general will in the Book 2 chapter 3 and Book 2 chapter 7(part 4 chapter 8). I would like to examine these problems respectively and try to show that Rousseau's ultimate point consists in not 'forcing' but 'freedom'. Conclusively, the authentic difficulty of interpreting of Rousseau's logic is that nevertheless 'forcing to be free' is necessary to the production of the general will, he permit the possibility of failure of this process in practice. Rousseau's theory of the popular sovereignty argues that the foundation of legitimacy of the state does not consist in the divine or natural foundation but in the autonomous will of the people. Despite this theoretical postulate, the people appear to not only rational and social unity, but also always potentially the multitude as disordered gathering of individuals who are vulnerable to a capricious passion. On the one hand, the people's general will should make a society legitimate, particular deliberation of the people may be contingent and could make an erroneous decision on the other. As a result, Rousseau introduces the legislator or the civil religion which is external to a people in order to transform a multitude into unified people. However, because of the very reason that people are still and always multitude, they consequently could not obey this foreign authority so the problem regarding difficulty of self-ruling of the people remains unsolved. At a glance, Rousseau's theory of popular sovereignty seems to optimistic assertion that the people should and could govern itself. But Rousseau's pessimistic claim that the ideal people cannot be naturally given, but must be constructed by constant effort should not be overlooked as well. Finally, the introduction of the legislator or the civil religion is not contradictory to the principle of popular sovereignty because the success or failure of this heteronomous agency is uncertain and the popular sovereignty keeps still its autonomy. The problems are described as follows: the general will aiming at common good could fell to mere will of all by acquiring of a particular will possessed by some individuals. In the same way, the people who should be unitary and organic are degenerated into a blind multitude and the citizen who must be active and rational in the collective deliberation into a passive, passionate subject. The principle of the popular sovereignty claiming that good law makes a good people but the origin of the good law must be also the people, and the fact that primitive people does not have any capacity to legislate such good law is the source of the circular logic Rousseau engages. It also suggests that the self-ruling of the people is not easily attainable project by the introduction of the legislator or the civil religion because after the initial social contract, passionate, irrational and apolitical properties of the human being who had had those attributes in the state of nature cannot be completely eradicated. So the state of the society in Rousseau is more vulnerable than the traditional reading in that there is always the danger of reemergence of the state of nature. The fact that the sovereignty belongs to the people but the people do not have such capacity to exert the sovereignty is the central ambiguity derived from the theory of popular sovereignty in Rousseau. Rousseau's democracy as self-ruling of the people, therefore, remains always incomplete, contestable and unfinished democracy. This paradox of Rousseau is deduced from the consistent, thorough accomplishment of the principle of the freedom. In other words, Rousseau's premises arguing that the legitimacy of the politics does not have any transcendent and ultimate ground and its source is a unique source of will of the people as free being even permit the freedom to refuse their freedom. That is to say, individual citizens must be forced to be free but also can have the (natural) freedom not to be forced to have (civil and moral) freedom. In short, as though effective denaturalization is necessarily required to make man into citizen, it remains a process without a priori guarantee. Thus, the binary oppositions which support Rousseau's whole system, such as oppositions between the society and nature, the people and multitude and the general will and the will of all always have the possibility of confusion in practice. That danger renders the general will only transient or temporary in the conflictual process of politics. The fundamental problem of politics suggested by Rousseau is that the passage from the state of nature to the state of society is necessary, but is also very difficult and could not be achieved entirely. In conclusion, all these considerations show that Rousseau's political philosophy does not defense the alleged totalitarianism but is the philosophy of 'freedom' in the strict and consistent sense of the word. ; 본 논문의 목적은 을 중심으로 루소의 일반의지 개념의 정체를 해명하고, 이를 전체주의로 규정하는 비판들로부터 루소의 논지를 명료하게 하는 것이다. 이를 위해 나는 '자유롭도록 강제'된다는 루소의 역설적인 표현을 중심으로 일반의지 개념을 재구성하고자 하며, 이 점에 주목할 때 비로소 일반의지 개념에 대한 정확한 이해가 가능하다고 본다. 루소의 일반의지 이론에서는 크게 두 가지의 '자유롭도록 강제됨'이 나타난다. 하나는 일반의지를 거부하는 자들이 자유롭도록 강제되어야한다고 주장하는 1부 7장의 주장이며 다른 하나는 2부 3장 및 2부 7장(4부 8장)에서 일반의지의 성립 조건을 논의하는 대목에서 드러난다. 나는 이들을 각각 살펴보고 루소의 궁극적인 강조점은 강제가 아니라 자유에 있음을 보여주고자 한다. 결론적으로, 루소의 논리를 따를 때 나타나는 진정한 난점은 자유롭도록 강제하는 과정이 일반의지의 산출을 위해 필수적임에도 불구하고, 실천적으로는 이것이 실패할 수 있는 여지를 허용하는 데에 있다. 루소의 인민주권론은 국가 정당성의 토대가 신적인 것이나 자연적인 근거에 있다는 견해를 부정하고 인민의 자율적인 의지가 정치적 권위의 원천이라고 주장한다. 그런데 인민은 항상 이성적이고 사회적인 질서정연한 통일체인 것이 아니라 또한 잠재적으로 정념에 좌우되기 쉬운 개인들의 무질서한 모임으로서 다중으로 현상하기도 한다. 즉 한편으로 인민의 일반의지는 사회를 정당한 것으로 만드는 조건이지만, 다른 한편으로 인민들의 개별 심의는 우연적이며 오류를 범할 수 있는 것이다. 따라서 루소는 다중을 인민으로 만들기 위해서 입법자와 시민종교와 같은 인민 외부의 권위를 도입한다. 그러나 인민은 그들이 다중이라는 바로 그 이유로 이러한 외부적 권위에 복종하지 않을 수도 있기 때문에, 인민이 스스로를 통치하는 것에 관한 난점은 해결되지 않는다. 일견 루소의 인민주권론은 인민이 인민 자신을 통치해야 한다는 낙관적 주장으로 보이지만, 인민은 그 자체로 주어지거나 발견될 수 없으며 다만 이상적 인민으로 구성되어야 한다는 루소의 비관적 주장 역시 간과되어서는 안 된다. 결국 입법자나 시민종교의 도입은 인민주권의 원리와 상충되는 것이 아닌데, 이러한 타율적 장치의 성공 여부는 불확실하여 인민주권은 여전히 그 자율성을 지니기 때문이다. 문제는 공동이익을 지향해야 할 일반의지가 각 개인이 갖는 특수의지의 득세에 의해 한갓 전체의지로 전락할 위험, 통일적이고 유기적이어야 할 인민이 무지몽매하고 개별적인 다중으로 전락할 위험, 집단적인 심의에 있어 능동적이고 합리적이어야 할 시민이 수동적이고 정념에만 사로잡힌 신민으로 전락할 위험에 있다. 좋은 법이 좋은 인민을 만들지만 좋은 법의 출처는 또한 인민이어야 한다는 인민주권의 원리, 그리고 최초의 인민은 그러한 입법을 할 수 있는 역량을 가지지 못하는 다중이라는 상황이 루소가 사로잡힌 순환 논리의 원천이다. 그런데 사회계약 이후에도 인간이 자연 상태에서 갖던 감성적, 비합리적, 비정치적 속성은 완전히 해소되지 않으며, 이는 입법자나 시민종교 같은 장치를 통해서도 인민의 자기통치가 온전히는 달성될 수 없는 난제임을 보여준다. 이처럼 루소의 사회 상태는 항상 부분적으로나마 자연 상태가 돌발할 수도 있는 위험을 갖는다는 점에서 취약한 것이다. 주권은 인민에 속하지만 인민은 스스로를 직접 통치할 수 있는 역량을 결여한다는 것이 루소의 인민주권론이 보여주는 애매성이다. 그러므로 인민의 자기통치로서 루소의 민주주의는 항상 불완전하여 계속해서 갱신되고 수정되어야 하는 미완의 민주주의로 남는다. 루소에서 이러한 역설은 자유의 원리를 일관되게 관철시키게 됨에서 귀결된다. 즉 정치의 정당성에는 어떠한 선험적이고 궁극적인 토대도 없다는 것, 인민은 자유로운 존재로서 그들의 의지만이 정치적 정당성의 유일한 원천이라는 루소의 전제는 그들이 스스로의 자유를 거부할 자유마저도 허용한다. 다시 말해 각 개인은 일반의지의 실현을 위해서 자유롭도록 강제되어야 하지만, 이들은 '자유롭도록'(즉 시민적 자유와 도덕적 자유) 강제되지 않을 수 있는 자유(즉 자연적 자유)를 가질 수도 있다. 요컨대 인간을 시민으로 만들기 위해서는 효과적인 탈자연화가 요구되지만, 이는 보증없는 과정이다. 따라서 루소의 체계를 떠받치는 이항대립, 즉 사회와 자연, 인민과 다중, 일반의지와 전체의지는 항상 실천적으로는 혼동될 위험을 가지며 이러한 위험은 일반의지가 정치의 갈등적인 과정 속에서 단지 일시적으로만 가능한 것으로 만든다. 루소가 보여주는 정치의 근본 문제는 자연 상태로부터 사회 상태로의 이행이 필수적이지만, 동시에 이것이 매우 어렵고 온전히 달성될 수 없다는 것이다. 결론적으로 이러한 탐구는 루소의 철학이 전체주의를 대변하는 것이 아니라 여전히 '자유'의 철학이며, 그것도 매우 일관적인 의미에서 그러함을 보여준다. ; Master

El estudio de la historia tiene un atractivo particular para los investigadores de las demás ciencias sociales. En el taller del historiador es donde naufragan nuestras más ambiciosas generalizaciones. Pero cuando un ejemplo histórico nos da la razón es el momento en el que nuestras hipótesis comienzan a parecerse a buenos argumentos teóricos. Esta doble faz de la investigación histórica hace que los demás cientistas sociales (sociólogos, politólogos, economistas) nos acerquemos a ella con cautela, sabiendo que estamos caminando sobre territorio ajeno. ¿Por qué esa sensación de ingresar en territorio ajeno? Porque en las ciencias sociales no históricas hay un fuerte predominio de los enfoques deductivistas de investigación. Esto hace que sociólogos, economistas y politólogos tengamos una fuerte inclinación a la teorización como paso previo a la investigación empírica. Por el contrario, en historia es donde más fuertemente los investigadores se inclinan a primero conocer los hechos y después teorizar (si es conveniente hacerlo o si queda tiempo). En suma, es en historia donde el enfoque es más inclinado hacia procedimientos de tipo inductivo. Esta diferencia hace que muchas veces los historiadores comenten las interpretaciones históricas de los sociólogos con un escéptico: "a esta investigación le falta trabajo de archivo". Y el archivo, suele ser un lugar poco frecuentado por sociólogos y politólogos. De ahí también surge cierta incomodidad: en las demás ciencias sociales hay muy sofisticados desarrollos metodológicos, pero algo tan básico como "saber moverse en un archivo" es un saber del que disfrutan casi exclusivamente los historiadores. Marc Trachtenberg (1), historiador con más de 40 años de experiencia de investigación en historia diplomática es consciente de estas ambigüedades y limitaciones. Por eso escribió un libro en el cual precisamente se concentra en demostrar la utilidad de la investigación histórica para el desarrollo de teoría en política internacional: The craft of international history. A guide tomethod (2). La lectura de este libro es altamente recomendable para aquellos estudiantes e investigadores en Relaciones Internacionales interesados en hacer investigación histórica. Las razones para esta recomendación son muy sencillas. Es un libro pensado para que el lector pueda entender el valor de la investigación histórica. Pero además es una buena fuente de consejos metodológicos sobre cómo realizar una investigación histórica. Podría bastar con estas dos afirmaciones para estimular la lectura del libro, puesto que si buscamos manuales de investigación la producción en sociología y ciencia política supera largamente a la producción en historia. Por tanto, estamos ante un libro infrecuente por su contenido y por el origen académico de quien lo escribe. Pero hay una razón más importante aún. Es un libro bien escrito, sistemáticamente dedicado a interesar al lector con ejemplos, a repetir argumentos para que se entiendan mejor y a mostrar desde la experiencia del autor cómo es que se hace investigación histórica en diplomacia. En suma, el libro tiene "lo que debe tener" un buen libro de metodología. En el resto del artículo nos dedicaremos a probar la verdad de la anterior afirmación (3).Estructura del libro. El libro consta de 7 capítulos y 2 anexos. Los dos primeros capítulos abordan problemas epistemológicos de la investigación histórica y tienen un alto valor para introducirse en los debates más relevantes acerca de la misma en los últimos 60 años. Los capítulos 3 y 5 ("The critical analysis of historical texts" y "Working with documents" respectivamente) son los capítulos donde se concentra el contenido metodológico del libro. En estos capítulos el autor intenta establecer una serie de consejos de experiencia para manipular creativamente dos herramientas básicas de la investigación histórica: los libros escritos por historiadores y las fuentes primarias. Entre estos dos capítulos centrales en el enfoque metodológico del autor hay un capítulo dedicado a mostrar un ejemplo de análisis textual que proviene de una investigación realizada por el autor (capítulo 4). Los capítulos finales abordan el problema de la escritura. El capítulo 6 aborda el problema de iniciar y escribir un proyecto de investigación histórica. El capítulo 7 está dedicado a la escritura de un informe de investigación. Los anexos cubren aspectos muy interesantes sobre la identificación de la literatura relevante en un tema y el trabajo con fuentes primarias. Ambos están centrados en Estados Unidos, Inglaterra, Francia y Alemania. El elemento más destacable del libro es cómo el autor ilustra sus ideas con ejemplos. En los mismos toma clásicos de la historiografía en política internacional (fundamentalmente centrados en temas de power politics) y desmenuza pacientemente sus argumentos mostrando aciertos y debilidades tanto en lo que respecta a fundamentación teórica como al aval empírico de sus afirmaciones. Por ejemplo, se repasan las obras clásicas de autores como Elie Halévy, A. J. P. Taylor y Fritz Fischer. Por tanto, el libro oficia también como una excelente introducción a argumentos clásicos de gran utilidad para quienes se están iniciando y ven en la historia un campo de estudios valioso. La perspectiva epistemológica. Los libros de metodología suelen evitar definiciones epistemológicas básicas. Estos tienden a escribirse con un criterio político. Todas las tendencias de las humanidades deben estar representadas y todas son igualmente válidas, más aún, suelen presentarse corrientes antitéticas como "formas diferentes" de hacer ciencia. Trachtenberg, por el contrario declara cuál es su visión epistemológica, pero lo hace luego de presentar de forma clara y amena los debates filosóficos que han tenido por objeto la meta y el contenido de la investigación histórica. El recuento del autor comienza con lo que él llama la perspectiva clásica y que remite a las posiciones de Carl G. Hempel (1905-1997) y R. G. Collingwood (1889-1943). En el modelo de Hempel una explicación de un hecho consiste en poder deducir el mismo de la operación de leyes que funcionan si se está frente a la presencia de ciertas condiciones iniciales claramente establecidas (4). Para Collingwood, por el contrario, explicar un evento histórico implica capturar los motivos de los agentes que participan en dicho fenómeno (5). Ambos modelos han sido discutidos largamente en las ciencias sociales (Little, 1991). En el campo de la historia, según Trachtenberg, ninguno fue recibido como especialmente fructífero al momento de ofrecer una guía filosófica a la investigación: "The two schools represented opposite ends of a spectrum: one emphasized structure and law-like regularity, and the other free will and human agency. But every practicing historian knows that both sorts of factors come into play. Part of the art of doing history is being able to figure out how exactly in any particular case the balance between them is to be struck, and this of course is an empirical and not a philosophical problem" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 7). A la discusión entre defensores de uno y otro enfoque explicativo durante los años '60 le sucede lo que Trachtenberg llama "el desafío constructivista". Se conoce por constructivismo (6) un variado grupo de enfoques en ciencias sociales que tiende a cuestionar la existencia de una realidad objetiva por fuera de las interpretaciones que una mente humana pueda concebir. En consecuencia, considera inútil todo intento de encontrar alguna realidad objetiva por fuera de los textos que producimos para interpretar dicha realidad. Aplicado a la historia esta concepción establece que el pasado no puede ser conocido directamente sino a través de los relatos acerca del mismo. Por tanto, el historiador no tiene nada objetivo que descubrir en el pasado, la investigación histórica es un acto creativo (poético) mediante el cual el investigador "construye" una cierta imagen del pasado. Esas imágenes pueden ser muy diferentes dependiendo de la perspectiva del investigador, y lo más importante, todas son igualmente legítimas. La consecuencia de la aplicación de este enfoque a la investigación histórica fue el descrédito de la vieja idea de "contar la verdad sobre el pasado" basándose en evidencia válida y confiable. Para tener una acercamiento vívido a la polémica entre constructivismo e historia "científica" (para llamarla de algún modo que sea identificable por el lector, aunque muchos objetarían esta denominación) puede leerse con provecho el capítulo IX de "Yo, Claudio" de Robert Graves (ambientada en los primeros años de la era cristiana). En dicho capítulo se sucede una discusión entre dos historiadores Tito Livio y Polión (7) en la biblioteca pública de Roma. El siguiente fragmento es ilustrativo, aunque es altamente recomendable leer el capítulo completo: "-Lo malo de Polión –dijo Livio- es que cuando escribe historia se cree obligado a suprimir sus sentimientos más delicados y poéticos, y a hacer que sus personajes se comporten con una vulgaridad concienzuda, y cuando los hace hablar les niega la menor capacidad oratoria. -Sí –replicó Polión-, la poesía es poesía, la oratoria oratoria, y la historia historia, y no es posible mezclarlas. -¿No se puede? Pues yo puedo –dijo Livio-. ¿Quieres decir que no debo escribir una historia con tema épico porque esa es una prerrogativa de la poesía, ni poner en boca de mis generales dignos discursos, en vísperas de las batallas, porque componer tales discursos es prerrogativa de la oratoria? -Eso es precisamente lo que quiero decir. La historia es un registro veraz de lo que ha sucedido, de cómo vivió y murió la gente, de lo que hizo y dijo. Un tema épico no hace más que deformar los hechos. En cuanto a los discursos de tus generales, son admirables como oratoria, pero condenables por anti históricos. No sólo no existe la más mínima prueba de su existencia, sino que además son inadecuados. He escuchado más discursos en vísperas de combate que la mayoría de los hombres, y aunque los generales que los pronunciaban, en especial César y Antonio, eran magníficos oradores, eran también soldados demasiado buenos para tratar de endilgar a las tropas un discurso de púlpito. Hablaban con ellos en tono de conversación familiar; no pronunciaban discursos" (Graves, 1996, 131-132). La visión de Trachtenberg sobre la investigación se ubica lejos del constructivismo y por tanto, es más cercana a las pretensiones de Polión que a las de Livio. Retoma las ideas del filósofo N. R. Hanson acerca de la investigación científica para proponer que una buena investigación en historia (así como en las ciencias naturales y sociales) se basa en la articulación de preguntas sustantivas orientadas teóricamente y evidencia empírica.Teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales e investigación. Las ideas de Trachtenberg tienen una gran afinidad con las ideas de A.Stinchcombe (8). Para ambos autores la investigación histórica no debe limitarse a ser el escenario para verificar teorías. La investigación histórica sirve para desarrollar, construir, limitar, modificar teorías. La primera recomendación de Trachtenberg es: haz que tu pregunta de investigación tenga sentido en términos teóricos. Si puedes hacerlo, tendrás resuelto un problema clave: cómo avanzar, qué evidencia es útil recoger, cómo analizarla. "But note the role that that theory, if you can call it that, actually plays. It does not provide any ready-made answers. Instead, it serves to generate a series of specific questions you can only answer by doing empirical research (…)The theory, in other words (if it used correctly), is not a substitute for empirical analysis. It is an engine of analysis. It helps you see which specific questions to focus on. It helps you see how big issues (like the origins of the First World War) turn on relatively narrow problems (like what Russia calculated about Britain and France, and how that affected its behavior in the crisis). It thus helps you develop a sense for the 'architecture' of the historical problem you are concerned with and helps you see how you can go about dealing with it. It thus play a crucial role in the development of an effective research strategy". (Trachtenberg, 2006, 31). Siempre hay un riesgo presente: al enamorarse de una teoría podemos forzar la evidencia para que se adapte a ella. Pero, éste es un riesgo manejable. Lo importante de pensar el problema de investigación desde una cierta perspectiva teórica es que ésta, en primera instancia, ayuda a focalizar las preguntas. Y es a partir de este foco que la evidencia comienza a tener sentido. En palabras del autor: "As you deal with a particular historical problem, you are constantly trying to see how things fit together. You never want to interpret history as just a bunch of events strung together over time. Your goal instead is to understand the logic that underlies the course of events. And it's in that context that theoretical notions come into play" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 32). El segundo punto que Trachtenberg establece con relación a la importancia de la teoría en la investigación en historia de las Relaciones Internacionales es que la misma ayuda a forjar una hipótesis guía sin la necesidad de hacer un gran esfuerzo en el estudio de la documentación sobre el asunto. Esta posibilidad, la de tener una hipótesis guía antes de zambullirse de lleno en el estudio del problema, tiene dos grandes valores. Primero permite discriminar qué es evidencia y qué no lo es. Por tanto, ayuda al investigador a economizar esfuerzos y concentrarse en los materiales empíricos que son importantes para responder su pregunta. En segundo lugar, una hipótesis es una de las herramientas más importante que posee el investigador al momento de analizar los datos recolectados. Los datos resultan sorprendentes sólo si los contrastamos explícitamente contra ciertas hipótesis iniciales. Al tratar de explicar la distancia entre lo esperado y lo encontrado en el terreno es que surge la posibilidad de "descubrir" la realidad tras las apariencias, o si se quiere, de aproximarse a la lógica oculta detrás de los hechos. Robert Jervis (citado por Trachtenberg) lo establece claramente de la siguiente manera: "Without a theory, you can´t be surprised by anything –i.e., events are surprising because they do not feet our expectations, and these can only come from implicit or explicit theories. People sometimes think that not being surprised is evidence for a great deal of knowledge; in fact, it is the reverse. People who know nothing cannot be surprised by anything" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 38).El historiador en acción. Para realizar investigación histórica, el investigador puede seguir (según Trachtenberg) dos caminos tradicionales: estudiar lo que otros historiadores han dicho sobre el problema de interés (fuentes secundarias) o ir directamente a las fuentes primarias del asunto (documentos, correspondencia diplomática, archivos gubernamentales, etc.). En los capítulos 3 y 5 el autor aborda por separado ambos caminos de investigación sugiriendo cómo proceder con la literatura y cómo trabajar con los documentos. Debido a que el autor considera que buena parte de las investigaciones históricas realizadas por investigadores de Relaciones Internacionales utilizan más fuentes secundarias que primarias, la discusión metodológica es complementada con un capítulo (el número 4) dedicado enteramente a mostrar cómo hacer un trabajo de investigación basándose exclusivamente en el análisis crítico de fuentes secundarias. Repasaremos aquí alguno de los principales consejos en el manejo de fuentes secundarias y primarias. La forma de proceder respecto a fuentes secundarias puede resumirse, según el autor, de la siguiente manera: Hallar el argumento. Se trata de encontrar cuál es la tesis que sostiene el autor sobre el problema de interés, para Trachtenberg se resume en la siguiente pregunta: "¿qué es lo que el autor que estamos leyendo nos quiere hacer creer?". Encontrar el argumento es una habilidad que se desarrolla con el tiempo. Sin embargo, Trachtenberg hace algunas recomendaciones muy útiles: leer selectivamente (privilegiando en esta etapa la lógica del argumento antes que la evidencia empírica que soporta al mismo), prestar especial atención a título, subtítulo, títulos de capítulos o secciones de interés para el trabajo que está realizando el lector, introducción, conclusiones, el primer y último párrafo del libro o artículo, el primer y último párrafo de cada capítulo o sección. Preguntarse por la lógica del argumento (y su cohesión a lo largo del texto). Una vez que se posee la estructura del argumento del autor que se está leyendo, el lector puede dedicarse a una lectura "activa" del conjunto del trabajo. Una lectura "activa" es una lectura orientada por preguntas específicas acerca del argumento y sus fundamentos. Esta condición es clave para desarrollar una lectura crítica de los materiales de investigación que han producido otros. Cuando se analiza la lógica de un argumento el lector debe responderse la siguiente pregunta: ¿las diferentes afirmaciones que hace el autor sobre el problema encajan o se disparan hacia direcciones disímiles? Preguntarse por la evidencia brindada para defender el argumento. Cuando se analiza el soporte empírico de un argumento el lector debe preguntarse: ¿la evidencia presentada permite probar las afirmaciones que hace el investigador sobre el problema? ¿hay evidencia presentada en el texto que permita dudar de las afirmaciones realizadas por el autor? Estos consejos promueven en el investigador el empleo de una lectura activa y crítica cuya consecuencia es desarrollar poco a poco una perspectiva propia sobre el problema de interés. En mi propia experiencia como profesor en Seminarios de investigación para tesistas he podido comprobar las dificultades que genera en el alumno el no poseer una metodología para interactuar críticamente con los materiales producidos por historiadores. La tendencia es a creer que el historiador está en lo cierto (¡por algo es historiador, por algo publicó un libro!), a no dudar ni cotejar afirmaciones versus información. Por tanto, es altamente recomendable prestar atención a estos consejos. Pero además, el libro de Trachtenberg no se limita a enunciar fórmulas, describe pacientemente, con múltiples ejemplos, cómo usar sus consejos. Respecto al manejo de fuentes primarias, los consejos de Trachtenberg se dividen en dos grandes tópicos: principios generales útiles para guiar la búsqueda y utilización de documentos; tips para evaluar la validez de la evidencia recolectada en documentos. En los principios generales de búsqueda de fuentes primarias Trachtenberg muestra su fuerte inclinación hacia el realismo (en teoría de Relaciones Internacionales). Para el autor, la disciplina tiene que ver con el estudio del conflicto entre Estados. Basado en esta idea recomienda ubicar las fuentes teniendo en mente las siguientes preguntas a la manera de guía: ¿Qué quería obtener cada Estado en el conflicto? ¿Qué tipo de política estaba persiguiendo? ¿En qué clase de perspectiva ideológica está enraizada dicha política? ¿Qué acciones efectivamente emprendió cada Estado? ¿Cómo reaccionaron los otros Estados a las acciones tomadas por sus contrapartes? El objetivo de responder a estas preguntas es tratar de construir una narrativa histórica que tenga un objetivo preciso: intentar reconstruir qué fue lo que ocurrió. Determinar, en palabrasdelautor: "What (…) is the basic story here? And by 'story' I mean not just a mindless chronicle of all the different things that happened. I mean a story with some sort of causal structure –a story that gives some sense for why things took the course they did, for how we get from point A to point B" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 141). El objetivo central de este trabajo tiene que ver con la búsqueda activa de preguntas, cada vez más focalizadas, que permitan al investigador estudiar problemas concretos y no perderse en una colección de hechos sin sentido. Porque ante todo, la investigación histórica debería responder a problemas llamativos o desconcertantes acerca del fenómeno de interés. ¿Cómo realizar esta tarea? Trachtenberg sugiere comenzar estudiando fuentes que permitan detectar los grandes momentos, las grandes decisiones que constituyen los hitos del fenómeno de interés. Para ello, recomienda trabajar en dos frentes: leer cronológicamente las fuentes diplomáticas y leer prensa (diarios y revistas) del período de interés. Este primer acercamiento sugiere los hitos, el paso subsecuente es entender el pensamiento que está detrás de quienes tomaron las grandes decisiones. Para ello es necesario leer documentos que registren el pensamiento de los hombres y mujeres clave en la toma de decisiones. Una primera tarea es ubicar documentos ya sea gubernamentales o partidarios en los que esté registrada la perspectiva sobre el problema que mantenían los principales actores. Una segunda tarea puede ser ubicar documentos personales de los involucrados, como ser memorias. Al realizar esto es necesario tener presente que en tanto evidencia los registros de discusiones a nivel gubernamental o partidario tienen un valor diferente que las memorias publicadas por los involucrados. En estas últimas los autores se dirigen al gran público y por tanto la selección de ideas y hechos está sujeta a la imagen que el autor quiere dejar sobre sí mismo para la posteridad. Un nivel más de profundización en el hecho histórico de interés es realizar trabajo de archivo. Este punto es abordado con profundidad por el autor, a lo largo del libro y en los apéndices. Por último, los consejos sobre la validación de información son muy útiles para quien se inicia en la investigación histórica. Sobre todo porque el autor sabe mostrar cómo la aplicación de criterios de sentido común puede ayudar a discriminar la validez de cierta información cuando no se tiene a disposición una opinión autorizada. Al respecto, ejemplifica el autor: "suppose, for example, you see President Eisenhower talking about the need for America to pull out of Europe and for Europe to become an independent force in world affairs. How can you tell if such comments are to be taken seriously? For one thing, you see him talking in that vein over and over again, in all kinds of situations and to all kinds of people, before he became president, throughout his presidency, and after he left office. You see him at times making that point quite passionately. You work out what implications of that sort of thinking would have had to be if the president were serious about it, and you look to see what was actually done. You do this sort of work and draw whatever conclusions you think are appropriate" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 156-157). Una afirmación polémica del autor es que siempre hay que preferir los documentos a las entrevistas personales (con los partícipes en el problema que se está investigando). En este punto, es cierto que las personas pueden adecuar su relato a sus intereses, también es cierto que la memoria es falible y el recuerdo selectivo. Pero también es cierto que es posible contraponer lo dicho por un entrevistado con lo que otros partícipes han declarado y de esta forma validar la información. Por tanto, y dependiendo de los objetivos de la investigación y de los materiales disponibles, las entrevistas pueden ser una valiosa fuente de información. Comentarios finales. Marc Trachtenberg ha escrito un libro valioso, más allá de las críticas que se le puedan hacer a su enfoque. Es inevitable escribir desde una cierta perspectiva sobre temas metodológicos (por mucho que las editoriales se esfuercen en producir manuales políticamente correctos). Es claro que el autor tiene un enfoque epistemológico determinado y que el mismo es discutible (como lo son todos), es claro que tiene un sesgo hacia el Realismo, es claro que privilegia la historia diplomática sobre otras variantes de historia importantes en Relaciones Internacionales, etc. Sin embargo, ninguno de estos sesgos le quita valor al conjunto de consejos metodológicos que hace el autor sobre cómo focalizar y ejecutar una investigación histórica.Bibliografía. GRAVES, Robert. 1996. [1934]. Yo, Claudio. Altaya, Barcelona. LITTLE, Daniel. 1991. Varieties of social explanation: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Social Science. Colorado: Westview Press. TRACHTENBERG, Marc. 2006. The craft of international history. A guide to method. Princeton University Press, New Jersey. (1) Para conocer el perfil del autor ver: http://www.polisci.ucla.edu/people/faculty-pages/marc-trachtenberg/ Lo más interesante de este link es que si se entra al Curriculum vitae de Trachtenberg es posible descargarse los dos primeros capítulos del libro que estamos reseñando y los dos apéndices. (2) Marc Trachtenberg. 2006. The craft of international history. A guide to method. Princeton University Press, New Jersey.(3) Para leer una crítica de este libro desde la perspectiva de académicos de Relaciones Internacionales es recomendable leer la siguiente mesa redonda: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/CraftofInternationalHistory-Roundtable.pdf(4) Para una exposición breve del covering law model de Hempel ver mi artículo "¿Para qué sirve la Historia? Los usos de la Historia en las ciencias sociales". Revista digital "Letras Internacionales", FACS, Universidad ORT. Disponible en: http://www.ort.edu.uy/facs/boletininternacionales/contenidos/117/baudean117.html. En dicho artículo también se refiere literatura ampliatoria sobre el tópico.(5) Giuseppina D'oro resume la concepción de Collingwood de la siguiente manera: "the subject matter of history, understood as a science of the mind, is actions--actions understood not simply as the doings of human beings but of human beings in so far as they are rational. Actions, in the sense in which they constitute the subject matter of historical investigation have an 'inside' that events lack. To explain an event all we need to do is to subsume it under a general law that is obtained by inductive generalization, through the observation of repeated events of type B following events of type A. In order to understand an action, by contrast, we need to render it intelligible by reconstructing the thought processes that inform it. Whereas in event-explanations the relation between the explanans and the explanandum is empirical, in action-explanations the relationship between the explanans and the explanandum is a logical or conceptual relation. To explain an action is not to look for an antecedent condition that, together with a general empirical law, explains the occurrence of an event, it is rather to look for the motive that renders behaviour intelligible and as such more than mere behaviour."Tomado de Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Disponible en: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/collingwood/#HisStuMin Consultado el 26/06/12.(6) Quien desee profundizar en las tesis constructivistas y sus implicaciones puede leer dos obras escritas recientemente sobre el tema por eminentes filósofos: John Searle. 1997. La construcción de la realidad social. Paidos. Barcelona. Ian Hacking. 2001. ¿La construcción social de qué? Paidós, Madrid.(7) El diálogo es ficticio, pero Tito Livio y Polión son personajes históricos que fueron contemporáneos. No se conservan las obras de Polión pero se sabe que fue crítico con los trabajos de Tito Livio por las razones que aparecen en el diálogo imaginado por R. Graves.(8) Para conocer de manera simplificada los argumentos de Stinchcombe sobre los usos de la historia en sociología ver mi artículo "¿Para qué sirve la Historia? Los usos de la Historia en las ciencias sociales", ya citado. Sobre el autorProfesor de Fundamentos de la Investigación Social, Métodos de Investigación y Taller de Monografía. Dpto. de Estudios Internacionales. FACS, Universidad ORT Uruguay. (ma.baudean@gmail.com)

Since economists traditionally focus on market activities, women's non-wage labour has not been registered in works on economic development. On the other hand, women's wage labour has been described as supplementary or marginal to the household income as well as to economic development as a whole. The contributors to this collection did their research on women workers in countries from the core, the semiperiphery, and the periphery. The eight articles are introduced by Kathryn Ward, who presents a critical overview of the literature on women workers and globalization. In Ward's opinion we have to develop new definitions for some key concepts in our theories on women and work. These concepts should aim at including housework and work in the informal sector, and women's various acts of resistance. Ward also suggests new perspectives from which we should theorize about women's work in the process of global restructuring

Im Zusammenhang mit den bevorstehenden Wahlen in Rußland muß sich der auswärtige Beobachter auch für die programmatischen Konzeptionen von Persönlichkeiten interessieren, die einen Ausweg aus der Systemkrise Rußlands zeigen wollen und die über materielle Voraussetzungen verfügen, um erforderliche Weichenstellungen vornehmen zu können. Zu diesem Personenkreis gehört der Unternehmer O. Deripaska. Für ihn ist ein konsequenter Neoliberalismus Voraussetzung eines prosperieren- den Rußlands. Allerdings sei es Aufgabe des Staates, in einer ersten, maximal ein Jahr dauernden Phase die Bedingungen für eine solche Entwicklung zu schaffen. Dazu gehören ein effizientes Rechtssystem, das der organisierten Kriminalität und der Korruption nachhaltig Einhalt bieten könne, und die Schaffung der Voraussetzungen für die freie Wahl von Wohnort und Arbeitsplatz. Um die realen Voraussetzungen einer ausreichend starken Koalition von Unternehmern, Politikern und Vertretern der Machtorgane, die diesen Weg durchsetzen könnte, ist es nicht gut bestellt. Der außerordentlich scharfe Ton in den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Tschernoj und Deripaska und insbesondere die Behauptung Tschernojs, Deripaskas Programm laufe auf Landesverrat hinaus, lassen eine weitere Verhärtung der innenpolitischen Fronten befürchten. Das Ausland wird sich darauf einstellen müssen, daß das Kreml-Geschehen in den nächsten Jahren stärker von den Vorstellungen eines L. Tscher- noj bestimmt werden wird. (BIOst-Dok)

Für die Wirtschaft von Vietnam ist die Ausfuhr von Holzprodukten mit 3,8% des Bruttosozialprodukts ein wichtiger Bestandteil (Nguyen, 2011). Im Jahr 2010 benötigte die holzverarbeitende Industrie von Vietnam 6,4 Mio. m³ Rundholzäquivalente, von denen nur 1,6 Mio. m³ (25%) aus heimischen Wäldern stammte (To and Canby, 2011). Die restlichen 4,8 Mio. m³ (75%) wurden aus anderen Ländern eingeführt (Nguyen, 2009). Es ist Ziel der vietnamesischen Regierung, dass in Zukunft 80% des Rohholzverbrauchs der heimischen Holzindustrie aus den Wäldern (Naturwäldern und Plantagen) des Landes geliefert werden. Bis heute sind lediglich 1% der vietnamesischen für die Holzproduktion bestimmten Wälder (insgesamt mehr als 2,4 Mio. ha) in Bezug auf ihre Nachhaltigkeit zertifiziert, dieser Anteil soll bis 2020 auf 30% ansteigen. Um die genannten Ziele zu erreichen, ist es entscheidend, die Holzbereitstellungsketten in Vietnam weiterzuentwickeln. Die angestrebte Erhöhung der nationalen Holzversorgung wird dabei auch deutliche Änderungen im Bereich der Holzbereitstellung nach sich ziehen, und zwar sowohl bei der Nutzung von Naturwäldern als auch bei der Bewirtschaftung von Plantagenwäldern. Es ist sowohl aus nationaler Sicht wie auch im Hinblick auf die internationale Konkurrenzfähigkeit des Forst-Holz-Sektors von Vietnam entscheidend, dass diese Veränderungen so gestaltet werden, dass auch zukünftig eine nachhaltige Holzbereitstellung gewährleistet ist. Aus verschiedenen Gründen, wie z.B. niedrige Arbeitskosten, großes Angebot von Arbeitskräften gerade im ländlichen Raum, geringe Verfügbarkeit von Investitionskapital und auch wegen der kleinen und zerstreut liegenden Nutzungsflächen, bedient sich die Holzernte und –bereitstellung in Vietnam heute weit überwiegend traditioneller und handarbeits-intensiver Methoden. Parallel mit der geplanten höheren Nutzung werden zwangsläufig auch höher mechanisierte Systeme eingesetzt werden. Diesen Übergang zu begleiten und seine Konsequenzen für die Nachhaltigkeit abzuschätzen ist Oberziel der vorliegenden Arbeit. Unter Anwendung des Konzepts des Sustainability Impact Assessment (SIA), welches die drei Aspekte der Nachhaltigkeit (Wirtschaft, Ökologie, Gesellschaft) umfasst, soll das Nachhaltigkeitsprofil verschiedener Holzbereitstellungsketten in einem Fallstudien-basierten Ansatz dargestellt und analysiert werden. Dabei werden exemplarisch die folgenden Nachhaltigkeitsindikatoren herangezogen: Ausnutzungsgrad des Rundholzes, Arbeitsproduktivität, Bereitstellungskosten, Beschäftigungseffekte, Lohnhöhe, Unfallhäufigkeit, Emission von klimaschädlichen Gasen, Entstehung von gesundheitsschädlichem und nicht-gesundheitsschädlichem Abfall, sowie Schäden am Waldboden. Vier Fallstudien wurden dabei ausgewählt, um die Verhältnisse für typische Nutzungsverhältnisse in Vietnam exemplarisch darzustellen: Selektive Nutzung von natürlichen (Regen-) Wäldern in eher flachem und in steilem Gelände sowie Eukalyptusplantagen, die im Kurzumtrieb und mit Kahlschlagmethoden geerntet werden, ebenfalls in gemäßigtem und imsteilem Gelände. Die analysierten Bereitstellungsketten begannen im Wald mit der Vorbereitung der jeweiligen Nutzungsbestände und umfassten alle folgenden Schritte und Prozesse der Holzbereitstellung und des Holztransports bis hin zur Holzindustrie. In den verschiedenen Fallstudien kamen sowohl traditionelle Technologien (Handarbeit, Zugtiere) wie auch teilmechanisierte Systeme (Motorsäge, Traktoren, Forwarder, Lastwagen) zum Einsatz. Die Datenermittlung erfolgte durch ausgedehnte eigene Zeitstudien aller Prozesse vor Ort, ergänzt durch Befragungen von Führungskräften und Mitarbeitern und unter Verwendung einschlägiger Statistiken, Literaturangaben und Datenbanken. Die beiden Fallstudien zur selektiven Nutzung von Naturwäldern im steilen Gelände (FWSC1) sowie im gemäßigten Gelände (FWSC2) zeigen, dass es deutliche Unterschiede hinsichtlich der Nachhaltigkeitswirkungen zwischen den beiden Bereitstellungsketten gibt, die durch die unterschiedlichen angewendeten Holzernte- und –bereitstellungsmethoden verursacht werden. In FWSC1 werden direkt nach der Fällung die Stämme vor Ort im Wald mit der Motorsäge in Bohlen (Volumen 0,20 – 0,35 m³) zerlegt, um diese danach mit Hilfe von Büffeln aus dem Wald heraus zu transportieren. In FWSC2 wurde nach dem Fällen mit der Motorsäge mit einem Kettenfahrzeug mit Seilwinde das Rundholz zur Fahrstraße geschleift. Nach dem Transport mit Lastwagen wurden die Sägeholzblöcke dann im Sägewerk zu Brettern verarbeitet. Die Rundholzausnutzung war bei diesem zweiten Prozess dabei mit 66,6% des Volumens des geernteten Baumes um 27,2%-Punkte höher als bei der ersten Methode, wo die Bohlen bereits im Wald mit Motorsägen zugerichtet wurden. Bei beiden Holzernteverfahren blieb eine relativ große Menge an Gipfelholz, Ästen und (bei FWSC1) Sägeresten ungenutzt im Bestand liegen. In Bezug auf die Produktivität wurden in FWSC1 88,6% des Zeitverbrauchs für Motorsägen-Arbeit auf das Zuschneiden von Bohlen im Wald verwendet, so dass sich insgesamt eine sehr niedrige Produktivität für die Motorsägen-Arbeit von 0,25m³ je Stunden ergab. Auch die Produktivität beim Herausziehen des Holzes mit Büffeln war mit 0,12m³ je Stunde gering. Im Gegensatz dazu war bei dem höhermechanisierten Verfahren sowohl die Motorsägen-Produktivität mit 11m³ je Stunde wie auch die Produktivität der Traktor-Rückung mit 6,7m³ je Stunde deutlich höher. Dies wirkt sich auch auf die Bereitstellungskosten aus: Während diese im FWSC1 bei 50,40 € je m³ Sägeholz lagen, betrug der Kostensatz einschließlich der Sägeholzherstellung im Sägewerk bei FWSC2 nur 34,90 € je m³. In Bezug auf die Umweltaspekte zeigt sich, dass das geringer mechanisierte Verfahren niedrigere Mengen an klimaschädlichen Gasen (7,83 kg CO2-Äquivalente je m³ Sägeholz) frei werden, während bei FWSC2 22,68 kg CO2-Äquivalente je m³ freigesetzt werden. Auch der Waldboden war bei der mechanisierten Methode mit 12,8% etwas stärker in Anspruch genommen als bei der Holzbereitstellung mit Büffeln (10,7%). Insbesondere ist aber ein starker Schädigungsgrad des Bodens mit 6,2% bei mechanisierten Verfahren fast doppelt so hoch wie bei dem Einsatz von Büffeln (3,45%). Diese Ergebnisse decken sich mit Werten aus der Literatur, die allerdings auch darauf hinweisen, dass eine sorgfältig geplante Holzerntemaßnahme (Reduced Impact Logging – RIL) ebenfalls zu niedrigeren Schadwerten zwischen 4 und 5% der Fläche führen kann. Für die Holzbereitstellungsketten in Eukalyptus-Kurzumtriebs-Plantagen (FWSC3 – Steilgelände und FWSC 4 – mäßig geneigtes Gelände) sind die Voraussetzungen für die Holzbereitstellung und den Holztransport günstiger als in den beiden untersuchten Fällen der Naturwaldnutzung. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Rundholzausnutzungsrate mit 79,8% in FWSC3 bzw. 68,9% in FWSC4 relativ hoch ist. Die meisten bei der Aufarbeitung zurückbleibenden Stammteile und Äste wurden im Nachgang von den Waldarbeitern als Feuerholz gesammelt trotz des geringen Durchmessers der gefällten Bäume. Die Geländeneigung hatte nur einen geringen Effekt auf die Produktivität der Motorsägen. Sie betrug 1,95 m³ je Stunde für Fällen und Ablängen in FWSC3 während die Produktivität im gemäßigten Gelände mit 2,11 m³ je Stunde etwas höher lag. Hier wurde das Einschneiden der Stämme nach Langholzrückung erst am Wegrand vorgenommen. Erstaunlicherweise waren die Unterschiede in der Produktivität beim Vorliefern und Rücken des Holzes an die Waldstraße in beiden Fällen nur gering: Sie betrug 0,26 m³ je Stunde in FWSC3, wo im steilen Gelände die bereits zugeschnittenen Rundholzstücke per Hand zum Wegrand gerollt wurden; und 0,33 m³ je Stunde in FWSC4, wo im flachen Gelände Büffel für das Holzrücken eingesetzt wurden. Entsprechend zeigen die Bereitstellungskosten in beiden Holzbereitstellungsketten relativ geringe Unterschiede: Bis zum Verbraucher (Papierfabrik) betrugen die Kosten in FWSC3 10,36 € je m³, während sie in FWSC4 mit 11,7 € je m³ nur wenig höher lagen. Deutliche Unterschiede gab es indessen bei den frei werdenden klimaschädlichen Gasen: In FWSC3 betrug dieser Wert 7,35 kg CO2-Äquivalente je m³ Rundholz, während er in FWSC4 beim Einsatz von Tieren bei nur 2,94 kg CO2-Äquivalente je m³ lag. Entscheidend war hierbei, dass bei FWSC3 das Laden und Entladen des Holzes mit Kran bzw. Lader mechanisiert erfolgte, während das Be- und Entladen in FWSC4 von Hand bewältigt wurde. Die Bodenschäden lagen bei der Plantagennutzung im Kahlschlagbetrieb deutlich höher als zuvor bei der selektiven Nutzung im Naturwald: Beim Fällen und Vorliefern von Hand (FWSC3) war die beschädigte Bodenfläche mit 34,7% nochmals höher als beim Einsatz von Büffeln in FWSC4 mit 22,7% der Fläche. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zeigen, dass ein möglicherweise zukünftig höherer Grad der (Teil-) Mechanisierung mit positiven Nachhaltigkeitseffekten in Hinblick auf Rohholzausnutzung, Produktivität und Bereitstellungskosten einhergehen dürfte. In Hinblick auf die sozialen Aspekte sind die Ergebnisse weniger eindeutig: Einerseits ist eine deutlich verminderte Schwere der körperlichen Arbeit und auch eine geringere Unfallneigung zu erwarten. Zum anderen gehen jedoch auch Arbeitsplätze durch Mechanisierung verloren. Wie die Literaturangaben zeigen, könnte dieser Effekt jedoch zum Teil kompensiert werden durch die geplante Erhöhung der Nutzung einerseits und durch Arbeitsplätze, die im nachgelagerten Bereich z.B. bei der Wartung und Instandhaltung von Maschinen entstehen werden. In Bezug auf die Umweltwirkungen Emission klimaschädlicher Gase sowie Störungen des Waldbodens werden höhermechanisierte Methoden in der Tendenz ebenfalls zu höheren Belastungen führen. Diese können z.T. durch bessere Planung und Überwachung (RIL) begrenzt oder sogar kompensiert werden, wie entsprechende Literaturangaben zeigen. Die Möglichkeiten und Effekte einer höheren Mechanisierung wurden am Beispiel der Holzbereitstellungskette von Zellstoffholz aus Plantagen unter günstigen Geländebedingungen (FWSC4) im Sinne einer Variantenstudie detailliert analysiert: Das Ergebnis zeigt, dass unter den gegebenen Geländeverhältnissen das Vorliefern und Rücken von Holz mit Büffeln so wie das besonders anstrengende händische Beladen und Entladen von Holz auf die Transportfahrzeuge durch eine einfache "Traktor-Trailer-Kran" Kombination mechanisiert werden könnte. Ein landwirtschaftlicher Traktor der Stärkeklasse 60 kp mit einem Rundholzanhänger, auf dem ein hydraulischer Kran montiert ist, könnte auch unter den gegebenen für eine Nutzung ungünstigen strukturellen Bedingungen der Eukalyptusplantagen (geringe Stückmasse des Plantagenholzes und kleine Schlagflächen) eingesetzt werden. Die Investitionssumme würde für Vietnam 34.100,-- € betragen. Dies würde zu Bereitstellungskosten von 14,81 € je m³ Rundholz frei Werk führen (wobei die LKW nicht wie derzeit überladen sind). Dieser Kostensatz wäre 15,3 niedriger als die hier untersuchte Methode unter Einsatz von Handarbeit und Zugtieren. In Bezug auf die sozialen Aspekte würde die Einführung eines entsprechend mechanisierten Traktor-Trailer-Kran-Systems den Beschäftigungseffekt von 13,9 Stunden je m³ auf 4,26 Stunden je m³ mehr als halbieren, während andererseits die Löhne von derzeit 3,37 bis 4,29 € je Schicht auf 7,14 bis 17,85 € je Schicht erhöht wurden. Die höhere Mechanisierung würde ein besseres Training der Mitarbeiter erfordern, aber gleichzeitig geringere Risiken für Unfälle und eine verbesserte Ergonomie bedeuten. In Bezug auf die Umweltwirkung würde der Übergang auf das höher mechanisierte System zu einem etwas höheren Ausstoß von klimaschädlichen Gasen (10,18 kg CO2-Äquivalente je m³ Rundholz gegenüber 7,2 kg CO2-Äquivalente je m³ Rundholz in der derzeitigen Arbeitsweise führen. Der durch den Traktoreinsatz beeinträchtigte Anteil des Waldbodens würde sich je nach Arbeitsorganisation ggf. noch erhöhen. Er könnte aber auch abgesenkt werden, auch wenn eine klare Arbeitsorganisation und Überwachung der Maschinenbewegungen auf der Fläche als Standard eingeführt würde. Um den für Vietnam zu erwartenden Übergang auf eine höhere Mechanisierungsstufe auf breiter Fläche zu begleiten, sollte ein nationales Projekt angestoßen werden, zu dem auch systematische Aus- und Fortbildung der im Wald tätigen Arbeiter sowohl im Hinblick auf Arbeitsverfahren wie auch auf Sicherheit und Ergonomie gehören sollte. Auch wäre es günstig, größere Nutzungseinheiten festzulegen, um die Vorteile einer höheren Mechanisierung voll nutzen zu können. Schließlich wäre die Vergabe von Investitionshilfen und Steuer- sowie Importzollsenkungen zu erwägen, um den Akteuren die Anschaffung leistungsfähiger und zugleich schonender Forsttechnik zu erleichtern. Insgesamt zeigen die Ergebnisse Wege und Möglichkeiten auf, wie in Vietnam dem laufenden Trend zu mehr Nachhaltigkeit im Forstsektor entsprochen werden kann. Dies ist auch eine notwendige Vorbereitung zu der angestrebten Ausweitung der Nachhaltikeitszertifizierung nach den verschiedenen Konzepten (FSC, PEFC usw.). Auch zur Erfüllung der Erwartung von Importländern, dass die eingeführten Holzprodukte hohen sozialen und Umweltstandards genügen, ist es notwendig, dass die Wälder in Vietnam nachhaltiger als bisher bewirtschaftet und entsprechend zertifiziert werden. Hierbei ist insbesondere die Art und Weise der Holzbereitstellung und der Gestaltung der Holzernteketten zwischen Forst- und Holzindustrie entscheidend. Die Durchführung von systematischen Sustainability Impact Assessments (SIA) ist wie in dieser Arbeit gezeigt, ein geeigneter und strukturierter quantitativerAnsatz, um das Nachhaltigkeitsprofil und insbesondere die Schwachstellen der derzeitigen Praktiken aufzuzeigen und Hinweise in Richtung auf eine verbesserte Nachhaltigkeit zu geben. ; Timber related export revenues are an important component in GDP of Vietnam with 3.8% in 2010 (Nguyen, 2011). In 2010, a total of 13.1 million m3 roundwood equivalent was needed for Vietnam's wood processing industry of which only 6.48 million m3 (49.5%) was supplied by domestic forests, the remaining 6.62 million m3 (50.5%) was imported from other countries (Nguyen, 2009; To and Canby, 2011). The target of Vietnamese government by 2020 is that 80% of raw wood material that is processed domestically will be harvested from the country's plantations and natural forests and 30% of production forests (more than 2.4 million ha) will be certified from less than 1% at present. In order to reach these goals, the sector of the domestic forest wood supply chain in Vietnam will play an increasingly important role and will be paid more attention. The envisaged growth of the national wood supply will lead to substantial and significant changes in the forest-wood supply chain (FWSC) in terms of the utilization of natural forests and of plantation forest management. To monitor and shape these changes in a way that supports the sustainability of wood supply is crucial both from the national perspective and for the international competitiveness of the forest wood sector of Vietnam. At present, due to reasons such as low labour costs, employees availability, low available investment capital as well as small areas and the scattered distribution of single harvesting units, the current wood supply in Vietnam is mainly carried out by labour-intensive methods, but parallel to the planned increase in the utilization rate, more mechanized supply chain systems are likely to be introduced. To monitor and assess the options and consequences of this change is the underlying objective of this study. Using the concept of a sustainability impact assessment, taking into account the three aspects of sustainability (economy, ecology and society) the sustainability profile of different forest wood supply chains was analyzed on a case study basis. The following sustainability indicators were addressed: wood utilization rate, labor productivity, production cost, employment, wage level, rate of accidents, green house gas emissions, hazardous and non-hazardous waste and disturbed forest floor area disturbed. Four case studies were selected to represent and assess typical forest wood supply chains in Vietnam: Selective harvesting of natural (rain) forests on moderate and on steep terrain, Eucalyptus plantation forests harvested in a clear-cut method after short rotation, also on moderate and on steep terrain. The analyzed production chains started in the forest with preparing the stand and included all subsequent steps of wood procurement and transport, ending at the mill gate the of wood industries. Traditional technologies (manual labor, buffaloes) as well as partly mechanized systems (chainsaws, tractors, forwarders, trucks) were employed. Data collection was carried out in the field by extensive time studies of all processes, inquiries to managers and workers, and the use of statistics, literature and data banks. The two cases of selective harvesting of natural forests FWSC1 (steep terrain) and FWSC2 (moderate terrain) show that there was a significant difference of sustainability impacts between the two chains mainly due to the various operation methods applied in the logging and transport processes for each chain. In FWSC1 after felling, the logs were sawn into sawnwood by chainsaws directly in the forest at stump side with only 35.6% of the standing tree volume utilized. The boards 0.20-0.35 m3sw per board were extracted by buffaloes from the forest. In FWSC2, a tractor was used for roundwood skidding and following truck transport, the logs were sawn into boards at a local sawmill. The sawlog utilization rate was 66.6% of the standing tree volume of which 45.3% was utilized as sawnwood (27.2% higher than FWSC1) and 21.3% were sawing residues produced at the sawmill. A large amount of the whole tops and branches from logging were left in forests in the both chains. In FWSC1, up to 88.6% of the time consumption of the chainsaws was spent on board sawing, which resulted in a relatively low productivity of chainsaws with only 0.25 m3sw/PMacH for the activities from felling to the board sawing while a productivity of 0.12 m3sw/PAniH was measured for buffalo skidding. On the contrary, in FWSC2 the productivity of felling and delimbing at stump areas by chainsaw was rather high with 11.0 m3sw/PMacH, and a productivity of 6.7 m3rw/PMacH for the roundwood skidding by tractor TDT55 was measured. The resulting, production costs calculated for all the processes in FWSC1 were 50.40 €/m3sw, which was 44.4% higher than in FWSC2 with only 34.90 €/m3sw calculated for the processes until sawing board at the sawmill. However, regarding environmental aspects, FWSC1 with lower mechanization emitted lower GHG with 7.83 kgCO2eq/m3sw calculated to the sawmill, while in FWSC2, GHG emissions were much higher with 22.68 kgCO2eq/m3sw calculated including the board sawing operation at the sawmill. Also, the total disturbed area caused by the logging operations was almost the same in the two chains with 10.7% in FWSC1 and 12.8%. FWSC2 with a higher logging intensity and a higher level of mechanization caused 6.21% of heavy disturbed area while this was only 3.45% in FWSC1. The disturbed area of forest soil in FWSC2 is in the range of 10-25%, which is also reported for other conventional selective logging cases (FAO, 1989; Hendrison, 1989; Verissimo et al., 1992) but much larger than the disturbed area of only 3.8% and 4.5% caused by cases where the Reduced Impact Logging method (RIL) applied (FAO, 1997; Marsh et al., 1996). For the plantation chains FWSC3 (steep terrain) and FWSC4 (moderate terrain), which both applied th clear-cut method, the conditions for log skidding and transport were more favorable than in the two natural forest cases. The study results show that the roundwood utilization rate in plantations was relatively high with 79.8% in FWSC3 and 68.9% in FWSC4. Most of the tops and branches from logging were collected for firewood use although the DBH of the felled trees was much smaller than in the natural forest cases. The terrain slope had only a small effect on chainsaw productivity. The productivity in felling and bucking in FWSC3 with the steep terrain was 1.95 m3rw/PMacH while it was somewhat higher with 2.11 m3rw/PMacH in FWSC4 with the moderate terrain. Similarly, there were also small difference in skidding productivity between the two study cases with 0.26 m3rw/PManH in FWSC3 using manpower to roll logs on the steep terrain and 0.33 m3rw/PAniH in FWSC4, where buffaloes were used for skidding. The production costs of the two plantation chains varied with 10.36 €/m3rw calculated to the paper mill in FWSC3, where loading and unloading were mechanized by forwarder, while it was higher in FWSC4 with 11.70 €/m3rw at the paper mill. Due to the partly mechanized loading method applied, the total GHG emissions in FWSC3 calculated to the paper mill were 7.25 kgCO2eq/m3rw, while by using a manual loading method, FWSC4 emitted only 2.94 kgCO2eq/m3rw calculated to the paper mill from the chainsaws and trucks. On forest soil, where the clear felling method was used, the plantation chains caused a larger disturbed area with 34.7% of the total logging area in FWSC3 and 22.7% in FWSC4 compared to the selective felling in the natural FWSC1 and FWSC2. The results of the study show that in order to improve FWSCs towards more sustainability, a higher level of mechanization with more suitable machines is the first and key proposal, while training in occupational safety, closer supervision and inspection of logging activities, as well as the improvement of operational harvesting planning are needed for all four case studies. In addition, the utilization of branches, tops and other residues is also strongly recommended in natural forest cases. An example of the potentials of higher mechanization was further analyzed in more detail for the pulpwood supply in FWSC4. The results of the analysis show that under the current conditions in Vietnam, buffalo skidding and manual loading and unloading in FWSC4 could be replaced by a tractor-trailer crane system. A tractor of 60 hp plus a trailer equipped with a grapple is recommended for unfavourable forest conditions, such as the small DBH of trees and the small area of the harvesting unit in FWSC4. The total investment for the tractor and trailer crane would be less than 34,100 €, which would result in a total cost of the FWSC to the paper mill of about 14.81 €/m3rw without overloading in transport, which is 15.3% lower than with the current method. Considering social aspects, the introduction of a tractor-trailer system would reduce the employment rate from 13.90 hours/m3rw to 4.26 hours/m3rw, while increasing the wage of employees in extraction, loading and unloading from 3.37-4.29 €/shift to 7.14-17.85 €/shift in current FWSC4. There are a number of studies such as Ahmedabad (1975) and Sindhu and Grewal (1991) that have reported mechanization did not lead to a reduction in human employment rate due to an expansion in production and demand for manufacturing, servicing, distribution, repair and maintenance as well as other complementary jobs which substantially increased due to mechanization. The actual policy of the Vietnamese government aims at increasing the plantation area substantially, and by this, new jobs could compensate the negative employment effects of mechanization. Higher mechanization would require better training in occupational accidents and ergonomics, and better protection for workers by the use of necessary safety protection equipment and improved working conditions. This would improve the current situation of occupational accidents and other health risks for the employees. With regard to environmental issues, the use of the tractor-trailer system would emit 10.18 kgCO2eq/m3rw of GHG instead of 7.25 kgCO2eq/m3rw in the current chain. On the other hand, there are a number of studies such as FAO (1998); Malmer and Grip (1989); Wang (2000) concluding that using tractors for log extraction causes a more heavily disturbed area compared to manual and animal skidding. However, a number of studies reported that the negative impacts of mechanization in logging and transport on the environment could be minimized to an acceptable level if the operational harvesting is fully and carefully planned and supervised Becker (1987) and Lewark (1990). In order to achieve a higher level of mechanization, a project of mechanization in timber harvesting and transport as well as training programs in occupational safety and ergonomics should be considered. Harvesting units with a large area should be created to be suitable for mechanization. In addition, suitable policies supporting financial investments in the mechanization of the logging and transport sector should be promulgated, including reduced import taxes for appropriate forest and agricultural machines. The results of the study show ways and means to address the current international trend in the forest-wood sector towards sustainable management through the grant of forest certificates (such as FSC, PEFC, etc). To fulfill the environmental and social responsibility requirements of exported wood products, domestic forests must be managed and utilized in a sustainable way and thus be certified with special attention to the wood supply chains from forest to wood industry (To and Canby, 2011). The comprehensive assessment and understanding of the sustainability impacts of forest-wood supply chains is necessary and can be considered as the first and basic step towards providing solutions to improve current forest-wood supply practices in Vietnam towards more sustainability.

What is persistent pain? How do we communicate pain, not only in words but in visual images and gesture? How do we respond to the pain of another, and can we do it better? Can explaining how pain works help us handle it? This unique compilation of voices addresses these and bigger questions. Defined as having lasted over three months, persistent pain changes the brain and nervous system so pain no longer warns of danger: it seems to be a fault in the system. It is a major cause of disability globally, but it remains difficult to communicate, a problem both to those with pain and those who try to help. Language struggles to bridge the gap, and it raises ethical challenges in its management unlike those of other common conditions. Encountering Pain shares leading research into the potential value of visual images and non-verbal forms of communication as means of improving clinician–patient interaction. It is divided into four sections: hearing, seeing, speaking, and a final series of contributions on the future for persistent pain. The chapters are accompanied by vivid photographs co-created with those who live with pain. The volume integrates the voices of leading scientists, academics and contemporary artists with poetry and poignant personal testimonies to provide a manual for understanding the meanings of pain, for healthcare professionals, pain patients, students, academics and artists. The voices and experiences of those living with pain are central, providing tools for discussion and future research, shifting register between creative, academic and personal contributions from diverse cultures and weaving them together to offer new understanding, knowledge and hope. Praise for Encountering Pain 'This book is the result of a collaborative, multi-disciplinary investigation into the experience of pain and how it might be understood and ameliorated. Deborah Padfield's photographs, made in collaboration with pain sufferers, reveal how an otherwise debilitating, highly subjective and individualising experience might become a topic for intersubjective communication. Through her innovative and experimental photography we learn that the photographic image can potentially play a role in the medical field by addressing 'what is felt' by the patient alongside the usual indexical medical documentation of 'what is there'. In so doing photography may provide a means of sharing perceptual experience and stimulating doctor-patient discussion around the emotional interplay of body and mind. – Gina Glover, a photographic artist working in the fields of health, genetics and science.www.ginaglover.com 'This is a majestic volume. Visually striking, intellectually challenging, and experientially transformative, this book promises to change how everyone encounters pain.' – Dr Rob Boddice, Freie Universität Berlin 'From a remarkable variety of disciplinary and cultural perspectives – from medicine and therapy to the creative arts and philosophy – this inspirational and eye-opening collection succeeds in articulating the mysterious and overwhelmingly complex sensory experience that is pain. Pain, the encounters in this volume suggest, defies definition; it is subjective and unpredictable; it can be phantom or real. Through its radical and engaging use of testimonies, Encountering Pain never shies away from metaphor and the unfounded fear, that the allegorising of pain will dilute its reality. Examined through a multitude of verbal and non-verbal paradigms, contributors discuss the physicality of pain and its political, administrative and medical regulation; the body's trauma and expressiveness; how pain is transmuted into art. The communication of something that resists being expressed straightforwardly in verbal form metamorphoses, as you read this extraordinarily rich and innovative volume, into a metaphor for life itself, for who we are, how we become social beings by developing empathy and respect for the pain of others, for how we develop and then question through these interactions our sense of identity.' – Professor Stella Bruzzi, Dean, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, UCL 'Deborah Padfield's book, Perceptions of Pain (2003), introduced a ground-breaking strategy through which photography became an effective tool to interpret pain – an aspect of human experience that can, so often, appear inexplicable. The powerful images in this book are further evidence of the collaborative strength of photography and its special ability to give voice to those who are excluded.' – Dewi Lewis, Publisher 'A work that brings photographic, figurative and poetic images of chronic pain to the clinic and demonstrates how visual, communicative frameworks can re-voice experiences and diagnoses of pain. This major, deeply reflective collection of papers represents a turning-point in defining the multifaceted importance of painscapes in clinical, therapeutic, and humanistic advocacy work. It firmly situates the arts and humanities, alongside the sciences, in responding to the pressing need for new strategies to alleviate chronic pain.' - Prof Brian Hurwitz, Emeritus Professor of Medicine and the Arts, King's College London 'Pain and its ever-increasing numbers of sufferers inhabit a kind of night world isolated from the "normal" day world. 'A bandage hides the place where each is living', W.H. Auden once wrote, while we, the healthy, 'stand elsewhere'. Encountering Pain is an attempt to narrow this rift by making sure sufferers are heard, seen, and able to speak again – so that they might be better understood. Padfield and Zakrzewska have assembled an impressive team of patients, healthcare providers, artists and academicians, all determined to make pain more visible and communicable. The authors compellingly demonstrate that language -- whether in the form of words, gestures or images – is a necessary first step towards alleviating pain. That it can often be as powerful as medicine. '- Dr David Biro, Associate Clinical Professor of Dermatology at SUNY Health Science Center @ Brooklyn and author of The Language of Pain: Finding Words, Compassion, and Relief.