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"This book investigates why Chile suddenly descended into violence and revolution in 2019, after almost thirty years of peace, during which time the country was broadly regarded as Latin America's most successful nation. Since democratic restoration in 1990, Chile's relatively high levels of stability, increasing prosperity and social modernisation have stood out in a region shaken by social and political convulsion and economic malaise. In early 2019, President Sebastián Piñera confidently claimed that Chile represented a true 'oasis' of political stability and economic vitality. However, just weeks later, the announcement of a small increase in the price of Santiago's underground transport system unleashed an unprecedented wave of extremely violent anti-government protests in the country, with protestors ultimately demanding Piñera's resignation and the end of neoliberalism and the 1980 Constitution, amongst many other demands. This book analyzes the causes of Chile's socio-political upheaval, arguing that the neoliberal model and fast process of economic transformation led to a series of destabilizing political processes in the country. At a time when much analysis of the October uprising tends to be superficial or polarized on ideological grounds, this book provides a much needed sociological and institutional analysis of the crisis. It will be an important read for scholars of Latin American politics and development, as well as those with a broader interest in state legitimacy, social movements, and political contestation against neoliberalism"--

Der Autor geht den Fragen nach, warum Kinder und Jugendliche in der Gegenwart z.T. intensiv Gewaltdarstellungen konsumieren und welches die Auswirkungen dieses Konsums sind. Die Motive des Gewaltkonsums sind u.a. Kompensation und Flucht vor Alltagsproblemen und vor innerer Leere, Identifikation mit großartigen Helden, das Erleben von Angst-Lust, Abgrenzung und Protest gegenüber der Elterngeneration sowie Mutprobe zur Etablierung des sozialen Status in der peer group. Die Wirkungen, die Gewaltdarstellungen auf die Rezipienten ausüben, lassen sich mit verschiedenen psychologischen Konzepten erklären (Sozial-kognitive Lerntheorie, Suggestionsthese, Bestätigungshypothese, Habitualisierungshypothese, Katharsistheorie, Auslöse-Hypothese, Erregungstheorie sowie weitere Wirkfaktoren). Aus diesen Einsichten ergeben sich auf individueller wie gesellschaftlicher Ebene Konsequenzen: Medienkritische Unterweisung von Kindern und Jugendlichen, staatlicher Schutz vor eindeutig schädigenden Produktionen, Lösung der zugrundeliegenden gesellschaftlichen Probleme, die zu Resignation und Hoffnungslosigkeit bei Kindern und Jugendlichen führen. ; The article deals with the questions why children and adolescents nowadays have an intensive use of violent videos and which are the consequences of this use. The motives of the use are compensation and flight of daily problems and of inner psychic emptiness, identification with grandiose heroes, the experience of anxiety-joy, protest against the parents generation and the test of courage to obtain a social status in the peer group. The consequences of violent presentations can be understood by different psychological concepts as social cognitive learning theory, suggestion hypothesis, justification hypothesis, habituation hypothesis, catharsis theory, priming effect, arousal theory. These findings lead to the following consequences: Media critical lectures at school, governmental protection of children against harmful products, solution of the underlying social problems which lead to ...

Bullying, better known as oppression, is a form of violence committed by a person or group who is stronger against another person with the aim of hurting. During the period of 9 years from 2011 to 2020 there were 37,381 complaints of bullying cases. From the complaint data, the author raises bullying cases that occur at school, home, and social media. So this essay raises the study of the Character of Pancasila to Reject the Crime of Bullying. So this essay examines 1) how is the spirit of Pancasila's character in rejecting bullying? 2) how are bullying crimes enforced? . This study uses a libary research approach in the form of bullying case studies which are examined using analysis of statutory regulations and Pancasila as the character of Pancasila in rejecting bullying crimes.The results of this study 1) The spirit of the Pancasila Character to Reject Crime which is the character of the Indonesian national identity as follows: First Principle of Pancasila, the divine value in every religious teaching of the Second Principle of Pancasila; foster a sense of empathy and compassion to do justice without committing violence. The Third Principle of Pancasila; foster mutual respect, respect for differences. The Fourth Precept of Pancasila; the government is more concerned with its people in order to avoid acts of violence. The Fifth Precept of Pancasila; Provide fair sanctions. Law enforcement against bullying crime requires the role of the community, parents, social environment, legal officials, 2) Law enforcement by providing strict sanctions in accordance with the laws and regulations on bullying, namely the 1945 Constitution, Constitutional Court Decision Number 50 / PUU -VI / 2008 regarding the constitutionality and Article 27 paragraph (3) of the ITE Law confirms that Article 27 paragraph (3) of the ITE Law, Law Number 8 of 1981 concerning Criminal Procedure Law, Law of the Juvenile Court No 11 of 2012.

AbstractTerrorism is an act that uses violence or threats of violence that create an atmosphere of terror or widespread fear, which can cause mass casualties, and/or cause damage or destruction to strategic vital objects, the environment, public facilities, or international facilities with ideological, political, or security disturbance motives. Terrorism involves groups that attempt to overthrow certain regimes, correct group/national grievances, or undermine the international political order. The main element of terrorism is the existence of acts of violence, political differences being the main motive, taken either individually or in groups by spreading fear against the opposing party so that the ruling regime fulfills its demands. Terrorism is also carried out by killing the race of a nation because of feelings of revenge or political problems. Terrorism like this includes crimes against human rights, which deliberately destroy or destroy all or part of a national group or ethnic race. The regulation of criminal acts of terrorism according to positive law in Indonesia and Islamic law, namely in Law Number 5 of 2018, while Islamic law is based on the al-Qur'an and the Hadith of the Prophet. Criminal sanctions for criminal acts of terrorism according to positive law in Indonesia and Islamic law are : (1) Law Number 5 of 2018 in the form of imprisonment and capital punishment, and (2) Islamic law in the form of Jarimah hudud. This criminal act of terrorism is also included in the finger of qishash who is sentenced to death if there is no amnesty (amnesty). If the perpetrators surrendered and laid down their weapons, the suppression was stopped and they were rebels guaranteed the safety of their lives and assets, then the government (ulil amri) could forgive them or punish them with ta'zir punishment. Keywords : Crime, Islamic Law, Legal Consequences, Perpetrators, Positive Law, Terrorism

Given the threat of the COVID-19 pandemic, UN General Secretary Guterres called for ceasefires around the globe in late March 2020. Even though this initiative was welcomed by 171 governments, not even a short-term violence reduction has happened in central conflict areas. This contribution examines the effects of the Corona pandemic in two regionally and globally significant conflict countries, Colombia with its fragile pacification and Syria with its militarily almost decided war. The article asks how the Corona crisis influences the dynamics of violence and peace after respectively at the end of civil wars. Colombia is a prominent example of a comprehensive peace agreement in complex conflicts. Nonetheless, the short-term, peace-related trend in times of the pandemic is ambivalent at best: While the absolute number of murders has declined, it is human right defenders and demobilized ex-combatants who remain the main victims of violence - and the number of massacres has increased again. The still-active guerilla Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) initially called for a one-sided truce, yet ended again in late April. In Syria, the consequences of the pandemic on the conflict dynamic have ranged from contradictory to negative: In the last rebel stronghold Idlib COVID-19 directly contributed to the months-long stabilization of the Russian-Turkish truce from March 2020. In Northeastern Syria, which is partly controlled by Turkey and partly by the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the humanitarian situation has clearly worsened since the beginning of the pandemic. The Assad regime does not allow international aid to pass through to the opposition territory. Despite diverse differences between Colombia and Syria, one crucial similarity is that the respective governments instrumentalize the crisis on the ground for the often violent consolidation of the political agenda. In the bigger picture, the experience from the two countries suggests that COVID-19 works locally less as a "game-changer", but ...

In this article we critically reflect on 'feminist research methods' and 'methodology', from the perspective of a feminist research unit at a South African university, that explicitly aims to improve gender-based violence service provision and policy through evidence-based advocacy. Despite working within a complex and inequitable developing country context, where our feminist praxis is frequently pitted against seemingly intractable structural realities, it is a praxis that remains grounded in documenting the stories of vulnerable individuals and within a broader political project of working towards improving the systems that these individuals must navigate under challenging social and structural conditions. We primarily do this by working with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) providing gender-based violence services in research conceptualisation, design and implementation. This raises unique and complex questions for feminist participatory research, which we illustrate through a case study of collaborative, participatory research with NGOs to improve health and criminal justice outcomes for survivors of sexual violence. Issues include the possibility of good intentions/good research designs failing; the suitability of participatory research in sensitive service provision contexts; the degree(s) of engagement between researchers, service providers (collaborators/participants) and research participants; as well as our ethical duties to do no harm and to promote positive, progressive change through personal narratives and other forms of evidence. Given the demands of our context and these core issues, we not only argue that there are no 'feminist methods', but also caution against the notion of a universal 'feminist methodology'. Whilst we may all be in agreement about the centrality of gender to our research and analysis, the fundamental aims and assumptions of mainstream (Western) feminist approaches do not hold true in all contexts, nor are they without variance in mode, ideal degrees of participation and importance to social context.

International audience ; The idea that globalisation through the market economy facilitates peace is only an assumption, which has not been verified. Several factors of conflict, even war, between states are still present. In today's world, globalisation is strongly influenced by energy issues, which do not always have clear answers concerning both exporting and importing countries' strategies, technological developments or the fight against climate change. Today's development is not compatible with sustainable development and inter-state violence is not obsolete. Military power plays a "soft power" role in the absence of wars, with predatory effects that are difficult to observe, and development inequalities are not being reduced. Moreover, economic weapons are always available, but they do not prevent unwanted "boomerang effects". Finally, the security, economic and social results of globalisation does not reduce social injustices, and the fight against all forms of aggression is offered unevenly around the world. Conflicts arise from this violence. ; L'idée selon laquelle la globalisation par l'économie de marché facilite la paix n'est qu'une hypothèse, qui n'a pas été vérifiée. Plusieurs facteurs de conflits, voire de guerre, entre les Etats sont toujours bien présents. Dans le monde d'aujourd'hui, la globalisation est fortement influencée par les questions énergétiques, lesquelles n'ont pas toujours de réponses claires concernant à la fois les stratégies des pays exportateurs et importateurs, les évolutions technologiques ou la lutte contre le changement climatique. Le développement d'aujourd'hui n'est pas compatible avec un développement durable et les violences interétatiques ne sont pas obsolètes. La puissance militaire exerce son rôle de « soft power » en l'absence de guerres assumées, avec des effets de prédation difficiles à observer et les inégalités de développement ne se réduisent pas. Par ailleurs, l'arme économique est toujours disponible, mais elle n'empêche pas des « effets boomerang » non ...

International audience ; The idea that globalisation through the market economy facilitates peace is only an assumption, which has not been verified. Several factors of conflict, even war, between states are still present. In today's world, globalisation is strongly influenced by energy issues, which do not always have clear answers concerning both exporting and importing countries' strategies, technological developments or the fight against climate change. Today's development is not compatible with sustainable development and inter-state violence is not obsolete. Military power plays a "soft power" role in the absence of wars, with predatory effects that are difficult to observe, and development inequalities are not being reduced. Moreover, economic weapons are always available, but they do not prevent unwanted "boomerang effects". Finally, the security, economic and social results of globalisation does not reduce social injustices, and the fight against all forms of aggression is offered unevenly around the world. Conflicts arise from this violence. ; L'idée selon laquelle la globalisation par l'économie de marché facilite la paix n'est qu'une hypothèse, qui n'a pas été vérifiée. Plusieurs facteurs de conflits, voire de guerre, entre les Etats sont toujours bien présents. Dans le monde d'aujourd'hui, la globalisation est fortement influencée par les questions énergétiques, lesquelles n'ont pas toujours de réponses claires concernant à la fois les stratégies des pays exportateurs et importateurs, les évolutions technologiques ou la lutte contre le changement climatique. Le développement d'aujourd'hui n'est pas compatible avec un développement durable et les violences interétatiques ne sont pas obsolètes. La puissance militaire exerce son rôle de « soft power » en l'absence de guerres assumées, avec des effets de prédation difficiles à observer et les inégalités de développement ne se réduisent pas. Par ailleurs, l'arme économique est toujours disponible, mais elle n'empêche pas des « effets boomerang » non ...

Violence between Hindus and Muslims is a structural given of Indian society. One finds its traces very early in the country's history, a fact that can drive the analyst to explain the phenomenon by referring to the incompatibility of Hindu and Muslim cultures. However, those historians interested in the phenomenon have always emphasized the economic dimension of the rivalry between Hindus and Muslims, which springs from territorial conflicts or commercial competition. Among sociologists and political scientists, this approach has found favour with many authors more or less inclined to Marxist categories. The interpretation of violence between Hindus and Muslims that I have suggested during the last wave of riots between 1989 and 1992 is very different. This interpretation values the role of politics in two complementary aspects, the ethno-religious ideology and the exploitation of communal issues by political parties. Indeed, research on communal riots in India after 1947 suggests that these riots largely originate from a distorted idea – ideology – of the Other; the Hindu though representing an overwhelming majority, often perceive of the Muslims as a 'fifth column' threatening them from within Indian society. And the Hindu nationalist parties, which have codified this ideological pattern, employ it for electoral means in the course of campaigns laying the ground for the outbreak of violence. These parties have, in fact, learned to mobilise Hindus against Muslims on the basis of real or presumed 'sacred' issues since the emergence of electoral politics in colonial times. Their goal is to provoke such kinds of riots in order to polarise the electorate along the religious cleavage more effectively. This explanatory model of Hindu-Muslim riots has to be verified again in the light of the Gujarat riots of 2002. Moreover, these riots also commit us to reconfirm the role of the Hindu nationalist party. The latter has to be weighted even more heavily due to the events in Gujarat, for the party held political power in ...

International audience ; The idea that globalisation through the market economy facilitates peace is only an assumption, which has not been verified. Several factors of conflict, even war, between states are still present. In today's world, globalisation is strongly influenced by energy issues, which do not always have clear answers concerning both exporting and importing countries' strategies, technological developments or the fight against climate change. Today's development is not compatible with sustainable development and inter-state violence is not obsolete. Military power plays a "soft power" role in the absence of wars, with predatory effects that are difficult to observe, and development inequalities are not being reduced. Moreover, economic weapons are always available, but they do not prevent unwanted "boomerang effects". Finally, the security, economic and social results of globalisation does not reduce social injustices, and the fight against all forms of aggression is offered unevenly around the world. Conflicts arise from this violence. ; L'idée selon laquelle la globalisation par l'économie de marché facilite la paix n'est qu'une hypothèse, qui n'a pas été vérifiée. Plusieurs facteurs de conflits, voire de guerre, entre les Etats sont toujours bien présents. Dans le monde d'aujourd'hui, la globalisation est fortement influencée par les questions énergétiques, lesquelles n'ont pas toujours de réponses claires concernant à la fois les stratégies des pays exportateurs et importateurs, les évolutions technologiques ou la lutte contre le changement climatique. Le développement d'aujourd'hui n'est pas compatible avec un développement durable et les violences interétatiques ne sont pas obsolètes. La puissance militaire exerce son rôle de « soft power » en l'absence de guerres assumées, avec des effets de prédation difficiles à observer et les inégalités de développement ne se réduisent pas. Par ailleurs, l'arme économique est toujours disponible, mais elle n'empêche pas des « effets boomerang » non ...

El artículo presenta el escenario del conflicto armado en la región sudanesa de Darfur a través de las diversas fuentes secundarias enumeradas en la bibliografía, teniendo en cuenta un enfoque fundamentalmente histórico y descriptivo. El texto apunta los diversos aspectos étnicos, políticos, socioeconómicos, culturales y religiosos que hicieron posible la situación de violencia generalizada en la región a partir de 2003, apuntando a sus posibles causas y los factores que influyeron en su génesis. Asimismo, se describe la evolución de las tensiones iniciales y del conflicto armado posterior, que en opinión de algunos de los autores citados, derivó en un claro ejercicio de genocidio hacia la población no arabizada de la región. Igualmente, se presentan las diversas organizaciones armadas protagonistas de la violencia, así como aquellas que supuestamente se crearon con el fin de contrarrestar los ataques hacia la población no arabizada. Por último, el artículo se cierra con una presentación de las iniciativas de paz existentes en los albores de la independencia del sur del país. ; This article introduces the scenario of armed conflict in the region of Darfur, taking into consideration the different secondary sources of the bibliography. This text is based on a descriptive and historical point of view and points out the ethnical, political, socioeconomic, cultural and religious aspects responsible for the situation of violence since 2003 and that may explain its causes and the factors that led to such violence. Moreover, the evolution of the first tensions and the following armed conflict, which is defined as genocide against the «non arabized» population according to some of the quoted authors, are also described. The article introduces the different armed groups responsible for the violence and those organizations that allegedly faced the attacks against the «non arabized» population. Finally, it outlines the peace initiatives in Darfur when the south proclaimed the independence.

Scholarly work on atrocity-speech law has focused almost exclusively on incitement to genocide. But case law has established liability for a different speech offense: persecution as a crime against humanity (CAH). The lack of scholarship regarding this crime is puzzling given a split between the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia on the issue of whether hate speech alone can serve as an actus reus for CAH-persecution. This Article fills the gap in the literature by analyzing the split between the two tribunals and concluding that hate speech alone may be the basis for CAH-persecution charges. First, this is consistent with precedent going as far back as the Nuremberg trials. Second, it takes into account the CAH requirement that the speech be uttered as part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population. Third, the defendant must be aware that his speech is uttered as part of that attack. As a result, it is problematic to consider "hate speech" in a vacuum. Unlike incitement to genocide, an inchoate crime not necessarily involving speech and simultaneous mass violence, hate speech as persecution must be legally linked to contemporaneous violence in a context in which the marketplace of ideas is shut down and speech thus loses its democracy and self-actualization benefits. Thus, it should ordinarily satisfy the CAH-persecution actus reus requirement. Nevertheless, given the strictly verbal conduct, and possible impingements on quasi-legitimate freedom of expression, isolated or sporadic hate speech, as well as hate speech uttered as part of incipient, low-level, or geographically removed chapeau violence, may not qualify as the actus reus of CAH-persecution. The Article ultimately makes the point that context is crucial and case-by-case analysis should always be required.