Suchergebnisse

"The article covers the results of two decades of transition of Russia after 1989, putting an accent on three main issues: the configuration of the research-object (post-socialist Russia in comparison with other post-Soviet counties), the results of transition, and its main actors. The author maintains that in the Russian case of transition, transformation rather than modernization is the appropriate notion for the definition of the process during the past two decades'. In Russia they deal with the contradictory combination of a relatively successful political modernization and very controversial results in the economical domain. Neither in 1990, nor in 2000 was the modernization project fully realized. A systematic and comprehensive modernization that was set as the main transformation task in the beginning of the transition process is still at the national agenda. However, a modernization strategy is difficult to be followed both for historical reasons and current circumstances. The author considers two types of limitations impeding the realization of the modernization project - one is historically determined and one is contemporary, both with an accent on the value orientations of elite and mass groups." (author's abstract)

Whereas, in many OECD countries strategic planning in health care has been in evidence since the 1970s, in Ireland the emergence of strategic management processes in health care planning didn't occur until the 1990s. This paper reports on part of a comparative study of health services planning in Ireland and in Canada. How can the strategic management of the Irish health services in the form of service planning be implemented? The focus of this paper is the identification of two key stumbling blocks to success in this endeavour. These include the limitations of the control mechanism, the legislation, underpinning service planning and the lack of recognition of the complexity of the healthcare environment and the stakeholders within it, in attempting to introduce service planning as a means of strategic management and change. The Irish research is shadowed by a case study in Canada. This paper reports on the Canadian experience of public participation in planning, to align goals and targets with identified health needs in the population. In comparison to the Irish context, the Canadian planning system takes a two pronged approach; a population health planning approach at the corporate strategic level and multiple stakeholder involvement which is protected by legislation, feeding into this system on an annual basis.

Rawls's account of international toleration in The Law of Peoples has been the subject of vigorous critiques by critics who believe that he unacceptably dilutes the principles of his Law of Peoples in order to accommodate non-liberal societies. One important component in these critiques takes issue specifically with Rawls's inclusion of certain non-liberal societies ('decent peoples') in the constituency of justification for the Law of Peoples. In Rawls's defence, I argue that the explanation for the inclusion of decent peoples in the constituency of justification is not, as is standardly assumed, that they are the kind of societies that ought to be tolerated in that way on some prior conception of which kinds of societies ought to be tolerated in that way. The real explanation appeals to a methodological principle underlying Rawls's approach to political justification, according to which liberals owe justification, as a matter of liberal principle, to those who comply with liberal principles for political institutions that apply to them. If such liberal principles can be complied with by agents who nevertheless cannot accept fully liberal justifications for those principles, then liberalism itself requires liberals to seek justifications which they can accept. This approach gives us a new way to view decent peoples: as just such agents, who are therefore owed a justification for the Law of Peoples that they can accept. Decency is thus a concept that is internal to liberal political justification at the international level. Reading Rawls in this way permits a coherent and attractive defence of his strategy of toleration and of his international theory as a whole. © The Author(s) 2012.

Do nationalist political parties violate human rights more than others or are they the protectors of their people's rights when they are in power? I argue that nationalist political actors have the duty of protecting national unity at any cost and prioritizing national interests over any other concerns. These goals jeopardize certain types of human rights. In contrast to the view that civic nationalism can be more benign compared with ethnic nationalism, I argue that they both have similar effects on human rights. However, democratic institutions can tame nationalism and limit its effects on human rights. I test my theory by using a large- N sample including forty-nine countries between 1981 and 2011, and supplement my findings with a short case study. The findings show that nationalism has negative effects on certain types of human rights only in partial democracies. This article contributes to the literature by presenting a causal mechanism relating the core elements of nationalism to human rights practices and providing the first large- N empirical test of this relationship. The findings of this article can help scholars, politicians, and citizens better understand a potentially dangerous consequence of the rise of nationalism around the world.

International audience ; Under the auspices of Indonesian government, States of Africa and Asia have been involved in the 1955 Bandung Asian-African conference and its commemorative conferences in 2005 and 2015. At every conference, they produced an official statement, communiqué or declaration. This article is aimed at presenting briefly the content of those documents. It is not intended to review the whole documents in exhaustive way, but to quote the passages considered to be significant in relation to the evolution of socio-cultural and politico-economical situation in Africa and Asia during the last 60 years. Ref. Darwis Khudori, BANDUNG LEGACY AND GLOBAL FUTURE: New Insights and Emerging Forces, New Delhi, Aakar Book, 2018, 16cm x 23.5cm, 304p. ISBN 978-93-5002-549-9, pp. 291-298.

International audience ; Under the auspices of Indonesian government, States of Africa and Asia have been involved in the 1955 Bandung Asian-African conference and its commemorative conferences in 2005 and 2015. At every conference, they produced an official statement, communiqué or declaration. This article is aimed at presenting briefly the content of those documents. It is not intended to review the whole documents in exhaustive way, but to quote the passages considered to be significant in relation to the evolution of socio-cultural and politico-economical situation in Africa and Asia during the last 60 years. Ref. Darwis Khudori, BANDUNG LEGACY AND GLOBAL FUTURE: New Insights and Emerging Forces, New Delhi, Aakar Book, 2018, 16cm x 23.5cm, 304p. ISBN 978-93-5002-549-9, pp. 291-298.

This book explores theory and best practices to improve teaching and learning to promote equity in the classroom in specific disciplinary areas including STEM, healthcare, and the humanities. Each chapter includes actionable pedagogical or curricular recommendations such as course assignments and lesson plans. This is the second of four edited volumes focusing on applications of the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL) for more equitable learning opportunities. C. Casey Ozaki (she/her/hers) is Associate Professor and Chair for the Department of Education, Health, and Behavior Studies at the University of North Dakota, USA. Her research bisects both the student affairs and teaching and learning areas of the college campus, with a shared focus on diverse students, their outcomes, and factors that influence those outcomes. As part of this focus, she has explored the role of student affairs professionals at community colleges. Laura Parson (she/her/hers) is Assistant Professor of Educational and Organizational Leadership at North Dakota State University, USA. Her research questions seek to understand how policy, discourses, practices, and procedures inform the experiences of minoritized groups in higher education, and how the institution coordinates those factors through translocal practices. She is a qualitative methodologist, with a focus on ethnographic and discourse methods of inquiry.

ABSTRACTBLACK LIVES AND SPATIAL MATTERS:Race-making and Resistance in Suburban St. LouisByJodi Sheldon RiosDoctor of Philosophy in Interdisciplinary StudiesUniversity of California, Berkeley Professor Stephen Small, ChairOn August 9, 2014, the spectacle of an unarmed Black teenager lying facedown on the hot pavement for four and a half hours epitomized for Black residents of North St. Louis County the experience of de-humanization they had long endured. With the same power of a public lynching, the spectral terror publically inflicted on Michael Brown's body bore witness to the limits of the liberal state to deliver 'freedom for all.' The events of August 9 also reinforced a centuries-honed logic of differentiated rights that relies on the production of racialized space and bodies through physical, political, and economic violence. The draconian practices and acute experiences of racialized space in North St. Louis County were operating long before Michael Brown's body lay on the pavement. However, the events that sparked ongoing protests and global debates following Brown's death illustrate why it is critical to study places like North St. Louis County, which is an extreme example of how both racist and liberatory projects operate in and through space. Here, subjugation and liberation are produced at the intersection of stigmatized Black space and the 'white spatial imaginary' of suburban normativity. These practices provide important insight into how black subjects are maintained as well as how blackness repudiates the claims of liberal humanism. While relationships between the 'work of space' and historical modalities of race-making are clearly operating in North St. Louis County, a radical form of resistance with the potential to challenge anti-Black paradigms was also birthed in this area.This project asks: What work does race do to produce differentiated sub/urban citizens, and with what effect? The transdisciplinary approach used for this research is a project-based methodology that operates outside of traditional disciplinary norms to research intimately interconnected phenomena. Multiple qualitative and quantitative methods and analytics for the collection, analysis, and synthesis of data were used over a ten-year period. The research design expanded to adopt additional methods based on findings throughout the process. The combined dataset includes research carried out while I was a faculty member at Washington University, including eighteen in-depth interviews with residents and leaders of North St. Louis County prior to 2010 and twenty-five interviews with residents of the city of Pagedale between 2005 and 2010. The data were also derived from more recent research, including 105 intercept interviews with residents of North St. Louis County between 2014 and 2015 and thirty-nine interviews with core members of the Ferguson Protest Movement. Participant observation was used at more than fifty meetings and events between 2003 and 2015 and throughout extensive time spent in this area. Historical data were collected from over forty archives, and a large amount of statistical and legal data were collected from public records, including an extensive data request from twenty-five municipal courts through the use of the Missouri Sunshine Law. Spanning twelve years, this research investigates the degree to which race, municipal autonomy, and regional contestations over power, resources, and space, are intimately intertwined through formal policies and informal practices in North St. Louis County, often with devastating consequences. This work also considers how multiple forms of state violence are normalized for the purpose of legitimizing municipal governments, perpetuating hierarchies of power, and policing Black bodies for profit. North St. Louis County provides important evidence regarding how discursive space and lived experience are deeply interdependent and how definitions and expectations of space determine the opportunities and limitations of residents in metropolitan areas. While the evidence documented in this work reveals the dire circumstances Black residents of North St. Louis County live with every day, the dynamics of place and people converged on August 9, 2014, to spark a social movement that is uniquely connected to the particular history and experience of Black residents in this area. Leading the way were Black women and queer of color protesters who claimed the street and their bodies as locations of struggle. These protesters contribute to a new iteration of the fight for human liberation in fundamental ways that have not been fully recognized in the national discourse concerning social movements (like Black Lives Matter). As such, North St. Louis County can be viewed as both a location of devastating oppression and as an example of extreme practices of freedom.

Seit 1996 führt das Zentrum für Militärgeschichte und Sozialwissenschaften der Bundeswehr (ZMSBw) im Auftrag des Bundesministeriums für Verteidigung eine repräsentative Umfrage unter der deutschen Bevölkerung zu verteidigungs- und sicherheitspolitischen Themen durch. Im Jahr 1997 wurde diese Studie fortgesetzt. Dafür wurden N = 2572 Personen zu verschiedenen Inhalten befragt. Gegenstand der vorliegenden Untersuchung waren Sicherheits- und Bedrohungswahrnehmung Sicherheitspolitische Einstellungen, Rolle und Image der Bundeswehr und ihrer Soldaten, Aufgaben der Bundeswehr, die Rolle der Wehrpflicht, militärische Zusammenarbeit in Europa sowie Fragen zum Thema Gewalt.

Weight stigma is a pressing issue that affects individuals across the weight distribution. The role of social media in both alleviating and exacerbating weight bias has received growing attention. On one hand, biased algorithms on social media platforms may filter out posts from individuals in stigmatized groups and concentrate exposure to content that perpetuates problematic norms about weight. Individuals may also be more likely to engage in attacks due to increased anonymity and lack of substantive consequences online. The critical influence of social media in shaping beliefs may also lead to the internalization of weight stigma. However, social media could also be used as a positive agent of change. Movements such as Body Positivity, the Fatosphere, and Health at Every Size have helped counter negative stereotypes and provide more inclusive spaces. To support these efforts, governments should continue to explore legislative solutions to enact anti-weight discrimination policies, and platforms should invest in diverse content moderation teams with dedicated weight bias training while interrogating bias in existing algorithms. Public health practitioners and clinicians should leverage social media as a tool in weight management interventions and increase awareness of stigmatizing online content among their patients. Finally, researchers must explore how experiences of stigma differ across in-person and virtual settings and critically evaluate existing research methodologies and terminology. Addressing weight stigma on social media will take a concerted effort across an expansive set of stakeholders, but the benefits to population health are consequential and well-worth our collective attention.