Suchergebnisse

The image of Africa in the United Nations in the first twelve years of the life of that organization was an image of Trust Territories and colonially dominated areas. This was drastically altered by the emergence of African states to independence and membership in the world community. As they have gained increased membership in the United Nations, the African states have sought to co-ordinate their efforts on issues of self-determination, the independence of colonial areas, the elimination of racial discrimination policies. To this end, caucusing groups have developed. There is presently dis cernible a tendency toward unity even on non-African issues. Within the United Nations itself, the African states are con cerned with obtaining seats on the Security Council, the Eco nomic and Social Council, and on other committees that include less than the full membership of the United Nations. On sub stantive issues, they are concerned with eliminating Portuguese domination in Angola and Mozambique, with achieving inde pendence for South West Africa, and with ending apartheid in South Africa, with priorities assigned in that order for reasons of strategy. The impact of Africa in the United Nations has been to shift emphasis from East-West to North-South differ ences, with particular stress on moral-political issues, basic so cial and economic problems. Over-all, African states have conducted themselves in a politically responsible manner and can be expected to continue to do so.—Ed.

Africa is no longer a silent continent but, rather, a continent of great expectations. In the 1960's, partici pation of the new African states in the solution of interna tional problems, large and small, is a fact of international life. It has been the policy of the Soviet Union throughout the pe riod of the emergence of independent states in Africa to sup port, especially in the United Nations, anticolonial struggles and decolonization proposals and resolutions. The Soviet Un ion, aware of the discrepancies between former colonial coun tries and their ex-possessions in matters of trade, industrial de velopment, education, and medical care, is pursuing a policy toward Africa calculated to assist the African countries in at tacking and ending backwardness. This policy supports na tionalization of the properties of foreign monopolies, develop ment of local industry, creation and strengthening of a state- owned sector of the economy, and radical agricultural reforms. The Soviet Union is convinced that practical measures must be taken to mitigate the damaging effects of world-market price-and-demand fluctuations on African economies. These measures include equal trade agreements, low-interest credits, guaranteed market, supplying necessary equipment, and train ing local African personnel. The Soviet Union feels that the African nations' position of positive neutralism fully corre sponds to African needs and interests and permits freedom of choice in social and economic development.—Ed.

Africa, silent and passive throughout the ages, in the past decade has been transformed from a vast colonial do main into a continent of independent states. After generations of having to accept decisions made by Europeans, African na tions feel a strong compulsion to form their own judgments, wishing to be active agents of their own history. Nationalism is the dominant social and political force. Accordingly, Af rican states will be guided in their internal and external poli cies by what is best for their people, for their development, and for their future. The African states seek to strengthen their political independence and economies, to pursue an inde pendent foreign policy and to contribute to world peace and security, and to assist the remaining African colonial territories in gaining independence. Trade and aid are critical issues, and the problem is whether the African states will be compelled to develop primarily with their own resources or whether they will benefit from the advantages of co-operating with the West. Within Africa, foreign policy is directed toward increasing unity and integration. Toward the rest of the world, it is based on nonalignment—which can be considered as refusal to prejudge issues rather than as reluctance to make judgments. In the future, Africa will be sui generis—baffling, exciting, and challenging—capable of playing a role proportionate to her size and the genius of her people.—Ed.

The Russians have been and still are Europeans, not less so than other peoples who—like the Spaniards—have lived part of their history under foreign domination—in Rus sia's case, this was Tatar domination. Hence, the Russians differ from the Chinese as much as other Europeans do. This fact is illustrated by comparison of the Chinese and the Rus sians with regard to their intellectual, spiritual, and emotional aspects. In some respects, the Russians are even remoter from the Chinese than other European peoples because they have been molded by a particularly emotional form of Christianity which is very far removed from the matter-of-factness of Con fucianism. In the field of social organization, the two main peculiarities of China—the power of the clan over its members and the formation of the ruling elite by examinations—have no counterpart in Russia. In turn, the slavelike position of the Russian peasant and the power of the hereditary nobility around the czar were unknown in China. The explanation for the victory of communism in the two vastly different countries is, thus, not to be found in a particular predisposition of the Chinese and the Russians to communism but in peculiar histori cal circumstances, forces, and personalities which operated in each country, largely as a result of the Western impact which hit both these huge, proud, gifted, and economically backward nations.

The failure of government science to meet Rus sian accomplishments in space research poses fundamental questions about American governmental and social institutions which are of deep concern to public administrators. These questions do not find their solution in relatively minor adjust ments of the administrative machinery such as have been made since the fall of 1957. They relate to our pluralistic values, our lack of a sense of national purpose and our system of Presi dential leadership made weak by the checks and balances which are grounded in the Constitution. The contrast between Russian and American scientific ca pacities, and the relative ability of the two societies to plan and to direct resources to those activities which further the national interest, lead to the following basic questions: do we need constitutional reform to provide for a stronger Presi dency and for a modification of the costly and inefficient fed eral system? Must we not anticipate national planning so as to assure that the creative and productive capacities of the country go first to efforts of high national importance? Be yond these basic questions there are a number of urgent mat ters which challenge public administrators, for example, the quick development of an effective research communications system and the treatment of scientists in government in a man ner commensurate with their importance to the national well- being.

Contemporary China can only be understood in relation to its recent past. During the half century before 1950, Chinese history was marked both by the vigorous per sistence of tradition and by the emergence of powerful revolu tionary drives. With the final collapse of the imperial system, China sought meaningful values and effective institutions which could realistically link past, present, and future. Chinese na tionalism, combined with traditional xenophobia, was a major impelling force during these years. Nationalism manifested itself in the widespread desire for political stability and for a strong central government capable of effective action both do mestically and internationally. The struggle for modernization affected both countryside—where fundamental institutional changes were required to ameliorate the living standards of the peasant base of Chinese society—and city—where the process of social and economic change had drastically uneven results in human terms. The control of military power was a key ele ment in Chinese politics throughout the republican period. The spreading of political awareness through broadened pro grams of public education brought with it a sharpened realiza tion of how much more could be done to modernize China given a strong and efficient government. The trend toward democ racy—in some senses of the word—was apparent in China; but neither of the major political movements, the nationalist or the communist, stressed two elements considered essential in the West—civil liberties and government by majority decision.

No change in the last decade rivals that which has taken place in the situation of China. The military victory of the Chinese Communist forces on the mainland in 1949-50 and the removal of the Nationalist government to Taiwan have created a radically different milieu in which the China problem must be viewed today. Four elements in this situation are of key importance: the direction of developments within Com munist China as the Peking regime seeks to impose its coercive, high-speed program of modernization and social transformation on the Chinese people in an environment far different from that confronting the Bolsheviks in Russia in the 1920's; the benefits and liabilities derived from mainland China's special relation ship to the Soviet Union; the changes and pressures in China's Asian environment; and the influence of American military and political power on Chinese developments. Russia and the United States both exercise immediate and direct influence on China's domestic and international position, but neither can fully control the evolving relations between China and her Asian neighbors. In this area, signs of flexibility and change have appeared during the past decade. Committed to its Russian connection and opposed to all signs of neutralism within the Communist orbit, Communist China has been unable to yield to the appeals of Asian neutralism but has sought to find some ac commodation with it favorable to its own ends.

Con sus distintos contrapuntos, el proceso de convergencia de los sistemas de educación superior de los países de la Unión Europea y otros veinte países aledaños, no puede entenderse sin evocar la experiencia obtenida a partir del desarrollo de un conjunto de programas implementados por la Comisión Europea a partir de los años 80. Independientemente de los cuestionamientos que se le pueden realizar al "Proceso de Bolonia", impulsado por los principales Estados miembros de la Unión Europea, éste se asienta sobre las primeras acciones en materia de movilidad territorial de los estudiantes y el reconocimiento académico de esos períodos de estudio. Partiendo de algunas herramientas de análisis provenientes de marcos teóricos afines a algunas subdisciplinas de la ciencia política, como la sociología de la acción pública y las dinámicas de europeanización, el artículo propone analizar la génesis e importancia de las políticas de cooperación europea en el ámbito de los sistemas de educación superior para su convergencia. ; Besides its several nuances, the convergence process of higher education systems in the European Union countries and other twenty neighboring countries cannot be understood without evoking the experience gained by developing a set of programs implemented by the European Commission in the 80s. Regardless of the questions that can be raised about the "Bologna Process," it was promoted by the main Member States of the European Union, setting up the first actions on students' territorial mobility and academic recognition of study periods abroad. Based on some analysis tools originally coming from theoretical frameworks related to other political science sub-disciplines, such as sociology of public action and the europeanisation dynamics, this paper analyzes the genesis and importance of European cooperation policies on the higher education systems and looks for areas of convergence. ; Com seus contrapontos diferentes, o processo de convergência dos sistemas de ensino superior dos países da União Europeia e vinte outros países vizinhos não pode ser entendida sem evocar a experiência adquirida com o desenvolvimento de um conjunto de programas implementados pela Comissão Europeia desde os anos 80. Independentemente de questões que podem ser feitas para o "processo de Bolonha", conduzido pelos principais Estados membros da União Europeia, este se senta sobre as primeiras ações no campo da mobilidade territorial dos estudantes e o reconhecimento académico dos períodos de estudo. Com base em alguns instrumentos de análise teórica relacionada com certas subdisciplinas da ciência política, tais como a sociologia da ação pública e da dinâmica da europeização, o artigo tem como objetivo analisar a gênese e a importância das políticas de cooperação europeia no domínio dos sistemas de ensino superior para a sua convergência. ; Fil: Solanas, Facundo. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

En este trabajo abordamos los posicionamientos de los partidos políticos argentinos frente al MERCOSUR atendiendo a los casos del Partido Justicialista (PJ) y a la Unión Cívica Radical (UCR). Nos remontarnos a los orígenes del MERCOSUR para dar cuenta de una forma más acabada tanto de las continuidades como de las transformaciones que se producen a partir del año 2003, con la llegada de Néstor Kirchner a la Presidencia. En esta línea, cuando la mirada se centra en los partidos se descubre el marco más amplio de ideas en el que se inscriben algunas de las acciones más significativas en materia de políticas de integración llevadas a cabo por nuestro país en los últimos años. De igual manera, cobra relevancia la disputa política intra e inter partidaria en torno al MERCOSUR; disputa que por otra parte se desarrolla en base a una percepción positiva sobre la integración regional compartida en general tanto por el PJ como por la UCR. El artículo se basa en el análisis de documentos partidarios, Diarios de Sesiones y noticias periodísticas seleccionadas. Debido a las limitaciones de espacio nos centramos en la identificación de los posicionamientos partidarios en coyunturas específicas: las elecciones presidenciales de los años 1989 (previa al MERCOSUR), 1995, 1999, 2003, 2007 y 2011 junto a fragmentos puntuales de los debates parlamentarios al momento de sancionarse lo que denominados ´Tratados Fundacionales´ del MERCOSUR. ; In this paper we will analyze the positioning of the argentinean political parties facing the MERCOSUR, regarding the Partido Justicialista (PJ) and the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR). We go back to the origins of the integration process, to explain the continuities as well as the transformations that took part since 2003, with the arrival of Néstor Kirchner to the presidency. In this direction, focusing in the political parties allows us to discover the framework of ideas in which the more significant actions in the matter of integration politics carried out by our country in the last years, are drawn. In the same way, the political intra- and inter- partisan dispute around the MERCOSUR gains relevance; dispute that, on the other hand, was developed in the base of a positive perception on the regional integration shared, in general, by the PJ as well as by the UCR. The article is based in the analysis of partisan documents, session journals and selected journalistic news. Due to space limitations, we focused in the identification of the partisan positioning in specific circumstances: presidential elections of the years 1989 (prior to the MERCOSUR), 1995, 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011, together with particular fragments of the parliamentary debates at the moment of approving what we denominate "Founding Treaties" of the MERCOSUR. ; Fil: Ramos, Hugo. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias. Centro de Estudios Sociales Interdiciplinarios del Litoral; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Santa Fe; Argentina

El artículo analiza los resultados del Mecanismo Experimental de Acreditación (MEXA) de carreras de grado en el MERCOSUR. El objetivo es realizar una "evaluación" que supere la "medición de sus resultados" a nivel regional e "impactos" a nivel nacional en el caso argentino. Esta política pública del MERCOSUR ha logrado perdurar y transformarse, debido a que independientemente de los impactos directos que ha tenido, ha logrado generar diferentes efectos indirectos positivos en el marco del proceso. De aquí se desprende la necesidad de contemplar el proceso de evaluación de políticas públicas desde una perspectiva integral, que logre englobar, no sólo los efectos directos (medidos a través de indicadores cuantitativos) y las características contextuales de la construcción de la política, sino también los efectos indirectos desde distintas perspectivas. Para ello nos apoyamos en diferentes herramientas del análisis de políticas públicas y en distintas fuentes documentales y en un conjunto de entrevistas realizadas con informantes clave. ; O artigo analisa os resultados do Mecanismo Experimental de Acreditación (MEXA) de carreiras de graduação no MERCOSUL. O objetivo é realizar uma avaliação que supere a "medição de resultados" no nível regional e os "impactos" no nível nacional, no caso argentino. Esta política pública do MERCOSUL conseguiu subsistir e transformar-se, devido a que, independentemente dos impactos diretos que obteve, conseguiu gerar diferentes efeitos indiretos positivos no marco do processo. Daí, a necessidade de observar o processo de avaliação de políticas públicas numa perspectiva integral, que logre englobar não somente os efeitos diretos (medidos por meio de indicadores quantitativos) e as características contextuais da construção da política, mas também os efeitos indiretos, vistos de perspectivas diferentes. Para isso, apoiamo-nos em diferentes ferramentas de análise de políticas públicas e em diferentes fontes documentais bem como num conjunto de entrevistas realizadas com informantes-chave. ; The article analyzes the outputs of Experimental Accreditation Mechanism (MEXA) of undergraduate education in MERCOSUR. The aim is to carry out an "evaluation" that goes beyond the regional "outputs measurement" and the national "outcomes" in the case of Argentine. This public policy of MERCOSUR has managed to last and to transform itself. Despite the fact of the direct impacts that it has had, it has managed to generate different indirect positive effects in the frame of the process. Therefore, the need to consider the evaluation of public policies from an integral perspective arises, including not only the direct effects (measured by quantitative indicators) and the contextual characteristics of the construction of the policy, but also the indirect effects from different perspectives. For this we rely on different policy analyze tools and we consider some different documentary sources, as well as a set of interviews with key informants. ; Fil: Solanas, Facundo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones ; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata. Facultad de Humanidades; Argentina

"During the era of the French Revolution, patriots across Europe tried to introduce a national uniform, which all members of the nation would wear in their everyday life. Patriot dreams of overthrowing 'the tyranny of Queen Fashion' emerged from the sumptuary tradition and Enlightenment ideas about social order, but reveal the diversity of national ideologies in the age of Revolutionary nationalism. Uniform schemes reflect the rise of social egalitarianism, as the source of imagined national sovereignty slipped from monarchs to 'the people,' variously understood. Since the feminine associations of fashion often trumped masculine national ideas, national uniforms also shed light on ideals of gender. This book, the first comparative study of national uniform schemes, discusses specific examples from Austria, Bulgaria, England, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, the United States, and Wales"--

This article reports on a qualitative study in a materially deprived locality in northern England, which originally aimed to explore local residents' views of proposed changes to local health care provision. However, participants also quickly moved the research agenda onto widespread discussions of (mis)trust. Unlike much sociological literature that defines trust as operating on two levels (inter-personal and system-based), their narratives of trust were constructed on several inter-connected levels. We explore mistrust in local general practitioners (GPs) as a factor of mistrust of a number of local and national organizations and social systems, rather than solely related to the medical system. Widespread mistrust of 'authority' was narrated through a shared history of disinvestment and loss of services in the locality and 'broken promises' by a range of institutions, which precipitated feelings of social exclusion and disembeddedness.

AGRICULTURAL, ENVIRONMENTAL & NATURAL SCIENCES SOCIAL, PEDAGOGY SCIENCES & HUMANITIES MEDICINE,VETERINARY MEDICINE, PHARMACY AND BIOLOGY SCIENCES TECHNICAL AND APPLIED SCIENCES REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND INFRASTRUCTURE ECONOMIC,MANAGEMENT &MARKETING SCIENCES LEGAL, LEGISLATION AND POLITICAL SCIENCES ; AGRICULTURAL, ENVIRONMENTAL & NATURAL SCIENCES SOCIAL, PEDAGOGY SCIENCES & HUMANITIES MEDICINE,VETERINARY MEDICINE, PHARMACY AND BIOLOGY SCIENCES TECHNICAL AND APPLIED SCIENCES REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND INFRASTRUCTURE ECONOMIC,MANAGEMENT &MARKETINGSCIENCES LEGAL, LEGISLATION AND POLITICAL SCIENCES