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International audience ; The 1960s myth that good vocational counseling means successful youth entry into employment is back in favor and imposing itself on educational policy as an absolute priority during this period of high unemployment. But implementation of these youth career planning and employment policies has largely been delegated to local-level authorities, where interventions now take the form of reticular projects. This is the context in which we test the hypothesis of a crisis in the work of actors providing youth vocational counseling, program coordinators of various ranks, psychological counselors, and referent teachers working with students. The methodology for the main study is based on interviews with a range of professionals. A supplementary study analyzed the content of articles in " L'echo des régions " , the magazine of the Association of the Regions of France, from 2010 to 2015. One finding to emerge from these observations is that the educational system internalizes concerns connected with job openings in occupations, while actors focused on post-scholastic job placement request more general education. This role inversion highlights the main contradictions running through youth vocational guidance. All actors attest to the limitations thwarting their voluntarism as well as to the dilemmas they face. Among the identified obstacles are the individualization of vocational paths and the emergence of case-by-case counseling, the application of the principle of equality to competing strategies, the disorganization of institutions allocated declining financial resources, conflicts of interest in partnerships, devalued courses of study, and insecure jobs. We also observed that the proffered arguments propose handling youth career counseling and entry into employment according to an " emergency response " model. In such a landscape devoid of egalitarian prospects, it nonetheless emerges that the path toward the equality of girls with boys is more open. At the same time, an opposing gender logic appears in the distribution of professional tasks, with particular consequences for women and especially female teachers.

International audience ; The 1960s myth that good vocational counseling means successful youth entry into employment is back in favor and imposing itself on educational policy as an absolute priority during this period of high unemployment. But implementation of these youth career planning and employment policies has largely been delegated to local-level authorities, where interventions now take the form of reticular projects. This is the context in which we test the hypothesis of a crisis in the work of actors providing youth vocational counseling, program coordinators of various ranks, psychological counselors, and referent teachers working with students. The methodology for the main study is based on interviews with a range of professionals. A supplementary study analyzed the content of articles in " L'echo des régions " , the magazine of the Association of the Regions of France, from 2010 to 2015. One finding to emerge from these observations is that the educational system internalizes concerns connected with job openings in occupations, while actors focused on post-scholastic job placement request more general education. This role inversion highlights the main contradictions running through youth vocational guidance. All actors attest to the limitations thwarting their voluntarism as well as to the dilemmas they face. Among the identified obstacles are the individualization of vocational paths and the emergence of case-by-case counseling, the application of the principle of equality to competing strategies, the disorganization of institutions allocated declining financial resources, conflicts of interest in partnerships, devalued courses of study, and insecure jobs. We also observed that the proffered arguments propose handling youth career counseling and entry into employment according to an " emergency response " model. In such a landscape devoid of egalitarian prospects, it nonetheless emerges that the path toward the equality of girls with boys is more open. At the same time, an opposing gender logic ...

This thesis points to study Alberdi's thought and to demonstrate that it's fundamentally a thought of the complexity of the categories founded on the hybrid character of the order which is contemporary to him. Alberdi inherited the legacy of two cultures, the traditional culture of Ancien Régime and a revolutionary culture whose language also imposed itself with the independance. The major question for Alberdi is which order to give back to the social body since it lost the legitimacy of the Ancien Régime's transcendent order. The traditional historiography often pick up Alberdi's figure and speeches to convert him in the eminent precursor or representative of distinct tendencies, sometimes contradictories, and especially to promote him as the « modernity »'s, the contemporary liberalism's and the contemporary Argentinian State's figurehead. Quite the contrary, Alberdi is still rather immerged in the traditional legal culture, and he tries to adapt the availables languages to his reality, in permanent backs and forths between reality and speeches since the first models the seconds and viceversa. Some categories like « individual », « Liberty », « administration » imposed themselves with the Revolution but the publicist gives them another significations (je ne sais pas comment traduire "resémantiser"?) according to his context considerably penetrated with traditional dynamics. The « individual », so, intersects the excluding category of the « vecino » overall. In the same way, Alberdi preferentially uses the term of « administration » in its old meaning of « justice's administration », not in its modern acceptation. Besides, the publicist's « modernity » is to be reconsiderated seeing as he leaves a fundamental role to the traditional legal sources and doesn't fall into legal voluntarism but occasionally and cautiously. He actually plays on different scales : he speaks the political modernity's language on the national scale and the traditional legal's one on the local level (local level which remains the ...

This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: MILLS, S., 2015. Geographies of youth work, volunteering and employment: the Jewish Lads' Brigade and Club in post-war Manchester. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 40(4), pp.523-535, which has been published in final form at http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tran.12092. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. ; This paper brings together current geographical debates on volunteering and employment through a unique focus on post-war youth work. I use the example of the Jewish Lads' Brigade and Club in Manchester, UK to make a series of wider arguments about the emotional labour of paid/unpaid work, faith-based identities and the spatialities of informal education. Through conceptualising youth work as a series of localised and inherently spatial practices, the paper explores how the identities of employed volunteers and youth workers shape - and are shaped by - the contexts through which they 'work' with young people. I draw on archival materials to show how the Club operated in practice at one site in Manchester, and place this experience in the context of the national organisation's post-war reconstruction efforts. I show how the Club navigated a path through the post-war moral landscape of childhood, shaped by the wider Anglo-Jewish community, and I illustrate the dynamic relationships between paid and unpaid helpers in the performance of youth work. The paper concludes by drawing connections between the historical record and contemporary youth work practice. The professionalisation of youth work that emerged in the post-war era is currently being dismantled via new geographies of voluntarism in austere times and, now as then, questions around the role of faith-based youth organisations and the religious identities of their volunteers and employees remain politically charged.

This thesis points to study Alberdi's thought and to demonstrate that it's fundamentally a thought of the complexity of the categories founded on the hybrid character of the order which is contemporary to him. Alberdi inherited the legacy of two cultures, the traditional culture of Ancien Régime and a revolutionary culture whose language also imposed itself with the independance. The major question for Alberdi is which order to give back to the social body since it lost the legitimacy of the Ancien Régime's transcendent order. The traditional historiography often pick up Alberdi's figure and speeches to convert him in the eminent precursor or representative of distinct tendencies, sometimes contradictories, and especially to promote him as the « modernity »'s, the contemporary liberalism's and the contemporary Argentinian State's figurehead. Quite the contrary, Alberdi is still rather immerged in the traditional legal culture, and he tries to adapt the availables languages to his reality, in permanent backs and forths between reality and speeches since the first models the seconds and viceversa. Some categories like « individual », « Liberty », « administration » imposed themselves with the Revolution but the publicist gives them another significations (je ne sais pas comment traduire "resémantiser"?) according to his context considerably penetrated with traditional dynamics. The « individual », so, intersects the excluding category of the « vecino » overall. In the same way, Alberdi preferentially uses the term of « administration » in its old meaning of « justice's administration », not in its modern acceptation. Besides, the publicist's « modernity » is to be reconsiderated seeing as he leaves a fundamental role to the traditional legal sources and doesn't fall into legal voluntarism but occasionally and cautiously. He actually plays on different scales : he speaks the political modernity's language on the national scale and the traditional legal's one on the local level (local level which remains the ...

The text provides an overview and evaluation of the strategy and tactics of Croatian politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The analysis focuses on the historical Tenth Session of CK SKH (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia) held in 1970, which defined Croatian politics with regard to economic and social reform, as well as to centralist unitarism and Croatian nationalism. The Tenth Session was conceived and held on the initiative of Vladimir Bakaric, a great figure and a veteran of Croatian politics, who was the uncontested master of Croatia from the end of the war to 1969. With the fall of Rankovic (1966), the symbol of "neo-Stalinist centralism, bureaucratism and Great-Serbian hegemonism", one of the principal obstacles to modernization and democratization of Yugoslav communism was removed. The finest advocates of economic and political liberalization of the regime, of decentralization and of a stronger position of the republics were Bakaric and his disciples, an intelligent and well-educated generation of communists (Tripalo, Dabcevic-Kucar, Pirker). They are the ones who would eventually become symbols of the struggle against the Party's dogmatic conservatism and Stalinist voluntarism. The author puts forward a series of elements which make it possible to understand how the political career of this generation of dynamic and popular politicians, recognized and successful representatives of socialist democracy and national equality, came to a tragic end marked by accusations of flirting with chauvinism, of using "neo-Stalinist" methods against opponents and colleagues, and of attempting to establish a quasi-fascist state, in which the dictatorial rule of the clique of (former?) communists and nationalists, in alliance with the new middle class of managers and "technocrats", would be masked by socialist rhetoric and pseudo-mobilization of the masses deluded by nationalism into believing that members of some other nation are to blame for all problems. Adapted from the source document.

Автор последовательно отстаивает в своих публикациях необходимость развивать отечественные социально-гуманитарные науки, и политологию в частности, внедрять аутентичный категориальный аппарат, наполнять новым содержанием, обогащать уже имеющийся, а не довольствоваться заимствованием западных наработок. Она предлагает дополнить существующие классификации государственных режимов типами современных общественных систем. Речь идет о подразделении их на «общество ценностей» (процедурное, регулируемое преимущественно законодательным способом) и «общество цели» (мобилизационное, регулируемое преимущественно волюнтаристскими методами). Главная мысль статьи: мы не хуже и не лучше, мы другие, и нет смысла отказываться от собственной идентичности, некритично перекраивая российскую действительность по западным лекалам, поскольку на этом пути мы обречены на вечную печать «недоразвитости». Проект будущего мыслится автором как самодостаточное «общество смысла», способное формулировать новые цели, продуцировать новые ценности. Главная задача, которую должно на сегодня поставить перед собой на этом пути отечественное гражданское общество это сбережение российской истории. ; The author sequentially defends in his publications the necessity to develop national humanities and political sciences, in particular to introduce the authentic category apparatus, to fill it with new content, to enrich what is already done but not to be satisfied with accepting western elaborations. S.G. Il'yinskaya offers to complement existing classification of state regimes with different types of contemporary social system. The division into society of values (procedural, regulated largely by law system methods) and society of an aim (mobilized, regulated largely by voluntarism methods) is developed. The principal idea of the article: we are not the worst and not the best, we are other, and there is no sense to refuse an own identity, not critically changing Russian reality using western patterns since on that way we are doomed to an eternal stamp of underdevelopment. The project of the future is understood by the author as a self-sufficient society of sense that is able to establish new aims, create new values. The main purpose that should be put today by civil society in Russia is to save Russian history.

The small Central European powers, (re)born in the aftermath of World War I on the basis of a forty-eighter nationalist discourse of freedom of peoples to self-determination, but with a political personal marked by the conservative and business-minded nationalism of Bismarckian Realpolitik and an intellectual world already sensitive to a modernizing ideological mix of nationalist mobilization, hygienist social engineering and aggressive ethnic preference. Therefore, these countries appear much more than mere objects, victims of the two totalitarian regimes that frame their space geographically and their fate chronologically during the "century of extremes". As such, Romania is iconic, having massively generated between the two world wars the home-grown politicians of right-wing extremism with a strong fascist trend capable of integrating imperialist and genocidal Nazis projects. Then, after a period of imposed Stalinism, it has developed a model of national-communism mixing productivist Stalinist voluntarism, ultranationalist mobilization recycling old fascist ideologues conveniently out of prisons, state interference into the innermost social life and a heterodox diplomatic model able to attract Western partners. Finally, after 1989, democratization and transition in a difficult economic context favored the continuation of populism in many shapes, including with explicit references to fascism and national-communism - sometimes with the same staff - despite the adoption of rules and institutions necessary for integration of very poorly demanding euro-Atlantic structures. ; Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie ...

Travail de recherche (2003-2009) fait en parallèle d'une fonction à plein temps de professeur de philosophie en lycée. Mention très honorable. ; In the French Republic theoretically and rhetorically based on liberty and equality, gender equality is still doubtful. Equality between sexes and above all sexualities seem to be institutionally inconceivable. The legislative responses to the claims by civil society are often ambiguous (statutory registration of sex change, Civil Pact of Solidarity, gender affirmative action etc.) and met with traditionalist resistances, basically more religious than symbolic. Analysing the social contract through the marriage contract makes it clear that after 1789 civil law was not revolutionized and, despite its voluntarism, kept clinging to "natural law". The state did not give up sex differentiation as inscribed in Genesis and canon law, then secularised by Rousseau. Women were stricken by both civil and civic incapacity there to last. However, by separating the family from the city, Rousseau separates the private from the public, thus contributing to the conception of French secularism. Differences between individuals pertain to the private, the public being the area of the citizens' undifferentiated equality. Now, statutory registration makes a "religion of the two sexes" compulsory as from birth, in total contradiction with today's way of life and biological breakthroughs. This form of state religion has discriminatory consequences through its prohibitions (homosexual parenthood.) and prescriptions (re-assigning intersexuals.). It would be logical for the secular state to give up sexing citizens. But many individuals, going through a crisis of marriage and nation, may still need to believe, the fiction of an Edenic community serving, then, as a partition of re-enchantment. ; Dans l'État républicain théoriquement et rhétoriquement fondé en liberté et en égalité, l'égalité sexuelle reste problématique. L'égalité des sexes et surtout l'égalité des sexualités sont comme ...

Este artículo se encuentra disponible en la página web de la revista en la siguiente URL: https://www.raco.cat/index.php/TreballsComunicacio/article/view/242952/325621 ; Este es un número monográfico que se titula "La recerca en comunicació en el País Valencià". ; La recerca en comunicació política en el País Valencià travessa un estadi primerenc i els seus resultats, a hores d'ara, es poden qualificar de dispersos. Tant els treballs personals primer, com les línies de recerca després, han anat configurant-se segons s'implantaven els estudis de comunicació a les universitats valencianes; la joventut d'aquests estudis permet intuir una certa adolescència a la investigació. Dels camps d'apropament a la comunicació política, l'anàlisi teorètica de fenòmens lligada a l'observació crítica de l'opinió pública és el que ha motivat un major interès entre els estudiosos valencians. Destaca també l'anàlisi de campanyes electorals i les ferramentes de comunicació, tant en comicis generals com autonòmics. Malgrat el voluntarisme dels investigadors, reflectit en el nombre i caràcter de la seua producció, la mancança d'un context de recerca promogut institucionalment dificulta un treball coordinat i d'entitat. Convindria omplir aquest buit i considerar la relació essencial que mantenen comunicació política i democràcia. ; Research on political communication in the Valencia Country is burgeoning and the results so far could be described as unfocused. The design of both personal work and subsequent research has been influenced by the way in which communication programs in the Valencia universities are designed; these young programs seem, perhaps, rather novice regarding research. Of the areas related to political communication, the one that has aroused most interest among Valencian scholars is theoretical analysis of public opinion. Also noteworthy is analysis of political campaigns and communication tools, both regional and statewide. Despite the well intended nature of the research, reflected in the quantity and character of ...

Este artículo se encuentra disponible en la página web de la revista en la siguiente URL: https://www.raco.cat/index.php/TreballsComunicacio/article/view/242952/325621 ; Este es un número monográfico que se titula "La recerca en comunicació en el País Valencià". ; La recerca en comunicació política en el País Valencià travessa un estadi primerenc i els seus resultats, a hores d'ara, es poden qualificar de dispersos. Tant els treballs personals primer, com les línies de recerca després, han anat configurant-se segons s'implantaven els estudis de comunicació a les universitats valencianes; la joventut d'aquests estudis permet intuir una certa adolescència a la investigació. Dels camps d'apropament a la comunicació política, l'anàlisi teorètica de fenòmens lligada a l'observació crítica de l'opinió pública és el que ha motivat un major interès entre els estudiosos valencians. Destaca també l'anàlisi de campanyes electorals i les ferramentes de comunicació, tant en comicis generals com autonòmics. Malgrat el voluntarisme dels investigadors, reflectit en el nombre i caràcter de la seua producció, la mancança d'un context de recerca promogut institucionalment dificulta un treball coordinat i d'entitat. Convindria omplir aquest buit i considerar la relació essencial que mantenen comunicació política i democràcia. ; Research on political communication in the Valencia Country is burgeoning and the results so far could be described as unfocused. The design of both personal work and subsequent research has been influenced by the way in which communication programs in the Valencia universities are designed; these young programs seem, perhaps, rather novice regarding research. Of the areas related to political communication, the one that has aroused most interest among Valencian scholars is theoretical analysis of public opinion. Also noteworthy is analysis of political campaigns and communication tools, both regional and statewide. Despite the well intended nature of the research, reflected in the quantity and character of ...

The article examines the inter-relations between self-identity and organizational change in advanced capitalist societies characterized by deregulation of markets, privatization and globalizing economic relations. It compares two contrasting perspectives on selfhood: the reflexive self (Giddens, 1991) and the corroded self (Sennett, 1998). Giddens suggests that contemporary organizations, rather than eroding meaning, offer a greater degree of choice about self-identity, and enhance reflexivity and agency. Sennett suggests that new economic forms are corrosive of character and social relations. Using examples from predominantly British data, it is argued that both accounts offer relevant insights into the interplay between selfhood and organizations, but that each overstates their case. Giddens offers a persuasive account of the choice and voluntarism characterizing self-identity for at least a proportion of the population. His account of the 'project of the self', however, contributes to an ideology of the flexible, commodified self, and an overly inflated sense of the potential for individualized self-growth. Sennett over-emphasizes the extent of change in organization and employment relations, at least in the British case, but points to the damaging effects of an ideology of individualism, to which Giddens' model of the self as project potentially contributes. The article argues that short-termism is not the most damaging element of contemporary organization practices. Instead increased instrumentalism on the part of employers results in the experience of increased responsibility without meaningful discretion and authority. The gap between employers' promises to empower people at work and the experience of greater burdens and uncertain prospects has negative consequences for trust and morale. In conclusion, it is suggested that character is not necessarily undermined by such dynamics: encountering the limits of self-determination, reflexivity and individualism provides the material for critique of new economic forms, as evidenced by public concern with issues of care and mutual dependence.

The study of urban politics has undergone considerable change over the last ten to fifteen years. During the 1950s and 1960s the 'community power' approach became well-established in American political science as the dominant form of analysis of local politics, although it was less marked in Britain. In contrast, and in part as reaction, to the ecological determinism and naturalistic explanation of the Chicago school in urban sociology that preceded it, power and decision making were seen as key features in explaining urban processes. Intentionality and human action were afforded explanatory dominance. In turn, however, this approach came under sustained critique as part of the 'anti-behaviouralist' or structuralist resurgence in Western social science in the 1970s which attributed causal primacy to structural determination and system contradictions, not actors or voluntarism. Yet structural approaches face methodological problems of functionalism and circularity, and in constructing tests of empirical adequacy and falsifiability. Some of the more interesting, recently-published work in urban politics seeks to maintain a non-behaviouralist, more structuralist interpretation of local policy outcomes within empirically-grounded analyses that allow space for politics and power. Dunleavy, Friedland and Saunders provided three of the best examples of such an approach, and have each sought to understand either a particular policy, or a set of policies in a particular locality, through frameworks which in varying degrees incorporate structuralist assumptions. They seek to apply objective cost-benefit analyses of public policies as empirically refutable hypotheses and accept the necessity of objective criteria for assessing whether or not interests have been met in any given situation. This article examines the extent to which these selected 'non-behaviouralist' interpretations of urban politics have successfully been applied to empirical contexts. A central element in this examination is a consideration of the way in which business is seen as a major influence in local politics.

Reviewed & criticized are the dominant approaches to the study of public policy found in the recent literature, & proposed is a general framework within which policy study can be more directly related to the central concerns of politically science. Despite a massive increase in interest in policy, little progress has been made in developing theory to explain policy. Policy study has been dominated by two important, though limited, approaches: those of public administration & "policy analysis." It should be linked more directly to basic political issues such as power, conflict, & ideology. Policy should be regarded not as consensual problem solving, but as competition among clashing alternatives, & for scarce resources. The most important question to ask about it is "who gets what?" rather than questions about "efficiency & effectiveness." Policy study must be comparative, & it must seek ways to relate broad political conditions such as power, ideology, & institutional constraints directly to the policy outcomes, through the mediating influence of bargaining processes among decisionmakers. Policy study has been weakened by the continuing stress on case studies, the premature response to the demand to be relevant & prescriptive, & by the failure to specify the dependent variables: to isolate what we want to know, as political scientists, about policy. Policy study should seek to explain patterns of policy across political units. The patterns can be characterized in three sets of dependent factors: (1) variations in the scope of government -- the range of matters about which governments make decisions; (2) variations in the means, ranging from voluntarism & delegation to coercion & centralization, through which governments seek to implement decisions & secure compliance; & (3) variations in distribution, ie, variations in the distribution of costs & benefits across political relevant groups such as SCs, regions, religious groups, etc. Patterns of policy are thus distinguished from individual decisions, or particular programs. AA.

Voting alone -- Putting Madison and Tocqueville to the test : the dual motivations theory of public engagement -- Further implications of the dual motivations theory -- Social networks -- Social environments and adolescents' public engagement -- The links between adolescents' and adults' public engagement -- Adolescents' social environments and adults' public engagements : the civic motivation model -- Conclusion : implications for theory and policy