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Examines the impact of 1980 decentralization & privatization policies on education in Chile, drawing on a number of government & international statistical measures. It is asserted that, although total educational expenditures have fallen, decentralization has led to greater administrative size while maintaining a hierarchical, nonparticipatory school system structure. Increased privatization has not always led to increased competition for school quality, & average national achievement scores have not risen. Inequality of educational opportunity has greatly increased. It is concluded that privatization & decentralization are not always the solution for public sector inefficiency. 6 Tables, 52 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyses the socio-cultural determinants which influence the internal structure of collective action. It is determined by: the ability to fulfill contracts, the predictability of behaviour and showing trust to others. The author goes on to describe the factors that limit them as a result of the specificity of social relations in the Polish society, which 82 Janusz Hryniewicz Studia z Polityki Publicznej are dominated by the network of micro-groups and it means that only within them - not within the wider society - one can see social relations, in which contracts tend to be fulfilled and trust guaranteed. At the same time, the author indicates that the Polish society's capacity for collective action seems to be limited as a result of the fact that the Cartesian culture has not been fully adopted. There are many ramifications of that including a lower potential to analyse the goals of collective actions and making them more rational. In the Cartesian type of societies, their members are more favourably inclined to act together. They are more favourably adapted towards democracy, collective action and one can see a higher level of self-organisation, a wider range of personal freedom, as well as the setting up of associations. There is no need to impose top-down directives and top-down coordination when collective action must be taken.

ABSTRACTThis paper explains differences in the policy objectives and policy programs of Swedish immigrant policy as a consequence of the fact that policy objectives tend to be evaluated in public political debates whereas policy programs are evaluated through administrative reviews within government. Given contrasting contexts, different questions are important for policy legitimacy. The public debate focuses on questions of moral values, while the audit within government deals with issues of efficiency. Policy objectives and policy programs therefore respond differently to criticisms that separate rhetoric and practice. As a result, Swedish immigrant policy rhetoric and practice were from the outset only loosely joined and have failed to converge over time.

This element shows, based on a review of the literature, how digital technology has affected liberal democracies with a focus on three key aspects of democratic politics: political communication, political participation, and policy-making. The impact of digital technology permeates the entire political process, affecting the flow of information among citizen and political actors, the connection between the mass public and political elites, and the development of policy responses to societal problems. This element discusses how digital technology has shaped these different domains, identifies areas of research consensus as well as unresolved questions, and argues that a key perspective involves issue definition, that is, how the nature of the problems raised by digital technology is subject to political contestation.

The present work indicates some historical antecedents of the conditions of admission to the universities of Ecuador, during the period 1969 -2010, from the period called "free entry" until the creation of the National System of Leveling and Admission (SNNA), through which establishes the conditions for accessing public higher education. At the end of the sixties, free admission to the university was established as a policy against social inequality with the aim of helping the less favored social classes. At the end of the eighties, the State budget was restricted for higher education, this motivated the establishment of entrance exams in public universities, creating an unprecedented gap. Since the nineties, entrance examinations have been applied as a formula to combat the gap between the number of students who wanted to access higher education, the limited number of places available in universities and the inconsistent budget allocated, without this helping to overcome not even close to the problem. In May 2000. The Organic Law of Higher Education (LOES) is approved, which establishes that higher education centers in no case will deprive applicants exclusively because they have low levels of economic income. It also provides that the institutions themselves will establish educational credit programs, scholarships, and financial aid. In 2010, given the inconveniences generated by previous policies, and with the idea that one way to democratize admission to universities was to reward merit, SNNA was created and it was established that admission to public higher education institutions would be regulated by this system, through the completion of the National Exam for Higher Education (ENES) aimed at assessing the aptitudes of applicants and the implementation of leveling and admission courses that allow those who do not pass the ENES to prepare in a preparatory course taught by the universities and polytechnic schools so that they can pass the exam in a subsequent call. Despite the different efforts, if equal opportunities are tied to the delivery of a standardized entrance test, it ends up restricting the right of people to access the higher education system, since the problem is not only access but also permanence and egress avoiding the "revolving door" phenomenon. ; El presente trabajo señala algunos antecedentes históricos de las condiciones de ingreso a las universidades del Ecuador, durante el periodo 1969 -2010, desde el período denominado de "libre ingreso" hasta la creación Sistema Nacional de Nivelación y Admisión (SNNA), a través del cual se establecen las condiciones para acceder a la educación superior pública. A fines de los años sesenta se establece el libre ingreso a la universidad como una política en contra de la desigualdad social con el objetivo de ayudar a las clases sociales menos favorecidas. Al término de los años ochenta el presupuesto del Estado se restringe para la educación superior, esto motiva a establecer exámenes de ingreso en las universidades públicas, creando un desfase sin prescedentes. Desde los noventa se aplicaron exámenes de ingreso como una fórmula para combatir la brecha entre la cantidad de estudiantes que deseaban acceder a la educación superior, el limitado número de cupos disponibles en las universidades y el presupuesto poco acorde asignado, sin que esto ayude a superar ni de cerca el problema. En mayo de 2000. Se aprueba la Ley Orgánica de Educación Superior (LOES), donde se establece que los centros de educación superior en ningún caso privarán del acceso a los aspirantes exclusivamente por tener bajos niveles de ingresos económicos. Se dispone además que las propias instituciones establecerán programas de crédito educativo, becas y ayudas económicas. En el 2010 dado los inconvenientes que generaba las políticas anteriores, y con la idea de que una forma de democratizar el ingreso a las universidades era premiar el mérito, se crea SNNA y se establece que el ingreso a las instituciones de educación superior públicas estará regulado por este sistema, mediante la realización del Examen Nacional para la Educación Superior (ENES) orientado a valorar las aptitudes de los postulantes y la implementación de cursos de nivelación y admisión que permitan a quienes no aprueban el ENES prepararse en un curso propedéutico impartido por las universidades y escuelas politécnicas con el fin de que puedan aprobar el examen en una siguiente convocatoria. A pesar de los distintos esfuerzos si la igualdad de oportunidades esté atada a la rendición de una prueba estandarizada de ingreso, se termina coartando el derecho de las personasa acceder al sistema de educación superior, pues el problema no es solo el acceso sino de permanencia y egreso evitando el fenómeno de "puerta giratoria".

Leading experts in the field present an up-to-date and diverse review of the best in social policy scholarship over the past year. This volume considers current issues and critical debates in the UK and the international social policy field. It contains vital research on race in social policy higher education and analyses how welfare states and policies address the economic and social hardship of young people. The contributors also consider the impacts of austerity on the welfare state, homelessness, libraries and other social policy areas. Published in association with the Social Policy Association, this comprehensive volume will be of interest to students and academics in social policy, social welfare and related disciplines

The Institutional Resource Regime framework appears successful in comparing natural resource governance systems but unable to provide a common and persuasive explanation of the evolution of these systems. To fill this gap, the concepts of institutional complexity trap and transversal transaction costs (TTC) have been recently put forward. IRRs tend to fall into an institutional complexity trap which progressively reduces efficiency in regulating natural resource uses. These dynamics are the macro consequences of micro frictions in IRR extension, i.e. the transversal transaction costs. To date, the TTC concept has been mainly theoretical; the present paper examines its empirical relevance. We investigate dynamic causes of malfunctioning in poly centric systems focusing on interlinkages between extent and coherence. Materials come from case studies of urban water systems in Europe and Australasia. It allows us to propose a typology of TTCs and to highlight their impacts on the governance system. Finally, we are able to trace the pattern of evolution of an IRR in relation to the most likely institutional frictions occurrences. This has substantial policy implications, as we shed light on indirect but significant limitations to natural resource policy developments and adaptations.

WHILE THE TREATY OF ROME ALLOWED MEMBER STATES TO ESTABLISH POLICIES GOVERNING THE TRADE IN AND PRODUCTION OF ARMAMENTS AT THE NATIONAL LEVEL, THE EUROPEAN UNION (EU) HAS GRADUALLY BEEN EXPANDING ITS INFLUENCE IN DEFENSE INDUSTRY MATTERS. THIS ARTICLE TRACES THE HISTORY OF EU INVOLVEMENTS IN DEFENSE INDUSTRIAL POLICY, WITH AN EMPHASIS ON EVENTS OVER THE PAST DECADE. ONE SIGNIFICANT FINDING IS THAT THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION AND PARLIAMENT HAVE PLAYED KEY ROLES IN EXPANDING THE EU'S POLICY-MAKING MACHINERY TO INCLUDE DEFENSE INDUSTRIAL MATTERS, WHILE THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS HAS TRIED TO RESIST SUCH ACTIONS. A SECOND IMPORTANT CONCLUSION IS THAT THE CONCEPT OF SPILLOVER IS PARTICULARLY APPROPRIATE IN DESCRIBING HOW AND WHY THE EU'S POLICY-MAKING HAS EXPANDED TO INCLUDE DEFENSE INDUSTRIAL POLICIES.

Interaction between policy beliefs and executive discretion; based on an analysis of Reagan administration commercial policy, 1985-88.

ABSTRACTThe Federal Reserve Bank of the United States is a pre-eminent banking institution, and an institution that has been subject to scrutiny from a wide variety of scholarly perspectives. The object of this article is to review prominent works dealing with the politics of the Federal Reserve, particularly its relations with other institutions and their effects on monetary policy. The review shows that the formal legal independence of a central bank such as the Fed does not mark the end of monetary politics, and its record suggests a greater measure of modesty and caution on the part of enthusiasts for independent central banks.