Suchergebnisse

The structure of the political system and the institutional context of Luxembourg were described in detail in the previous policy reports on migration and asylum. Important changes related to the national elections of 2014 can be found in the Policy Report.

This article summarises the method of analysis followed, presents the results obtained and lists the conclusions drawn for the dimension related to the values, rights and freedoms of the European Union. The content of this article is part of Diego Álvarez's draft doctoral thesis entitled "Comparative analysis and methodological proposal for analysing the content of political messages to estimate the political position in relation to sustainable development". The draft is currently in the drafting phase and the above data is therefore provisional in nature. The main objective of the doctoral thesis project is to understand the meaning that Spanish political parties assign to Sustainable Development (DS) through the content of their electoral programmes in the framework of the political competition with the European Parliament in the 2009 elections. Álvarez Sánchez, D. (2014). Position on the sustainable development of Spanish political parties in European elections 2009: Dimension related to the values, rights and freedoms of the European Union. Provisional results. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/37357 ; Este artículo describe de forma resumida el método de análisis que se ha seguido, presenta los resultados obtenidos y enumera las conclusiones extraídas para la dimensión relacionada con los valores, derechos y libertades de la Unión Europea. El contenido de este artículo forma parte del proyecto de tesis doctoral de Diego Álvarez titulado "Análisis comparativo y propuesta metodológica para el análisis del contenido de mensajes políticos para estimar la posición política en relación al Desarrollo Sostenible". El proyecto se encuentra actualmente en fase de redacción por lo que los datos expuestos tienen el carácter de provisionales. El objetivo principal del proyecto de tesis doctoral es comprender el significado que los partidos políticos españoles asignan al Desarrollo Sostenible (DS) a través del contenido de sus programas electorales en el marco de la competición política al Parlamento Europeo en las elecciones ...

O presente artigo analisa como foi o processo de construção da imagem política do candidato a deputado nacional pela província de Buenos Aires, Francisco de Narváez, quem conseguiu vencer na eleição de médio termo de 2009 ao partido oficialista Frente para a Vitória, liderado pelo ex-presidente Néstor Kirchner. Analisaremos como os meios de comunicação favoreceram e facilitaram o processo de construção da imagem de Francisco de Narváez logrando aproximar o candidato aos eleitores, humanizando-o, apresentando-o como uma "pessoa comum". As ferramentas de marketing político implementadas geraram novos canais de comunicação entre o candidato e o eleitorado, complementaram as tradicionais relações "virtuais" através da televisão, principalmente, mas também, e por primeira vez nas campanhas eleitorais argentinas, pela internet, oferecendo um candidato à medida da demanda. O estudo do contexto socio-político da campanha de 2009 nos permitirá identificar e classificar a mutação do sistema de partidos na Argentina com a emergência dos partidos políticos profissionais eleitorais onde o chefe de campanha se posiciona acima do candidato. ; This article analyzes how was the process of building the political image of the candidate to national deputy for Buenos Aires Province, Francisco de Narváez, who defeated in mid-term elections of 2009 the official party ¨Frente para la Victoria¨, led by the former President Néstor Kirchner. We will explore how the media have promoted and facilitated the building process of Francisco de Narvaez image, achieving the approach of the candidate to the voters, humanizing him, showing him as a "common person". The implemented Political marketing tools generated new communication channels between the candidate and the voters, they complemented the traditional personal contact relationships with "virtual" relationships, mainly through television, but also, for the first time in Argentinean political campaigns, with Internet, offering a candidate tailored on demand. The study of the social ...

also published online http://surlejournalisme.com/rev/index.php/slj/article/view/72/24 The article consists of a multi-methodological study of the online news landscape, as part of a research project entitled Internet Pluralism and Redondance de l'Information. The study seeks to identify, in the publication stream and in the circulation of a new one, the elements of convergence and recovery, or, on the contrary, the creativity and singularisation of the various types of news sites (online media, infomedaries, native internet sites and blogs) from the publication on 8 March 2011 of articles on a poll giving Marine Le Pen the top of the voting intentions for the 2012 presidential election. The article essentially serves two purposes. The first is to identify the volume of production of information on the subject in the various sites, taking into account the circulation of the new one in its diachronic dimension. The second is to identify certain standards in the production of the various sites, by studying sources and signatures, visual treatment and the use of hyperlinks. The results show lines of convergence and divergence between the different categories of sites: productivity strategies and standardised recovery of information vs singularity, re-processing of information and promotion of a relational network. ; International audience This article consists in a multi-methodological study of online news landscape, which is part of a research project called Internet Pluralism and Redundancy of Information. The study aims to identify, in the publication flow and in the spreading of online news, some elements of convergence or divergence between different categories of websites (online medias, infomediaries, medias born online and blogs) in their publication, on the 8th of March 2011, of a poll about presidential elections, setting far-right leader Marine Le Pen on top of voting intentions. The article essentially aims at two purposes. The first one is to identify the amount of information production dedicated to ...

2007 began without knowing when the parliamentary elections would take place. Would they take place in July or September? 1 In addition, the rumour of a postponement to 2008 moved one temps2. In July, there was a preference for those who feared that the Islamists of the Justice and Development Party (PJD) would benefit from an election campaign coinciding with the Ramadan period (September). However, the deadlines set seemed too short for the different political forces and the administration to be ready at the beginning of the summer. Finally, the second 'new era' parliamentary elections were scheduled for 7 September 2007, at the end of the parliamentary term, like the previous elections in 2002. ; Peer Reviewed ; 2007 began without knowing when the parliamentary elections would take place. Would they take place in July or September? 1 In addition, the rumour of a postponement to 2008 moved one temps2. In July, there was a preference for those who feared that the Islamists of the Justice and Development Party (PJD) would benefit from an election campaign coinciding with the Ramadan period (September). However, the deadlines set seemed too short for the different political forces and the administration to be ready at the beginning of the summer. Finally, the second 'new era' parliamentary elections were scheduled for 7 September 2007, at the end of the parliamentary term, like the previous elections in 2002. ; L'année 2007 a débuté sans que l'on sache à quelle date les élections législatives allaient se dérouler. Auraient-elles lieu au mois de juillet ou au mois de septembre ?1 En outre, la rumeur d'un report à 2008 a circulé un temps2. Le mois de juillet avait la préférence de ceux qui craignaient de voir les islamistes du Parti de la justice et du développement (PJD) tirer profit d'une campagne électorale coïncidant avec la période du Ramadan (septembre). Cependant, les délais impartis semblaient trop courts pour que les différentes forces politiques et l'administration soient prêtes au début de l'été. ...

74 p. (Final position paper — polling exercise). The survey operation on the La Calade site in Fontvieille was motivated by the resumption of archaeological data linked to research on the famous 'hypogées d'Arles', as part of the Collective Research Programme 'The Megalithic Monuments of Fontvieille, state of knowledge, contexts and new data', carried out by X. Margarit. It is the great proximity of this 'megalithic complex' (five monuments, objects of 'curiosity' since the end of the 18th century) to this, a priori restricted, final Nolithic station, which can interact. Although the results of the excavations of L. Poumeyrol in the 60s seemed to reveal a tangible domestic occupation of the end of Nolinthics (ceramics, lithic and bone industries, metal, fauna, trimmings), we did not think that the nature of the deposit was sufficiently explicit. We therefore opted for a survey campaign in order to verify the observations of L. Poumeyrol and to clarify the status of the site. In total, five polls were opened for a total area of 15 m² searched: a trench of 5 m² (Sondage 1); a sample of 2 m² (Wholesale 2); a sample of 3 m² (Sondage 3); a survey of 4 m² (Sondage 4) and a 1 m² poll (Sondage 5). Most of these surveys turned out to be negative and only the Sondage 2 was able to testify to an occupation at the end of the third millennium. The stratigraphy is relatively simple and the sedimentary power does not exceed 15 cm above the substrate. The conservation status of the remains, which is quite suitable, points to a level in place with large flat tessons that are clearly marked by J. Cauliez Final Nolithic, wildlife, numerous raw earth fragments (approximately 4 kg), some silex elements (including a blind fragment retouched in black flint and a cross-slicing frame) and the bone industry (a likely tip of 'sago' according to J. Mayca). Despite the presence of a significant quantity of exogenous silex blades (Widge alley) from L. Poumeyrol's polls, it is difficult, in my view, to ensure a special status at this station, ...

Our way to grasp or imagine reality is linked to an underlying epistemological underlying assumption: theory guides practice. A second scenario provided by the constructivist Epistemologies was to make it clear that the theories in force are buildings designed and constructed also by the dominant scientific community or the current research tradition. Further strengthen the articulation between 'community' and 'paradigm' was Kuhn, showing the rationality of the elections (or, according to its opponents, the lack of rationality in the elections), such as: what is being investigated and how. Our third scenario relates to the development of a change in the conception of science that has reached us under names such as: 'Caos theory'; "Complex system theory" or "complexity paradigma". Such a change should mean at least two things: 1- identification of new theoretical theories or terms linked to processes or facts to be investigated (a good example would be multiculturalism). 2- articulation between theory and practice necessarily in place in institutionalisation processes (scientific community or research tradition) ; Our way of apprehending the reality or of imagining it links itself with a basic underlying supposition epistemológico: the theory guides the practice. The second supposition contributed by the epistemologías constructivistas, was of clarifying ourselves in that the in force theories exactly are buildings designed and constructed also by the scientific dominant community or the tradition of present investigation. The one who furthermore was reinforcing the joint between "community" and "paradigm" was Kuhn, showing us the rationality of the choices (or according to his detractors, the lack of rationality in the same ones), fell like: what is investigated and of what way. Our supposed terceer relates to the development of a change of conception of the science that has come up to us under such names as: " Theory of the Chaos ", " Theory of the complex systems " or " Paradigm of the Complexity ". Such a ...

The middle classes form a social category that is bribed by both the left and the right on each election deadline. They are deemed to be the "adjustment variable" required for any majority out of the ballot box. Under the Fifth Republic, their history was confused with that of the left, and in particular that of the PS, which they made a major contribution to bringing to power in 1981. Since then, the composition of the middle classes has changed with the capital movements of French society. And the dominant political inclinations of middle-class voters have fluctuated, contributing to political alternations and periods of cohabitation. ; Les classes moyennes forment une catégorie sociale courtisée par la gauche comme par la droite à l'occasion de chaque échéance électorale. Elles sont en effet réputées constituer " la variable d'ajustement " nécessaire à toute majorité sortie des urnes. Sous la Ve République, leur histoire s'est un temps confondue avec celle de la gauche et tout particulièrement celle du PS qu'elles ont largement contribué à porter au pouvoir en 1981. Depuis lors, la composition des classes moyennes a évolué avec les mouvements de fonds de la société française. Et les inclinations politiques dominantes des électeurs des classes moyennes ont fluctué, contribuant aux alternances politiques et aux périodes de cohabitations.

at the time when the Latin American Left celebrated the victory of Ollanta Humala in the presidential election in Peru, the news of Hugo Chavez's hospitalisation in Cuba plunged Latin America into doubt. Could the Bolivarian revolution survive a possible disappearance of its leader? Can the Latin American Left avoid its champion? Would inter-American relations be affected? (.). ; Au moment où la gauche latino-américaine célébrait la victoire d'Ollanta Humala à l'élection présidentielle au Pérou, la nouvelle de l'hospitalisation d'Hugo Chavez à Cuba plongeait l'Amérique latine dans le doute. La révolution bolivarienne pourrait-elle survivre à une éventuelle disparition de son leader ? La gauche latino-américaine peut-elle se passer de son champion ? Les relations interaméricaines en seraient-elle affectées ? (.).

The meeting between majors and franchisees about teaching Any learning is the result of a meeting, that of two groups that have specific motivation to teach and learn respectively. In the case of the learning of alphabetical writing by the Yucateco majors, the franchise desire to evangealise the new populations coincided with the great desire to preserve their culture thanks to the knowledge of Hispana culture; the possibility of teaching and learning alphabetical writing was created there. ; International audience ; The meeting between majors and franchisees about teaching Any learning is the result of a meeting, that of two groups that have specific motivation to teach and learn respectively. In the case of the learning of alphabetical writing by the Yucateco majors, the franchise desire to evangealise the new populations coincided with the great desire to preserve their culture thanks to the knowledge of Hispana culture; the possibility of teaching and learning alphabetical writing was created there. ; El encuentro entre motivaciones mayas y franciscanas acerca de la enseñanza Cualquier aprendizaje es el fruto de un encuentro, el de dos grupos que tienen respectivamente motivaciones concretas para enseñar y aprender. En el caso del aprendizaje de la escritura alfabética por parte de los mayas yucatecos, el deseo franciscano de evangelizar a las nuevas poblaciones coincidió con el deseo maya de preservar su cultura gracias al conocimiento de la cultura hispana; y de allí nació la posibilidad de la enseñanza y del aprendizaje de la escritura alfabética.

The panel data makes it possible to track voters' trajectories and provides an exceptional tool for analysing the dynamics of electoral choices. The first two waves of the French Electoral Panel in 2007 took place until the day before the two ballots (until the day before the first round for wave 1; until the eve of the second round for wave 2), allowing us to monitor the progress of the report on panelist policy. We will follow three working directions here: Has the intensity of politicisation been affected by the cross-round campaign? On the contrary, did it reduce political mistrust? How have the positions with regard to campaign issues changed? ; Les données de panel permettent de suivre les trajectoires des électeurs et offrent un outil exceptionnel d'analyse de la dynamique de formation des choix électoraux. Les deux premières vagues du Panel électoral français de 2007 se sont déroulées jusqu'à la veille des deux tours de scrutin (jusqu'à la veille du premier tour pour la vague 1 ; jusqu'à la veille du second tour pour la vague 2) et nous permettent ainsi de suivre l'évolution du rapport à la politique des panélistes Nous suivrons ici trois directions de travail : L'intensité de la politisation a-t-elle été affectée par la campagne de l'entre deux tours ? Celle-ci a-t-elle réduit au contraire a ccru la défiance politique ? Comment les positions par rapport aux enjeux de campagne ont-elles évolué ?

within Spanish Political Science it is easy to find studies on the party system, electoral behaviour or partisan competition. But only a few of them have deepened political coalitions. It is even more difficult to find literature on electoral coalitions, and almost all academic references are in the local, regional or Spanish political arena. Very few have approached the European political scene. This study therefore seeks to encourage and encourage intellectual debate around electoral coalitions for the European elections. What parties do the electoral coalitions make up? On the basis of which criteria are such electoral alliances organised? Is the electoral formula and the number of constituencies influences the proliferation of electoral coalitions (Reniu, 2002b)? We intend to answer these and other questions below. ; Dentro de la Ciencia Política española es fácil encontrar estudios sobre el sistema de partidos, el comportamiento electoral o la competición partidista. Pero, sólo algunos de ellos han profundizado en las coaliciones políticas. Más difícil resulta aún encontrar bibliografía sobre las coaliciones electorales, y la casi totalidad de las referencias académicas se ubican en la arena política local, autonómica o española. Muy pocos se han dirigido al escenario político europeo. Este estudio pretende, pues, fomentar y alentar el debate intelectual en torno a las coaliciones electorales para las elecciones europeas.¿Qué partidos integran las coaliciones electorales? ¿En base a qué criterios se organizan tales alianzas electorales? ¿Es que la fórmula electoral y el número de circunscripciones influye en la proliferación de las coaliciones electorales (Reniu, 2002b)? A éstas y otras preguntas pretendemos poder responder a continuación.

The notabiliary figure is ubiquitous in Iranian political society. In particular, it links regional, ethnic or religious diversity to state power in a multicultural, multi-linguistic and multi-faith country. Therefore, the continuity of the notabiliary figure of the Empire in the Republic outweighs discontinuity. In the provinces, the role played by trusted men, particularly in the elections, is considerable. At the same time, the act of standing as a candidate is one way of being recognised as a notable one, despite possibly a minimal chance of being elected. However, notability has no boundary, be it social or geographical, and it can become significant in emigration, the adventure of which often provides specific resources in this area itself. The cambian market has, since 1980, been a formidable notabiliary resource for emigrants, given the weakness and continuing depreciation of the rial from the 1980s to 2001. The evergetic investments made by the diaspora's 'man of good' have thus become spectacular. This work analyses man's evergetic background, on the one hand, as a facet of the recomposition of the Iranian community in the diaspora and, on the other, as a staggered question about one of the oldest institutions of the original society, the Vaqf. ; Notable and Exile. Figures of Eminence as a Social and Religious Dynamics in Iranian Society - The eminent man is omnipresent in Iranian political Society. It is he in particular who forms the link between state power and the regional, ethnic and religious diversity in a multicultural, multilingual and multiconfessional country. The continuity of the eminent man from the Empire to the Islamic Republic also defies the discontinuity of this transition. In the provinces the role played by such men, particularly at the time of elections, is considerable. At the same time, the act of running for office is a way of being recognised as a notable or as an eminent man (motamed), despite perhaps the minimal chance of being elected. However, eminence has no border and ...

In February 2000, the FPÖ's access to the government coalition was an immediately logical political translation of the record score obtained in the October 1999 legislative elections. The government crisis of autumn 2002 and the populist electoral turmoil in the early November elections demonstrated the difficulties experienced by the Jörg Haider movement in accompanying this phase of change of status within the partisan system. Clearly, the FPÖ struggled to abandon the register of populist demagogy and bury the habits of a responsible and managing government party. This has resulted in a dramatic decline in her electoral audience and a serious threat to her future in the Austrian political game. ; En février 2000, l'accès du FPÖ à la coalition gouvernementale a constitué une traduction politique immédiatement logique du score record obtenu au scrutin législatif d'octobre 1999. La crise gouvernementale de l'automne 2002 et la débâcle électorale des populistes lors des élections anticipées de novembre ont témoigné des difficultés éprouvées par le mouvement de Jörg Haider lorsqu'il s'est agi d'accompagner cette phase de mutation de son statut à l'intérieur du système partisan. A l'évidence, le FPÖ a peiné à abandonner le registre de la démagogie populiste et enfiler les habits d'un parti de gouvernement responsable et gestionnaire. Avec pour conséquence une décrue spectaculaire de son audience électorale et une sérieuse hypothèque sur son avenir au sein du jeu politique autrichien.

In classic — so called democratic — elections the governors are normally bound by the outcome of the electoral consultation. Their replacement by opposition leaders is conceivable, at least in principle. That is not the case for elections falling within a composite category of elections which can be described as 'semi-competitive'. This does not mean, despite the absence of key issues, that this type of electoral consultation has no interest. In this respect, the various presidential and legislative elections that have taken place in Tunisia since November 1987 make it possible to seize the mechanisms for structuring and restructuring the Tunisian opposition in the context of controlled pluralism. Looking at the history of the country, it can be understood that the elections have never been a challenge to power, nor even helped to change its direction. Opposition leaders who embarked on this path had to defeat very quickly, with calls denouncing manipulation and electoral fraud remaining a dead letter. While the 'pluralistic' elections never involved the two heads of state who have hitherto chaired the destiny of the Tunisian Republic, they nevertheless have various meanings, which vary according to the contexts and objectives assigned to them by political power. They can be used to assess the power ratios and conclusions to be drawn from them (April 1989). They provide an opportunity to punish opponents who have violated the "code of good conduct" set by the power and to grant both material and symbolic rewards to those who have remained within the framework defined by it (October 1999). Electoral deadlines also serve to show abroad that the regime is on the path to deepening pluralism and democratisation. They are then a response to those who, in Europe or elsewhere, accuse the power of violating human rights. Moreover, at a time when the Maghreb political environment opens up to a multi-party parliamentary system, the Tunisian authorities must not stay behind (October 1999). It is in the light of these ...