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The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the Russian culture and citizens' perceived fairness of the new Criminal Procedural Code of Russia of 2001 (CPC of 2001). The CPC of 2001 is a key policy in the Russian criminal law reform with the purpose of implementing adversarial procedure elements in Russia. The existing literature has documented the lack of public support along with observed violations of the CPC's major provisions which as made this an important area for study. It is theorized that the apparent contradiction between the underlying values of the Russian culture, and CPC's adversarial procedure that reflects anti-cultural values, are responsible for the lack of substantial public support and acceptance of the CPC of 2001. The theory of motivational values developed by Schwartz (1990) is used as a framework to examine the Russian culture. Damaska's (1986) theory of procedural models is used to examine the adversarial elements of the new CPC of 2001. The group value theory of fairness is employed to examine the relationships between Russian cultural values and the public opinion about the criminal procedural law (Lind & Tyler, 1988). The study used a multi-stage stratified random sample of 1,588 Russian residents to explore the relationship between the culture and the perceived fairness of the CPC of 2001. The sample is representative of the Russian Federation population. The data is analyzed through four structural-equation models, a set of non-parametric tests, and descriptive statistical analysis. The findings of this thesis confirmed that cultural values in Russia are predominantly collective. On average, 69% of Russian respondents reported that collective values play a very important role in their life. The type of prevailing values was dependent on the demographic characteristics of the sample: age, gender, place of residence, level of education, marital status, and household income. It was found that the majority of Russian citizens believe that the inquisitional criminal procedure is an ideal of fair law. On average, 72% supported the inquisitorial procedural model in Russia. Unlike the adversarial procedure, the inquisitorial procedural model is not based on competition between the equal parties of prosecution and defense. Instead, it is viewed as a cooperative process between the judge, prosecutor and defense in their inquiry into the circumstances of the case. The adversarial procedural model was not supported by most citizens. Only 33.5% reported that the adversarial procedural model can be considered fair. The study corroborated that the new CPC was not fully supported by the majority of respondents. An average of 27.5% of respondents in Russia reported that the CPC of 2001 is a fair law, in comparison to 72.5% who think that the CPC of 2001 is unfair. The findings validated that the CPC of 2001's inclusion of adversarial procedural elements contradict key values of the contemporary Russian culture. It is concluded that the CPC of 2001 should be reformed to facilitate citizen acceptance. Greater acceptance will support the attempt to advance the democratization of the criminal process through increased civil rights while simultaneously enhancing positive social control. It is proposed that the planned policy reforms that contain additional elements of the adversarial criminal procedure be introduced in a phased manner. It is also recommended that the adversarial procedure values should be publicized through public awareness educational programs. The data analysis also suggests that confounding factors such as citizen distrust of the criminal justice institutions can contribute to problems associated with acceptance of the criminal law reform. The research model developed for this study can be used to examine policies related to criminal law reform in other former Soviet Union countries. ; 2007-12-01 ; Ph.D. ; Health and Public Affairs, Department of Criminal Justice and Legal Studies ; Doctorate ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

Book reviewed in this article:PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: We, The Accused. By Ernest Raymond.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: Who Once Eats Out of the Tin Bowl. Hans Fallada. Translated by Eric. Sutton. (Putnam. 1934. Pp. 568. 7s. 6d.)PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: A Pin to see the Peepshow. Tennyson Jesse.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: I Was a Prisoner. By William Holt. Foreword by H. R. L. Sheppard.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: Caliban Shrieks. By Jack Hilton.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: I Speak for the Silent. By Vladimir V. Tchernavin.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: I was Hitler's Prisoner. By Stefan Lorant.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: Rubber Truncheon. By Wolfgang Langhoff.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: All Quiet in Germany. By Karl Billinger.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: There Is No Truce. A Life of Thomas Mott Osborne. By Rudolph W. Chamberlain.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: Sing Sing Doctor. By Amos O. Squire, M.D. With an Introduction by Lewis E. Lawes.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: Governor Arthur's Convict System. Van Diemens Land, 1824–36. By William Douglass Forsyth.PRISONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY: PLUS çA CHANGE, PLUS C'EST LA MEME CHOSE: Proceedings of the Sixty‐Fourth Annual Congress of the American Prison Association.YOUNG OFFENDERS THE WORLD OVER AND A SEARCHLIGHT ON SOME OFFICIAL REPORTS: Two League of Nations Reports. Child Welfare Committee: Enquiry into the Question of Children in Moral and Social Danger. Report of Mile. Chaptal.YOUNG OFFENDERS THE WORLD OVER AND A SEARCHLIGHT ON SOME OFFICIAL REPORTS: Institutions for Erring and Delinquent Minors.YOUNG OFFENDERS THE WORLD OVER AND A SEARCHLIGHT ON SOME OFFICIAL REPORTS: Les Enfants traduits en Justice. Etude d'aprés trois cents dossiers du tribunal pour enfants de l'arrondissement de Bruxelles. A. Racine.SCIENCE AND CRIME. Criminology. By Albert Morris.SCIENCE AND CRIME. Principles of Criminology. Edwin H. Sutherland.SCIENCE AND CRIME. The Close of Another Chapter in Criminology. By William Healy, M.D., Augusta F. Bronner, Ph.D., Directors, Judge Baker Guidance Centre, and Myra E. Shimberg, Ph.D., Research Department, Judge Baker Guidance Centre, New York. 1935. National Committee for Mental Hygiene.SCIENCE AND CRIME. Psychanalyse et Criminologie. By Dr. Genil‐Perrin.SCIENCE AND CRIME. Twentieth Century Crime. Eighteenth Century Methods of Control. By James Edward Hagerty.SCIENCE AND CRIME. Abstract from La Semana Médica, Buenos AiresSCIENCE AND CRIME. Handbook of Casework and Classification Methods for Offenders. (Edited by Edgar A. Doll, Ph.D. Pp. 30.)DEBTORS IN GAOL: The Scandal of Imprisonment for Debt. J. D. Unwin. Simpkin, MarshallGERMAN PENOLOGISTS ABROAD—U.S.A. AND ITALY: Kriminalistischer Bericht Ueber Eine Reise Nach Amerika. By Dr. Franz Exner, Professor in Munich.GERMAN PENOLOGISTS ABROAD—U.S.A. AND ITALY: Theorie und Praxis des fascistischen Strafvollzuges.By Dr. jur. Gunnar Dybwad.MISCELLANEOUS: The Life and Work of Sir John Fielding. By R. Leslie‐Melville.MISCELLANEOUS: Life and Death at the Old Bailey. By R. Thurston Hopkins.MISCELLANEOUS: Social Planning for Crime Control. By Arthur L. Beeley.MISCELLANEOUS: Crime Within The Square Mile. By Ex‐Chief Detective Inspector Ernest Nicholls.MISCELLANEOUS: L'Œuvre d'Adolphe Prins. Issued by the Faculty of Law, University of Brussels. By Louis Wodon and Jean Servais, Honorary Professors of the University. Foreword by Paul Hymans, President of the Administrative Council of the University.PILGRIMAGE: THE REBEL'S TALE AND A LOOKER‐ON. Proletarian Pilgrimage: The Autobiography of John Paton.PILGRIMAGE: THE REBEL'S TALE AND A LOOKER‐ON. Narrow Waters: The first volume of the life and thoughts of a Common Man. Authorship unacknowledged.

Ireland has consistently supported workforce development (WfD) as a key element of economic development. This study has been commissioned by the World Bank to test a new instrument, within its Systems Approach for Better Education Results (SABER)-WfD project, which provides an opportunity to benchmark this support and identify progress made over two decades from 1980-2000. This was a period of rapid expansion of Ireland's economy and major reform in WfD policies. The findings will assist other countries in identifying measures which have been effective in progressing aspects of workforce development within a framework of national human capital development and may also contribute to on-going policy dialogue on workforce development in Ireland. The tool is based on an analytical framework that identifies three functional dimensions of WfD policies and institutions: strategic framework, which refers to the praxis of advocacy, partnership, and coordination in relation to the objective of aligning WfD in critical areas to priorities for national development; system oversight, which refers to the arrangements governing funding, quality assurance and learning pathways that shape the incentives and information signals affecting the choices of individuals, employers, training providers and other stakeholders; and service delivery, which refers to the diversity, organization and management of training provision, both state and non-state, that deliver results on the ground by enabling individuals to acquire market-and job-relevant skills. These three dimensions constitute a closed policy-making loop and, when taken together, allow for analysis of the functioning of a WfD system as a whole. This report focuses specifically on policies in the area of WfD.

The report is structured as follows. The next section introduces the theoretical notion of a 'virtual economy' and explains how it is distinct from other Information and Communication Technology (ICT)-related economic activities. The following sections describe in detail the main areas of the virtual economy, their economic impact, business models and value chains. The two major areas of the existing virtual economy are identified as: 1) third party gaming services and 2) microwork. This report will focus largely on these two distinct but conceptually related areas. Gaming services is an established industry that provides a rich set of evidence for analysis, while microwork is an emerging industry with apparently significant development potential. Other existing activities within the virtual economy are categorized as: 3) marketing related paid-for connections in social media ('cherry blossoming') and 4) user-created virtual goods in virtual environments. These are not covered in detail due to their limited development potential, at least at present. The sixth section analyzes the development potential of the virtual economy. Development potential is here understood as the ability to provide income to local economies through employment and entrepreneurial opportunities. Both short-run opportunities and long-run income development are considered. Development potential also includes the ability to support the development of local ICT infrastructure. In the final section, the report summarizes the key findings, identifies important gaps in current knowledge, and sketches out the scope for possible donor or Non-Governmental Organization (NGO)-led interventions towards maximizing the development potential of the virtual economy.

"Taxing the Rich draws on unparalleled evidence from twenty countries over the last two centuries to provide the broadest and most in-depth history of progressive taxation available. Scheve and Stasavage explore the intellectual and political debates surrounding the taxation of the wealthy while also providing the most detailed examination to date of when taxes have been levied against the rich and when they haven't. Fairness in debates about taxing the rich has depended on different views of what it means to treat people as equals and whether taxing the rich advances or undermines this norm. Scheve and Stasavage argue that governments don't tax the rich just because inequality is high or rising--they do it when people believe that such taxes compensate for the state unfairly privileging the wealthy. Progressive taxation saw its heyday in the twentieth century, when compensatory arguments for taxing the rich focused on unequal sacrifice in mass warfare. Today, as technology gives rise to wars of more limited mobilization, such arguments are no longer persuasive. Taxing the Rich shows how the future of tax reform will depend on whether political and economic conditions allow for new compensatory arguments to be made."--Publisher's Web site

Macroeconomic stability in 2020 was negatively affected by Covid-19 in 2020, although inflation remained low under 4 per cent. The budget deficit increased sharply (from 3.36 per cent of GDP in 20196 to 4.49 per cent of GDP in 20207) due to an increase in government spending for pandemic-related financial support for citizens and businesses. Accordingly, debt indicators for 2020, namely public debt (as percentage of GDP), foreign debt (as percentage of GDP), government debt payments to total budget revenue, and foreign debt repayment (as percentage of total exports) all increased compared to the previous year (see Graph 2 below). Covid-19 has affected all aspects of socio-economic development such as economic growth, trade activities, labour, employment, and income of workers. To mitigate this disruption, the Vietnamese government has implemented a series of timely and strong measures aimed firstly to limit the spread of the virus and then secondly to promote economic development. The measures have shown initial success at controlling the spread of the virus, with Vietnam having come close to completely halting local transmission.

Malaysia's policy responses, launched under the various COVID-19 stimulus packages, have prioritized the retention of the existing workforce, with some attention to job creation, which benefits new labour market entrants, and a few programmes specifically targeted at fresh graduates and young workers, most of which have fallen short of the targeted number of beneficiaries. It is fair to say that the efforts have mitigated labour market woes, although the effects are difficult to quantify. What is clear is that Malaysia's youth have become restive, and more vocal about their pandemic-deepened plight. The incoming government will need to respond decisively and effectively on this matter.

This paper examines the overall economic impact of Covid-19 on Johor, as well as the state and federal governments' efforts to improve conditions amidst continued uncertainty and subsequent waves of the pandemic. It then looks at the possibility of recovery with the arrival of vaccines and ongoing discussions to reopen the border.

Using aggregate-level data on Japanese multinational corporations (MNCs) in major host countries and regions, this paper investigates the impact of COVID-19 on global production and supply chains with a focus on East Asia. I use the numbers of COVID-19 cases and deaths as measures of the impact of the pandemic. I find that the pandemic had substantial impacts on the performance (sales, employment, and investment) of Japanese MNCs and global supply chains (exports to Japan and exports to third countries) in Q1–Q3 2020. China recovered quickly in Q2 and grew in Q3, whilst the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the rest of the world had still not fully recovered in Q3 2020. Importantly, lockdown and containment policies in host countries had large negative impacts on the sales and employment of Japanese MNCs. In contrast, I did not find positive effects of economic support policies on firm performance. Interestingly, whilst the firm expectations and business plans of Japanese MNCs were negatively affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, their business confidence increased with strong overall government policy responses in host countries in Q1 2020.

Several factors are behind the second wave of the pandemic in India. Among many factors, election rallies and religious festivals were blamed for the second wave. Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed large unmasked public gatherings during the election campaigns. Also, the large gathering for the Kumbh Mela, a Hindu festival, raised questions over its being the super-spreader event. The new variant (now called the Delta variant) was also said to be responsible for the second wave. The situation only got worse as India's health system collapsed during the second wave. There were shortages of hospital beds, medical oxygen, PPEs, antiviral drugs, and vaccines. The local governments' limited lockdowns to curb the infections, as the federal government was hesitant to impose nationwide lockdown again in the fear of another recession.

This policy review presents an overall overview of COVID-19 pandemic impact on health and economy in developed and developing countries. Besides, it highlights the key responses and measures taken so far to control the spread of the diseases. The COVID-19 pandemic seems to impact economy so hard that the global growth could be as low as 2%, along with drop in trade from 13% to 32%. In the US only, 22 million people applied for unemployment benefits. In Europe, services sector has crashed as lockdowns caused businesses closures. Similarly, Spain, France, and Germany have all recorded the lowest readings in their business surveys. In Pakistan, more than 25% of the population lives below the poverty line; it is estimated that poverty shall increase from 75 million to around 130 million in case of protracted lockdown. Moreover, the absence of universal health coverage may also force people to sell their possessions or get loans from informal moneylenders at manipulative rates. In this chaotic situation, the government should allocate more money for its health budget. Pakistan should take steps towards practical policies to tackle the further impact of COVID-19. Pakistan should keep digital database of all sorts of labourers (formal and informal) as it will help the government reach the poor and needy segments of the communities on time.

The COVID-19 containment and social restriction measures sent the Indonesian economy into a severe contraction of 5.32 per cent in Q2-2020, the first negative growth since 1999. Faced with a severe policy challenge to reconcile the conflicting imperatives of public health and economic sustenance, the government has loosened the restrictions on people movements. This in turn has elicited criticism that this could be premature, since infections have yet to peak. Micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) and the tourism sector have been badly hit. Around half of MSMEs have temporarily closed mostly due to a sharp reduction in demand and disruptions in the supply chain. Indonesia's Chamber of Commerce has estimated that the potential loss to the tourism sector will reach USD35 billion, if the dire situation continues until the end of this year.

The COVID-19 pandemic has dramatically changed the social and economic outlook for Aotearoa New Zealand. Thousands of jobs have disappeared from the economy, especially in the hospitality and tourism sectors – jobs that were previously often filled by migrants or low-paid local workers. Job losses, however, have also had a significant impact on Māori, Pacific people, people with disabilities, young people and women. While immigration remains tightly restricted because of border controls to prevent importing COVID-19, labour will become relatively more scarce and costly. On the other hand, capital has never been cheaper as the Reserve Bank lowers interest rates. This combination of tightly restricted migration and low-cost capital has rarely existed in our natation's history. It will require a new economic model, and should enable a more equitable one. There is now an opportunity to boost Aotearoa New Zealand talent, especially by bringing previously excluded groups into higher-skilled, higher-paid work that will lift Aotearoa New Zealand's overall productivity and yield more inclusive growth. This is a difficult challenge for any country. To achieve it, Aotearoa New Zealand will have to be bold, flexible, and nimble. New policies are needed to drive this transition. These include boosting wages to encourage firms to innovate, supporting frontier firms, and helping employers and employees with high-end skills training and policies that make labour-market participation easier, especially for those currently out of work or long-term unemployed. Inclusive growth also depends on using better government assessment and more creative ideas to improve the distributional impacts of policy proposals. This discussion paper proposes an agenda that departs from the more traditional approaches to promote inclusive growth.

Most natural and man-made disasters, from earthquakes to climate change to financial crises, have a disproportionately large negative impact on the poor and other vulnerable or marginalised groups. Pandemics like COVID-19 are not an exception. Although COVID-19 may be an "equal opportunity infector",1 the poor are more susceptible to infection and to succumbing to it if infected. The poor are also likely to bear a disproportionately high share of the burden of curtailment measures designed to curb the spread of the virus. COVID-19 not only highlights existing inequalities and disparities, it exacerbates them. Therefore, informed policy making that considers these ground realities and how they affect costs and benefits is critical especially in countries with high proportions of the poor, and where safety nets are likely to be weak. Unfortunately, limited testing capabilities is another feature of being poor, and this prevents the assembly of data required to make informed decisions. Fear of the unknown, coupled with the potential for exponential spread, is leading governments in poor countries to err on the side of caution and to employ draconian measures. Lockdowns are being prolonged because the data required to support a safe lifting of the measures cannot be collected, even though the same data deficit means that extensions may not be justified either. The costs of lockdowns on the welfare of the poor is rising, and can accelerate the longer they are in place, in the absence of income support. The infection curve finds its counterpart in the misery curve, which measures the loss of incomes and livelihoods, contributing to long-term and sometimes irreversible harm. This makes prolonged lockdowns not only a potentially erroneous policy instrument for minimising overall harm, it is also likely to render them ineffective since implementation will be compromised as violations begin to increase. This suggests that there may be a need, over time, to ease certain restrictions that inflict significant misery on vulnerable groups. Otherwise, violations may increase to a point where they compromise the overall objectives of the lockdown, causing health and economic crises that together approximate a humanitarian disaster.