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Foreign aid to regional international organizations (RIOs) has increased tremendously in recent decades. The vast differences between RIOs give rise to the question of why some RIOs attract considerable amounts of aid while others attract much less, or even nothing at all. To address that question, this article sets out and examines a set of hypotheses that focus on various characteristics of RIOs that allow donors to reduce transaction costs. Empirically, the analysis proceeds via two steps: the hypotheses are first subjected to an empirical plausibility probe based on quantitative methods and then illustrated based on case study of the Southern African Development Community. The findings reveal that RIOs are most attractive when they operate in a range of policy fields, involve many member-states and are engaged in long-lasting collaborations with donors. By contrast, there is little support for conventional explanations as to why RIOs attract funding – for instance, claims that being democratic, being most in need or providing donors with market access will lead to greater funding. The rather disturbing policy implication is that a small number of RIOs are likely to continue to attract the bulk of funding, whereas poorly funded RIOs are unlikely to attract significant amounts of aid.

Foreign aid to regional international organizations (RIOs) has increased tremendously in recent decades. The vast differences between RIOs give rise to the question of why some RIOs attract considerable amounts of aid while others attract much less, or even nothing at all. To address that question, this article sets out and examines a set of hypotheses that focus on various characteristics of RIOs that allow donors to reduce transaction costs. Empirically, the analysis proceeds via two steps: the hypotheses are first subjected to an empirical plausibility probe based on quantitative methods and then illustrated based on case study of the Southern African Development Community. The findings reveal that RIOs are most attractive when they operate in a range of policy fields, involve many member-states and are engaged in long-lasting collaborations with donors. By contrast, there is little support for conventional explanations as to why RIOs attract funding – for instance, claims that being democratic, being most in need or providing donors with market access will lead to greater funding. The rather disturbing policy implication is that a small number of RIOs are likely to continue to attract the bulk of funding, whereas poorly funded RIOs are unlikely to attract significant amounts of aid.

The article puts forward a historical institutionalist account of how international organizations are 'designed.' I argue that deliberate institutional design is circumscribed by path-dependent power dynamics within international organizations. Power-driven path dependence is used to explain that organizations lock in and reinforce historical privileges of international organization subunits. Early winners in the international organization lock in their privileges with the support of member-state allies, and reap increasing returns from their positions over rounds of reform. They thereby amplify features of international organization design that reformers would otherwise change later on. The argument is illustrated with a historical case study of the World Health Organization's unique federal design, which grants the regional offices near autonomy from headquarter oversight. Vocal criticisms of the World Health Organization's regionalization and repeated centralization attempts notwithstanding, the powers of the regions have increased over time. The case study retraces the path-dependent struggles over the World Health Organization's federal design since its creation in the 1940s. While the literature on international organizations tends to reserve inertia and path dependence for constructivist analysis, this article offers a rationalist account of inertia in international institutions.

ABSTRACTThis study tried to explain the role of interest groups, as one component of the political system in Indonesia. The research questions in this studyare how the regeneration mechanism was carried out by Youth Organizations in the process of political education as an effort to improve youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung, what programs were carried out by Youth Organizations in the process of political education as an effort to increase youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung, how the success of the Youth Organization program in the process of political education as an effort to improve youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung was, what obstaclesfaced by Youth Organizations in efforts to improve youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung were, how the efforts of the Youth Organization to overcome the obstacles faced in increasing youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in the city of Bandung were. In this study, the Grand Theory of Robert Brownhill and Patrice Smart was used regarding political education. The approach of this research was qualitative with a case study method. Primary data collection wascarried out technically through observation, and in-depth interviews. While secondary data collection was carried out through extensive documentary data analysis.Keywords: Youth Organization, KNPI, Political Education, Youth Political ParticipationABSTRACT This study tried to explain the role of interest groups, as one component of the political system in Indonesia. The research questions in this studyare how the regeneration mechanism was carried out by Youth Organizations in the process of political education as an effort to improve youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung, what programs were carried out by Youth Organizations in the process of political education as an effort to increase youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung, how the success of the Youth Organization program in the process of political education as an effort to improve youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung was, what obstaclesfaced by Youth Organizations in efforts to improve youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in Bandung were, how the efforts of the Youth Organization to overcome the obstacles faced in increasing youth political participation in the 2018 regional election in the city of Bandung were. In this study, the Grand Theory of Robert Brownhill and Patrice Smart was used regarding political education. The approach of this research was qualitative with a case study method. Primary data collection wascarried out technically through observation, and in-depth interviews. While secondary data collection was carried out through extensive documentary data analysis.Keywords: Youth Organization, KNPI, Political Education, Youth Political Participation

For regional organizations (ROs) as geographically defined entities, questions of membership often raise moral questions about the very foundations of regional identity. To date, comparative approaches to the role of norms in the politics of RO enlargement are a missing piece in the regionalism literature. This paper assumes that enlargement practices are shaped by discourses about legitimate actorness. Drawing on the concept of "standards of civilization," I argue that prospective RO members are judged against a set of norms—the standard of membership—which constitute basic ideas about the identity of the regional international society. As evidence from the Spanish and Greek accession to the European Community and the accession of Myanmar and Cambodia to ASEAN shows, this standard is not a static catalogue of cultural values, as existing accounts suggest, but develops in response to accession requests which trigger normative crises among the existing member states. In such situations, RO actors may argue for the inclusion of new norms in the standard of membership by drawing on "cognitive priors". Enlargement processes thus reveal a dialectical relation between regional norms and boundary-drawing; while a regional standard of membership informs the redefinition of an RO's boundaries, the accession of new candidates also transforms that very standard.

The paper examines governmental strategies, main actors and instruments of innovation policies shaping innovation-driven economy in Finland, with particular attention to the regional scale. The analysis focuses on how the regional innovation systems approach became a framework for the design of innovation policies. An innovation system involves cooperation between firms and knowledge creating and diffusing organizations, – such as universities, colleges, training organizations, R&D-institutes, technology transfer agencies. Innovations are considered as interactive learning process. Cooperation and interaction between regional/local and national/international actors is necessary to combine both local and non-local knowledge, skills and competences. The key elements of the policy environment, as well as implementation of the main regional innovation policy instruments – the Centers of Expertise Programme and Regional Centre Programme – are described.