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In India, we often hear that "Hindu spirituality" ought to inform and energize the Indian enactment of liberalism, secularism and democracy. In this paper, I examine the diverse ways in which three less-known Indian thinkers such as Ananda Coomaraswamy, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and Chakravarti Rajagopalachari relate spirituality and politics. I argue that there are at least three visions of what spiritualized politics might look like; the first variant, amplified in Coomaraswamy, argues for a "traditional" theory of government as an imitation of cosmic order. The ruling metaphor is of a marriage between the spiritual and temporal powers with the Brahmin-priest as the exemplary spiritual figure. The second variant, exemplified in Radhakrishnan, proceeds from an experiential account of spiritual life and argues for a deepening of modern ideals of freedom and democracy through emancipatory political praxis. The ruling metaphor is love of the whole and the exemplary figure is the saint-activist. The third variant, based on Rajagopachari, proceeds from spirituality as ordinary devotion that ensues in moral virtues. Unlike the priest-husband or saint-lover who aspire to anchor politics in first principles, the mature devotee works for a "spirited" politics where reasonableness, courage and friendliness may prevail.

Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as a means to mobilize women, that they have attempted to mobilize women to participate in elections, and that their mobilization efforts influenced the political behavior of women. Implications of these findings for our understanding of women's mobilization in sub-Saharan Africa in comparison to those in Latin America are discussed.

The transition to democracy in Eastern Europe after the breakdown of communist regimes was challenged by ethnic and national tensions. Nationalist sentiments and traditional patterns of ethnic intolerance were almost immediately revitalized. The analysis presented here concerns nationalist orientation in several of these countries in the context of ideology and social origin, which form links among nationalist identification, ethnic intolerance, democratic and economic orientation, and social class position. In 1996, representative national surveys were carried out in Hungary, the Czech and Slovak republics, and Poland. The study was then extended to Austria, where, like in other Western democracies, nationalistic, xenophobic, and rightist‐radical attitudes have emerged. Analyses of the attitude structures (structural equation models) showed that different types of nationalism have developed. In post‐communist countries—with the exception of the Czech Republic—anticapitalist feelings are strongly correlated with nationalism and ethnic intolerance. Such attitudes are held by the lower classes, yet this form of antiliberalism is not directed against democracy. In Austria, a classical "underclass authoritarianism" exists but remains independent of economic ideology. This is typical of the "new right" in Europe: a "modernized" brand of fascism in which neoliberal ideology, instead of anticapitalist resentments, is combined with traditional value patterns.

Since the 1970s a drift away from state corporatist solutions to social welfare problems has had its parallel in an academic rediscovery of the voluntary sector. Revived confidence in non–statutory approaches often assumes two things. Firstly, that voluntary action is a vital component in civil society and that civil society itself is an attribute of liberal democracy. These ideas are central to the perceived 'crisis of the welfare state'. They are also related to debates about political culture and the future of democracy with the institutions of civil society cast positively as 'schools of citizenship'. Secondly, it is frequently assumed that there is an opposition in principle between the voluntary and the statutory and in some quarters an assumption (reversing an earlier presumption about the rationality of state welfare) that voluntary action is the superior mechanism (at least morally). The purpose of this paper is threefold. First, I want to reflect on the revival of interest in the role of the institutions of civil society in the history of welfare provision. Second, I will survey some recent approaches to voluntary action and 'civil society'. Third, in the process of this survey I discuss the relevance of these approaches to the study of past states of welfare.

Along with accession negotiations, integration into the European Union (EU) has become a central dimension of Estonian politics, creating new institutional practices and shaping domestic political processes. This article explores how the positions of and relations between the Estonian government, civil servants, parliament and civil society have been constructed in the course of preparations for EU membership, and discusses the findings from the viewpoint of democratic politics. With the help of different concepts of discursive power, it is highlighted that although parliament and civil society have acquired increasing power in the discourses of integration and there have been attempts to increase their involvement, power over these discourses is still predominantly exercised by civil servants and the government. This reflects the tensions built into the logic of integration that, on the one hand, is dominated by the principles of speed, efficiency, expertise and inevitability, but on the other has placed increasing emphasis on the democratic aspect. Altogether, integration tends to limit democracy to a minimal model, reinforcing some general weaknesses of democracy that are common in the post-communist countries, and intertwining these with the technocratic, elite-centred tradition of the EU that is being adopted by the applicant states.

In diesem Beitrag* werden Verbreitung, Bedingungen und Folgen von Korruption in Bewerberstaaten für einen Beitritt zur Europäischen Union in doppelter Vergleichsperspektive untersucht. Die Beitrittskandidaten werden einerseits westeuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten gegenübergestellt, andererseits solchen postsozialistischen Gesellschaften, die keinen EU-Bewerberstatus haben. Bei der Erklärung der unterschiedlichen Korruptionsbelastung wird im Ost-West-Vergleich eine institutionalistische Perspektive favorisiert, die Besonderheiten der postsozialistischen Gesellschaftsformation und der Umbruchsituation als tendenziell korruptionsfördernd herausstellt. Unterschiede zwischen den Reformstaaten werden ebenfalls institutionell durch den unterschiedlichen Erfolg erklärt, eine effektive Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft aufzubauen. Weiterhin wird gezeigt, daß Korruption die Zufriedenheit der Mittel- und Osteuropäer mit der Leistungsfähigkeit der Demokratie schmälert und damit ein Hindernis für die Konsolidierung der jungen Demokratien ist. ; This paper examines the extent, causes and consequences of corruption in accession countries to the European Union in a two-fold comparative perspective. On the one hand, the accession candidates are confronted with West European EU member states, on the other hand with post-socialist societies without EU candidate status. With regard to the east-west comparison, an institutional explanation is favoured arguing that the characteristics of postsocialist societies and the anomic situation of system transformation tend to promote corruption. Differences between the post-socialist countries are also explained institutionally by their varying success in establishing an effective democracy and market economy. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that corruption reduces the satisfaction of Central and East Europeans with the effectiveness of democracy, and thus is an obstacle to the consolidation of the new democracies.

This note considers the continuing viability of the state as a political community & a people's republic, a leading theme of a scientific symposium on the future of the state, held in Zagreb, 10-11 May 2002. The successes & failures of the state are pointed out: it has promoted modern democracy & social & economic developments but has also given rise to totalitarian regimes. The failure of some regions to develop state formations (eg, sub-Saharan Africa) is contrasted with state development in Western Europe, where the state now appears to be in the final stages of evolution, dissolving into the suprastate organization of the European Union. The question of the future of the state as a political body & territorially defined national unit is addressed, noting the erosion of state powers & prerogatives in the era of globalization & the threats to its legitimacy in light of the recognition that the legal foundation & financial resources of the state are limited. The principles of democracy & nationalism on which the raison d'etre of the state was always founded are ambivalent in providing a legitimacy for this institution. For the time being, however, the state has a future because there seems to be no better alternative. Z. Dubiel

[ES] En este artículo hemos pretendido fijar la atención en unos Acuerdos que tuvieron no sólo una gran importancia desde el punto de vista de la estabilidad económica para España, sino que, además, supusieron la concreción de una política educativa fundamentada en la búsqueda de la democratización de la enseñanza, la gratuidad de la misma o la puesta en marcha de acciones para conseguir la escolarización plena de los jóvenes españoles. ; [EN] In this article we have tried to point out on the agreements which are well known as Pactos de la Moncloa. These agreements not only played an essencial role on economic policy but also were related to educational framework. The goal of these agreements were the searching of the school democracy, its free of charge or the achieving of the whole youth schooling attendance. ; In this article we have tried to point out on the agreements which are well known as Pactos de la Moncloa. These agreements not only played an essencial role on economic policy but also were related to educational framework. The goal of these agreements were the searching of the school democracy, its free of charge or the achieving of the whole youth schooling attendance.

[ES] Partiendo del supuesto de que en la Constitución francesa de 1793 se diseña un esbozo de democracia social —concepto que utiliza A. Soboul—, el autor se pregunta si la no aplicación de esta norma fundamental y, por lo tanto, del modelo de democracia social, se debe a una imposibilidad de carácter utópico, o más bien a la tesis de las circunstancias adversas —guerra en el exterior, disputa por el poder en el interior— por las que atraviesa en esta fase la Revolución francesa. El artículo desarrolla esta segunda alternativa, subrayando, no obstante, la pervivencia de los principios de esta Constitución. ; [EN] If so in the French Constitution of 1793 it draws a social democracy outline —this concept is used by A. Soboul—, the autor inquires about the reason of the non application of this fundamental Law and, therefore, of the social democracy model. Is the causa the utopian face of this Law, or rather the adverse circumstances of the French Revolution at this time? The pourpose in this paper is to develop the second alternative, but to emphasize the future influence of the principles of this Constitution.

This paper combines three elements: a discussion of democratic values and the status of outsiders in Japanese political culture, the development of new measures to examine sensitive issues of nativism and foreigner perception in Japan, and an empirical exploration of the relationship between democratic values and antipathy toward outsiders. Two forms of democratic orientation were investigated in a sample of about 1,000 university students in Japan: a defensive version, which adheres to the formalistic requirements of democracy but is exclusionary and illiberal, and a universalist version that is liberal and tolerant. A defensive orientation is associated with greater chauvinism, a greater sense of threat emanating from foreigners, and a heightened anxiety about economic competition. A universalist orientation is associated with low perceived threat and low chauvinism, a lack of fear of economic competition, and a positive view of the cultural contributions of outsiders. Nativism may indeed be compatible with democratic values, but only with the defensive, exclusionary form. In short, the defensive form is democracy for xenophobes. Such an orientation is not unique to Japan, but is likely to be found in developing democracies as well as in advanced democracies that feel threatened.

Books reviewed: China Richard Madsen, China's Catholics: tragedy and Hope in an Emerging Civil SocietyWang Zheng, Women in the Chinese Enlightenment: oral and Textual HistoriesYuezhi Zhaom, Media, Market, and Democracy in China: between the Party Line and the Bottom LineAlan Knight and Yoshiko Nakano (eds), Reporting Hong Kong: foreign Media and the Handover Japan, Korea Joel R. Cohn, Studies in the Comic Spirit in Modern Japanese FictionJeong‐Hyun Shin, The Trap of History: understanding Korean Short StoriesSidney Hayden Lesbirel, NIMBY Politics in Japan: energy Siting and the Management of Environmental ConflictG. Cameron Hurst III. Armed Martial Arts of Japan: swordsmanship and Archery South Asia G. V. Tagare, Śaivism. Some GlimpsesLata Mani, Contentious Traditions: the Debate on Sati in Colonial IndiaVincanne Adams, Doctors for Democracy: health Professionals in the Nepal RevolutionT. Scarlett Epstein, A. P. Suryanarayana and T. Thimmegowda, Village Voices. Forty Years of Rural Transformation in South India Southeast Asia M. Ngaosyvathn and P. Ngaosyvathn, Paths to Conflagration: fifty Years of Diplomacy and Warfare in Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, 1778‐1828.Patrick Vinton Kirch, The Lapita Peoples: ancestors of the Oceanic WorldHelen Creese (ed and trans), Pãrthãyana, The Journeying of Pãrtha: an Eighteenth‐century Balinese Kakawin General Asia Frank B. Tipton, The Rise of Asia: economics, Society and Politics in Contemporary Asia