Suchergebnisse

This study approaches the relationship between Trotsky and Freemasonry. So far, the academy has analyzed it in a superficial way. This contribution is intended to pave the way for a more detailed analysis of the issue and offer clues to study it. As an example, one of the most named texts on the "French question" in the IV congress of the III International is taken into account by those who wanted to put the "communist mason" or the "communist mason" in check. Leon Trotsky integrated the dynamics of "think, write and spread" daily for a little over forty years. He addressed all the subjects that complete the intellectual curiosity of his time. His pen was the main reflection of his intellectual capacity to capture reflections, opinions, and decisions that have been left for history. He did not fear writing as an indelible mark that could be used for later criticism. His figure was studied mainly around the great historical events in which he participated and in which he was an active "spectator". In all of them, the shadows of Freemasonry appeared and formed or nurtured in certain sectors of society, and imaginary based on a complot Judeo-Masonic-Communist. This paper analyzes his role and position with respect to the resolution of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International that decided to prohibit French communist leaders from belonging to the obedience of Freemasonry. What was your stance? Why? Was it punctual? What were the political objectives? León Trotsky's position is integrated into the anti-freemasonry of the workers that was built since the beginning of the rise of socialist, anarchist and union organizations in the 19th century in countries such as England, Germany and France that were also territories of strong masonic activity for more than a century. This anti-freemasonry was less studied by academics than the religious-style anti-freemasonry that monopolized the research. Therefore, they should not be confused. This paper presents some notes that contextualize the differences between both anti-freemasonry through the 1922 Moscow resolution on the incompatibility between being a communist leader and a freemason. What was its context? ; Este estudio se acerca a la relación entre Trotsky y la masonería. Hasta el momento, la Academia la analizó de un modo superficial. Con esta aportación se pretende abrir el camino hacia un análisis más en detalle de la cuestión y ofrecer pistas para estudiarla. Como ejemplo se toma en cuenta a uno de los textos más nombrado sobre la "cuestión francesa" en el IV congreso de la III Internacional que quiso poner en jaque al "comunista masón" o al "masón comunista". León Trotsky integró la dinámica de "pensar, escribir y difundir" a diario durante algo más de cuarenta años. Abordó todos los temas que completa la curiosidad intelectual de su época. Su pluma fue el principal reflejo de su capacidad intelectual para plasmar reflexiones, opiniones y decisiones que quedaron para la historia. No temió a la escritura como huella indeleble que pudiera ser utilizada para una posterior crítica. Su figura fue estudiada sobre todo en torno a los grandes acontecimientos históricos en los que participó y en los que fue un "espectador" activo. En todos ellos, las sombras de la masonería aparecieron y formaron o alimentaron en ciertos sectores de la sociedad un imaginario con base en un complot judeo-masónico-comunista. En este trabajo, se analiza su rol y postura en torno a la resolución del IV Congreso de la Internacional comunista que decidió prohibir a los dirigentes comunistas franceses pertenecer a obediencias masónicas. ¿Cuál fue su postura? ¿Por qué? ¿Fue puntual? ¿Cuáles fueron los objetivos políticos? ¿De qué contexto se nutrió?

The article is devoted to the study of terrorism as a social phenomenon. The views of various scholars and philosophers on the history of this phenomenon and the factors that influence its development are given. The analysis of the influence of geopolitics, culture and religion on the development of terrorism from ancient times to the present is conducted. The basic characteristics of modern terrorism are revealed, such as globalization, international orientation, political diversity and dynamism in changing appearance. The global nature of terrorism is manifested not only in the coverage of countries where terrorist organizations operate, but also in terms of its effects on humanity, which are manifested in all spheres of human being: political, economic, social and spiritual. It is argued that an analysis of the global problems of the present (hunger, poverty, illiteracy, ill health, and illnesses) is of interest in understanding the problems that need to be addressed in order to reduce the level of terrorism in society. The destructive mode of being a terrorism, the terrorist type of personality, is considered, and the fact that it becomes reality in the presence of a large number of factors that actualize social time is stated. It is not known why politically or socially frustrated individuals go underground, take up arms, declare war on society, a total war that does not admit innocents and innocents, turns terrorism into the mode oftheir existence. It is emphasized that the terrorist type of personality is characterized by an underdeveloped worldview. It manifests itself in a superficial understanding of reality, vital, theoretical, and practical amateurism. Among the radicals of all ideological and political directions are rarely found great philosophers, political scientists, economists. Although it should be noted that in the ranks of terrorist organizations there are many educated people, educators, psychologists, kindergartens, nurses, beginning artists and art critics - people whose choice of profession is inseparably linked to such qualities as emotional perception, ability compassion. However, many of them are somewhat limited. They belong to the category of people who prefer to judge rather than analyze. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню питання тероризму як соціального явища. Наводяться погляди різних вчених і філософів щодо історії виникнення цього явища, та чинників, які впливають на його розвиток. Проведено аналіз щодо впливу геополітики, культури та релігії на розвиток тероризму з давніх часів до сьогодення. Виявлено основні характеристики сучасного тероризму, якими є глобалізація, міжнародна спрямованість, політична багатогранність i динамізм у змiнi зовнішнього вигляду. Глобальний характер тероризму виявляється як за охватом країн, де функціонують терористичні організації, так i за наслідками його діяльності для людства, якi виявляються у всіх сферах буття людини: політичної, економічної, соціальної i духовної. Висловлюється думка, що аналіз глобальних проблем сучасності (а голод, злидні, неписьменність, хвороби такими i є) представляє інтерес з погляду розуміння тих проблем, якi необхідно вирішити, щоб зменшити рівень тероризму в суспільстві. Розглядається деструктивний модус буття тероризму, терористичний тип особистості, та констатується той факт, що він стає реальністю за наявності великої кількості факторів, що актуалізують соціальний час. Не відомо, чому політично або соціально розчарована особистість йде у підпілля, бере в руки зброю, оголошує війну суспільству, тотальну війну, яка не визнає невинних i непричетних, перетворює тероризм на модус свого буття. Підкреслюється, що для терористичного типу особистості характерна i недорозвиненість світосприйняття. Вона виявляється у поверхневому розумінні дійсності, життєвому, теоретичному i практичному дилетантизмі. Серед радикалів всіх ідейно-політичних напрямів рідко зустрічаються великі філософи, політологи, економісти. Хоча слід відмітити, що в рядах терористичних організацій зустрічається немало освічених людей, педагогів, психологів, вихователів дитячих садків, медсестер, починаючих художників та мистецтвознавців – людей, вибір професії яких невід'ємно пов'язаний з такими якостями, як емоційне сприйняття, здатність до співчуття. Однак багато з них є певним чином обмеженими. Вони відносяться до розряду людей, які воліють судити, а не аналізувати.

The great technological innovations, the intrinsic characteristic of Internet, and the increase of inexperienced users, have become the main field of action of the cybercriminals, who are on the lookout to design novel and forms of infraction of the law. In turn, these innovations, which have contributed to what today is well was known as "Globalization", has played a transcendental role in the world's economic growth and has been without a number of advantages and disadvantages that have worked of benefit and users and organizations. Their growing bond, crosses the borders of countries. On the other hand, the aforementioned non-existence of borders offers a bigger number of opportunities to perpetrate different acts or antisocial behavior, mainly malicious attacks on information systems. These facts have motivated governments to confront history, people, and companies. Regulations to all countries. In 2001, the European Council took on this challenge, trying to mitigate the problem of supranationalism, but according to the UN's comprehensive study in 2013, the real focus of the problem are the least important countries, as these are mostly vulnerable to cybercrime. This is the objective of our investigation since Panama, a developing country and in regard to this type of acts, may suffer damages, to the electronic banking operations and the organizations and users that manage this type of service. This is where the objective and interest of this article arises, to investigate what are the existing regulations in Panama that help control, prevent or mitigate this problem latent worldwide that may specifically affect the Accounting and Administrative Information Systems and therefore the organizations and users that manage them. ; Los grandes avances tecnológicos, la característica intrínseca del Internet, (inexistencia de fronteras), y el aumento de usuarios inexpertos, se han convertido en el principal campo de acción de cibercriminales que están al asecho para crear novedosas y complejas formas de infringir la ley. A su vez, estos adelantos, que han contribuido a lo que hoy conocemos como "Globalización" han jugado un papel trascendental en el crecimiento económico del mundo, ya que conllevan un sinnúmero de ventajas y desventajas, que han sido de provecho a usuarios y organizaciones. Su creciente vínculo, traspasa las fronteras de los países creando espacios suficientes a diferentes ámbitos de la vida, sociedad, negocios diversos, entre otros. Por otro lado, la mencionada inexistencia de fronteras, ofrece un mayor número de oportunidades a cibercriminales de perpetrar diferentes actos o comportamientos antisociales, principalmente agresiones mal intencionadas a sistemas de información. Estos hechos han motivado a los gobiernos, a hacer frente a tales circunstancias aportando respuestas expeditas que faciliten la protección de los usuarios, tanto empresas como particulares, a través de regulaciones las cuales desde hace mucho tiempo se han tratado de unificar para que exista una misma normativa a todos los países. En 2001 el consejo europeo asumió este reto, tratando así de mitigar el problema de la supranacionalidad, pero de acuerdo al estudio exhaustivo por la ONU en 2013, el verdadero foco del problema son los países menos desarrollados, pues estos son los mayormente vulnerables al cibercrimen.Es de aquí donde surge el objetivo e interés de este artículo, investigar cuales son las regulaciones o normativas existentes en Panamá, que pueden controlar, prevenir o mitigar esta problemática latente a nivel mundial que puedan afectar específicamente a los Sistemas de Información Contables y Administrativos y por ende las organizaciones y usuarios que utilicen los mismos.

En este artículo detallamos toda la historia sobre el Diseño de Regresiones Discontinuas (RDD), incluyendo sus orígenes en los 60s, y sus dos olas principales de formalización en los años 70s y 00s, las cuales rara vez son reconocidas en la literatura. Además, diferenciamos el trabajo empírico en diseños difusos y nítidos, y proporcionamos cierta intuición de por qué algunos criterios basados en reglas producen asignación imperfecta. Finalmente, desglosamos la literatura por campo económico, destacando los principales resultados, tratamientos y variables de asignación empleadas. En general, vemos algunos temas en economía que cobran importancia a través del tiempo, como los casos de: salud, finanzas, crimen, medio ambiente y política económica. En particular, destacamos las aplicaciones en finanzas como las más novedosas. No obstante, reconocemos que el campo de la educación se destaca como el campeón indiscutible de RDD a través del tiempo, con el mayor número de aplicaciones empíricas. ; In this paper we detail the entire Regression Discontinuity Design (RDD) history, including its origins in the 1960's, and its two main waves of formalization in the 1970's and 2000's, both of which are rarely acknowledged in the literature. Also, we dissect the empirical work into fuzzy and sharp designs and provide some intuition as to why some rule-based criteria produce imperfect compliance. Finally, we break the literature down by economic field, highlighting the main outcomes, treatments, and running variables employed. Overall, we see some topics in economics gaining importance through time, like the cases of: health, finance, crime, environment, and political economy. In particular, we highlight applications in finance as the most novel. Nonetheless, we recognize that the field of education stands out as the uncontested RDD champion through time, with the greatest number of empirical applications. ; La Historia Sobre el Diseño de Regresión Discontinua en los últimos 60 Años Enfoque La literatura sobre el diseño de regresiones discontinuas (RDD) ha sido poco documentada. Incluso, pareciera haber un vacío de casi 40 años desde sus inicios en 1960 hasta su popularización en la primera década de los 2000. Dentro de las referencias existentes, hay algunos manuales de usuario como los de Imbens y Lemieux (2008), Cook y Wong (2008), Lee and Lemieux (2010) y DiNardo y Lee (2011), que son especialmente útiles para el aprendizaje e implementación progresivo de la técnica econométrica. Sin embargo, la extensión empírica y sus origines aún permanecen dispersos en la literatura. En nuestro documento, intentamos centralizar esta información. Contribución En nuestro documento detallamos toda la historia sobre RDD, incluyendo sus origines en los 60s, y sus dos olas principales de formalización en los años 70s y 00s, las cuales rara vez son reconocidas en la literatura. Además, diferenciamos el trabajo empírico en diseños difusos y nítidos, y proporcionamos cierta intuición de por qué algunos criterios basados en reglas producen asignación imperfecta. Finalmente, desglosamos la literatura por campo económico, destacando los principales resultados, tratamientos y variables de asignación empleadas. FRASE DESTACADA: En general, vemos algunos temas en economía que cobran importancia a través del tiempo, como los casos de: salud, finanzas, crimen, medio ambiente y política económica. Resultados En general, vemos algunos temas en economía que cobran importancia a través del tiempo, como los casos de: salud, finanzas, crimen, medio ambiente y política económica. En particular, destacamos las aplicaciones en finanzas como las más novedosas. No obstante, reconocemos que el campo de la educación se destaca como el campeón indiscutible de RDD a través del tiempo, con el mayor número de aplicaciones empíricas.

One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?

El cambio climático se ha convertido en uno de los temas principales en las agendas en diferentes países. Los efectos actuales requieren de acciones climáticas efectivas ya establecidas en el Acuerdo de París con el objetivo de reducir las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero. Sin embargo, los principales cambios para enfrentar y reducir el cambio climático dependen de las decisiones de cada país y no sólo de los acuerdos mundiales, ya que los impactos y magnitudes varían localmente. Uno de los componentes clave para una mejora efectiva es el papel que el comportamiento de la población puede tener sobre la política nacional y las decisiones posteriores. Por esta razón, el nivel de conciencia y conocimiento sobre el cambio climático es vital. El objetivo de la investigación fue comparar la percepción de los académicos ecuatorianos sobre el cambio climático global y nacional con la evidencia científica y los hechos históricos, y cómo su vulnerabilidad puede afectar a los efectos del cambio climático. Los resultados muestran que los académicos ecuatorianos están conscientes de los hechos ocurridos mundialmente sobre el cambio climático, como la existencia, la gravedad y la responsabilidad de los seres humanos. Sin embargo, hay un conocimiento limitado sobre el origen del problema, ya que el 67,2% cree que este es el primer cambio climático en la historia de la humanidad. Los principales efectos del cambio climático en Ecuador presentan percepciones heterogéneas, como sequías más frecuentes (34,36%) y lluvias escasas pero intensas (21,41%) como sus mayores preocupaciones. En cuanto a las regiones más afectadas en Ecuador, las sierra y los valles interandinos representan el 45,6%, mientras que Galápagos sólo alcanza 1,6% a pesar de ser una insignia ecológica con alta vulnerabilidad climática. Parece que los encuestados carecen de conocimiento sobre la situación en otras regiones y creen que su propio entorno se ve más afectado.//Climate change has become one of the main issues in the countries government agendas. The current effects demand effective climate actions which were set out in the Paris Agreement with the global goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. However, the main changes to face and mitigate climate change depend on each countrys decisions and not only on global agreements as the impacts and its magnitudes vary locally. One of the key components for an effective adaption and mitigation is the role that the behavior of the population may have over national politics and subsequent decisions. For this reason, the level of awareness and knowledge about climate change is vital. . The objective of the current study was to compare the perception of Ecuadorian academics regarding global and national climate change with the scientific evidence and historical facts, and how it may affect their vulnerability to the climate change effects. The results show that Ecuadorian academics are well aware of globally known facts of climate change such as existence, gravity and responsibility of humans. However, there is limited awareness about the origin, since 67.2% believes that this is the first climate change in human history. The main effects of climate change in Ecuador exhibit heterogeneous perceptions, with the more frequent droughts (34.36%) and rarer but more intense rains (21.41%) as their greater concerns. Regarding the regions more affected in Ecuador, highlands and Inter-Andean valleys sum up 45.6% while Galapagos only reaches 1.6% despite being an ecological flagship with high climate vulnerability. It seems that respondents lack knowledge about the situation in other regions, and believe that their own environment is more impacted.

The water has always had great importance for the populations, especially for those living in scarcity areas, where droughts are common. The dry regions are marked by physical and natural aspects that cause aridity in their landscape. This concern with water resources is growing, given the context of environmental changes. The Brazilian semiarid, where the Curimataú Paraibano is located, is the national example of dry areas. Throughout history, this region has received actions from the Brazilian State that have enabled the provision and supply of water, through water policies such as the weir, the water social technologies, exemplified by the plate cisterns, and, the focus of this research, Pipa Operation (PO). The methodology used was spatial and cartographic analysis, which used information from the Military Command of the Northeast, referring to the PO and through geotechnologies, thematic maps were created that supported the analysis. The results indicate that all municipalities in the region received the OP actions. Altogether 1.283 service points were supplied by 154 water trucks, which collected water from four water sources and used 33 main highways and 763 rural highways, serving a total of 57.482 inhabitants. ; El agua siempre ha tenido una gran importancia para las poblaciónes, especialmente para aquellos que viven en zonas de escasez, donde las sequías son comunes. Las regiones secas están marcadas por aspectos físicos y naturales que causan aridez en su paisaje. Esta preocupación por los recursos hídricos está creciendo, dado el contexto de los cambios ambientales. El semiárido brasileño, donde se encuentra el Curimataú Paraibano, es el ejemplo nacional de áreas secas. A lo largo de la historia, esta región ha recibido acciones del Estado brasileño que han permitido el suministro de agua, através de políticas de agua como la açudagem, las tecnologías sociales hídricas, ejemplificadas por las cisternas de placas y, el foco de esta investigación, la Operación Pipa (OP). La metodología utilizada fue la análisis espacial y cartográfica, que utilizó información del Comando Militar del Nordeste, refiriéndose al OP y, através de las geotecnologías, se crearon mapas temáticos que respaldaron la análisis. Los resultados obtenidos indican que todos los municipios de la región recibieron las acciones del OP. En total, 1.283 puntos de servicio fueron suministrados por 154 camiones cisterna, que recogieron agua de cuatro manantiales y utilizaron 33 carreteras principales y 763 carreteras rurales, sirviendo a un total de 57.482 habitantes. ; A água sempre apresentou grande importância para as populações, principalmente para as residentes em áreas de escassez, onde as estiagens e secas são comuns. As regiões secas são marcadas por aspectos físicos e naturais que ocasionam aridez em sua paisagem. Essa preocupação com os recursos hídricos torna-se crescente, frente ao contexto de mudanças ambientais. O Semiárido brasileiro, onde situa-se o Curimataú Paraibano, é o exemplo nacional de zonas secas. Ao longo da história, essa região tem recebido ações do Estado brasileiro que possibilitaram a disponibilização e o atendimento da oferta de água, através de políticas hídricas como a açudagem, as tecnologias sociais hídricas, exemplificadas pelas cisternas de placa, e, foco desta pesquisa, a Operação Pipa (OP). A metodologia empregada foi à análise espacial e cartográfica, o qual utilizou as informações do Comando Militar do Nordeste, referentes à OP e através das geotecnologias, foram criados mapas temáticos que subsidiaram a análise. Os resultados obtidos indicam que todos os municípios da região recebiam as ações da OP. Ao todo 1.283 pontos de atendimento eram abastecidos por 154 carros-pipa, que captavam água de quatro mananciais e utilizavam 33 rodovias principais e 763 rodovias rurais, atendendo um total de 57.482 habitantes.

International audience ; From 1914 to 1918, military, merchant and fishing fleets played a leading role… but paid a heavy price when submarines took the war beneath the waves. Curiously enough, underwater remains dating from this terrible conflict were for a long time ignored, while the men lost at sea were themselves rarely mentioned. In 2013, French underwater archaeologists, aware of this omission, decided to undertake an ambitious project to raise awareness among the public of this sunken page of our maritime history. And the result was 'Danton Project'.Torpedoed on 19 March 1917 by the German submarine U-64, the French battleship Danton, built in 1909, sank in less than an hour, taking close to 300 sailors along with her 19,000 tons of steel. Largely forgotten, the Danton was discovered quite by chance in January 2008 when an underwater robot located, at a depth of 1,025 metres off Sardinia, a huge anomaly that subsequent surveys identified as the wreck of the lost battleship.Two surveys were carried out in situ in 2015 and 2016 by France's Department of Underwater and Underwater Archaeological Research.These operations involved the deployment of a robot fitted with specially designed equipment for filming and photographing at great depths. In less than six days the archaeologists were able to acquire more than 42,000 high-definition photographs and twenty-seven videos of the remains. This work laid the foundation for a 3D computer model of the wreck which will soon be made available to the public so they can visit the Danton as if they were actually diving to the site.The 'Danton Project' also led to a particularly innovative technological development which promises to dramatically speed up the 3D mapping of wrecks lying at depths of down to 2,000 metres. ; De 1914 à 1918, les marines militaires, de commerce et de pêche ont joué un rôle de premier plan et payé un lourd tribut par suite notamment du développement de la guerre sous-marine. Curieusement, les vestiges sous-marins hérités de ce conflit ont été très longtemps négligés cependant que les hommes disparus en mer n'étaient eux-mêmes que rarement évoqués. Conscients de cette lacune, les archéologues sous-marins français ont décidé en 2013 de mettre en œuvre un ambitieux projet afin que le public puisse mieux appréhender cette page engloutie de notre histoire maritime. Ainsi est né le « Projet Danton ».Torpillé le 19 mars 1917 par le sous-marin allemand U-64, le cuirassé français Danton, construit en 1909, a coulé en moins d'une heure, emportant au cœur de ses 19 000 tonnes d'acier près de 300 marins. Largement oubliée, son épave a presque miraculeusement été retrouvée lorsqu'un robot a localisé en janvier 2008, par 1 025 mètres de fond au large de la Sardaigne une vaste anomalie que des études ont ensuite identifiée comme le cuirassé disparu.Deux missions in situ ont été effectuées en 2015 et 2016 par le Département français des recherches archéologiques subaquatiques et sous-marines (Drassm). Ces opérations ont eu recours à un robot doté d'équipements spécifiquement conçus pour filmer et photographier à très grande profondeur. En moins de six jours, les archéologues ont pu ainsi acquérir plus de 42 000 photographies haute définition et 27 vidéos des vestiges. Ce travail a donné lieu à une modélisation 3D de l'épave qui permettra bientôt au public de visiter le Danton comme s'il était lui-même en plongée sur le site.Le « Projet Danton » a en outre conduit à développer une technologie particulièrement novatrice qui permet d'envisager désormais de réaliser très rapidement la couverture 3D d'épaves situées jusqu'à 2 000 m de profondeur.

Her yüzyılda varlığını gösteren terörizm 21. yüzyılın en önemli sorunlarının başında gelmektedir. Önceki yüzyıllardaki varlığına göre etki alanını, kapsamını ve etkinliğini gelişen teknoloji ve silahların yanında ideoloji faktörü ile oldukça arttırmıştır. Önceleri yerel ve bölgesel düzeyde karakter gösteren terörizm, zamanla uluslararası bir niteliğe bürünmüştür. Kökleri bir önceki yüzyılda atılan ve gittikçe etkisi artan din eksenli terörizm ise 21. yüzyıla damgasını vurmuştur. Bu yüzyılda din eksenli terörizm söz konusu olduğunda El Kaide ve IŞİD hem ideolojileri hem de örgüt varlıkları bakımından dikkat çekmektedir. Afgan direnişiyle temelleri atılan El Kaide yüzyılın en büyük saldırısını gerçekleştirerek dünyada bilinir hale gelmiştir. 11 Eylül saldırıları olarak dünya tarihinde büyük yer sahibi olan bu saldırılar din eksenli terörizmin ne kadar güçlendiğini de ortaya koymuştur. Liderleri Usame bin Ladin'in ABD tarafından öldürülmesiyle eski gücünü kaybeden örgüt neredeyse yerini bölgede yaşanan gelişmelerle bir başka din eksenli terör örgütü olan IŞİD'e bırakmıştır. El Kaide'den farklı olarak IŞİD, bir devlet olma yolunda ilerlemek istemiş ve bir noktaya kadar başarı göstermiştir. Bölgede başlayan Arap Baharı süreci ise IŞİD için kolaylaştırıcı bir etken olmuştur. Ancak zamanla uluslararası mücadelenin etkinliği sonucunda IŞİD bölgesel varlığını kısmen yitirmiştir. Bu tezin amacı; El Kaide ve IŞİD gibi din eksenli terörist grupların Ortadoğu coğrafyasında varlık göstermelerinin nedenlerini bölgenin karakteristiği ve yeni uluslararası sistemin temel özellikleri çerçevesinde tartışarak aralarındaki ilişkiyi ortaya koymaktır. Bu çerçevede meşruluğunu bölgeden alan bu terör örgütlerinin, bir bölgeye ait olmaktan çıkıp uluslararası terörizmin konusu haline dönüşmesinde dünyanın başat aktörleri ile olan ilişkileri de ayrıca analiz edilmiştir. ; Terrorism, which exists in every century, is one of the most important problems of the 21st century. Compared to its existence in previous centuries, it has increased its scope, area of effect and effectiveness considerably due to developing technology and weapons and ideologies. Terrorism, which previously had character at the local and regional level, has acquired an international character over time. Religion-based terrorism, which has its roots in the previous century and has an increasing influence, marked on the 21st century. Al-Qaeda and ISIS draw attention both in terms of their ideologies and organizational presence. Al-Qaeda, the foundations of which were laid with the Afghan resistance, became known throughout the world by carrying out the biggest attack of the century. These attacks, which have a great place in the history of the world as the attacks of September 11, also revealed how strong religion-based terrorism has become. The organization, whose leaders lost their former power with the killing of Osama bin Laden by the USA, has almost been replaced by ISIS, another religiousbased terrorist organization with the developments in the region. Unlike al-Qaeda, ISIS wanted to progress towards becoming a state and has achieved success to a certain extent. The Arab Spring process, which started in the region, has been a facilitating factor for ISIS. However, as a result of the effectiveness of the international struggle over time, ISIS has partially lost its regional presence. The purpose of this thesis is; To reveal the relationship between the religion-based terrorist groups such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS in the Middle East geography within the framework of the characteristics of the region and the basic features of the new international system. In this context, the relations of these iii terrorist organizations, which have taken their legitimacy from the region, with the world's leading actors in the transformation of belonging to a region and becoming a subject of international terrorism, were also analyzed.

In its almost three decades history, Ukrainian language policy has gone through several stages of its development. Formed before the collapse of theUSSR, the Ukrainian elite actively used the issue of the language to achieve its political goals. Even at the turn of the 80-90s of the last century, the issue on the status of the Russian language was in the focus of the political struggle. Relying on the party and bureaucratic apparatus support, the nationalistically-spirited elite ofUkrainebegan to use the language issue for winning over the population of the southeastern regions. At that time, it was of great importance, since before the collapse of theUSSR, the Ukrainian elite was interested in preventing the growth of protest sentiment within the country. In subsequent years, the issue of the Russian language status has repeatedly become the subject of intense political battles and speculation as well. The Party of Regions, the Communist Party exploited the theme of "protecting" the Russian language to consolidate their electorate before the parliamentary and presidential elections. Concurrently, the Western Ukrainian elites defended a different position, proposing to expand the scope of the Ukrainian language while at the same time confine the Russian language.Despite the turmoil between the Western Ukrainian and Eastern Ukrainian elites, especially during the pre-election periods,Ukrainegradually "drifted" towards restricting the use of the Russian language and expanding Ukrainian in education and culture.The situation in the linguistic sphere inUkrainechanged dramatically after 2014, when representatives of nationalist forces came to power. It became a policy to revise the legislation governing on the use of languages of national minorities, to which the Russian language began to fall into. As a result, the possibilities for using the Russian language were confined, while enhancing the role of the Ukrainian language. This situation has already aggravated the relations betweenUkraineand neighboring countries, in which they negatively evaluatedUkraine's policy in the language sphere. In addition, limited scope for the Russian language has ratcheted up tension within the country, provoking new inter-regional contradictions. ; За почти тридцатилетнюю историю украинская политика в языковой сфере прошла несколько этапов своего развития. Украинская элита, которая формировалась еще до распада СССР, активно использовала вопрос о языке для достижения своих политических целей. Еще на рубеже 80-90-х годов прошлого века вопрос о статусе русского языка оказался в фокусе политической борьбы. Националистически настроенная элита Украины, опираясь на поддержку партийного и бюрократического аппарата стали использовать вопрос о языке, чтобы завоевать симпатии населения юго-восточных регионов. В тот период это имело огромное значение, поскольку до распада СССР, украинская элита была заинтересована в том, чтобы не допустить роста протестных настроений внутри страны.В последующие годы вопрос о статусе русского языка не раз становился предметом острых политических баталий и одновременно спекуляций. Партия регионов, коммунистическая партия использовали тему «защиты» русского языка для консолидации своего электората перед парламентскими и президентскими выборами. При этом западно-украинские элиты отстаивали иную позицию, предлагая расширить сферу применений украинского языка и одновременно — ограничить сферу использования русского языка.Несмотря на острую борьбу между западно-украинскими и восточно-украинскими элитами, особенно в предвыборные периоды, Украина постепенно «дрейфовала» в сторону ограничения использования русского языка и расширения украинского в образовании и культуре.Ситуация в языковой сфере на Украине кардинально изменилась после 2014 года, когда к власти пришли представители националистических сил. Был взят курс на ревизию законодательства, регулирующего применение языков национальных меньшинств, к которым стал относиться и русский язык. В итоге, возможности для использования русского языка были резко ограничены, при одновременном усилении роли украинского языка. Данная ситуация уже привела к обострению отношений Украины с сопредельными странами, в которых негативно оценили политику Украины в языковой сфере. Кроме того, ограничение возможностей для использования русского языка привело к росту напряженности внутри страны, провоцируя новые межрегиональные противоречия.

Societies are characterized by collective knowledge building, its maintenance, and its territorial control. Colombian society is accompanied by great biodiversity, represented in more than 80 ecosystem types, which represent about 10% of the world's biological diversity. It is also threatened by the extractivist economic model and socio-environmental conflicts at the local and national levels. Colombia had an armed war for more than 50 years, causing human, cultural, and environmental losses. Juan Manuel Santos' government (2010-2018) and the Farc signed a peace agreement that touches tangentially on socio-environmental problems. In this context, it is necessary to foster sustainability among the citizens, so that they relate peacefully to its territory, its resources, and production modes. This paper addresses three lines of inquiry: i) What are the educational guidelines of the biological sciences curricula? ii) What professions partake of the environmental debate in Colombia? iii) Are there topics discussed in the classroom relevant to current reality and contribute critically to the post-conflict? To answer this questions, we carried out a search of the curricula reported in the National System of Higher Education Institutions (snies) and obtained 250 curricula. These curricula have extensive training at the disciplinary level, but lack the disciplines that foster collective, interdisciplinary, and critical construction. In conclusion, the Colombian State is at a differential stage in its history and academic programs have not been transformed to converge with these new realities. Such programs should be geared toward the promotion of professionals who foster peace as a transversal policy that integrates the teaching of biological sciences into the socio-political reality of the country, and they should also be included in the offer of new postgraduate programs. ; Las sociedades se caracterizan por la construcción de conocimiento colectivo, su manutención y control territorial. La sociedad colombiana está acompañada de una gran biodiversidad, representada en más de 80 tipos de ecosistemas, con cerca del 10 % de la diversidad biológica mundial. Paralelamente, esta también es el modelo económico extractivista y los conflictos socioambientales de nivel local y nacional. Por más de 50 años se desencadenó una guerra armada, que ocasionó pérdidas humanas, culturales y ambientales. Finalmente, el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) y las Farc firmaron un acuerdo de paz que toca tangencialmente problemas socioambientales. En este contexto, es necesario promover la sostenibilidad de una ciudadanía que se relacione pacíficamente con el territorio, sus recursos y medios de producción. El presente artículo aborta tres ejes de cuestionamiento: i) ¿cuáles son los lineamientos educativos en los programas de ciencias biológicas?, ii) ¿qué profesiones integran el debate ambiental en Colombia?, y iii) ¿las temáticas tratadas en aula tienen pertinencia con la realidad actual y contribuyen críticamente con el posconflicto? Para resolverlas, se adelantó una búsqueda de los programas reportados en el Sistema Nacional de Instituciones de Educación Superior (snies), de la que se encontraron 250 programas. Extensivamente, cada uno de estos cuenta con amplia formación a nivel disciplinar, pero carece de disciplinas que fomenten la construcción colectiva, interdisciplinar y crítica. En este sentido, el Estado colombiano se encuentra en una etapa diferencial de su historia y los programas académicos no se han transformado para converger en esas nuevas realidades. Debe orientarse la promoción de profesionales que promuevan la paz como una política transversal que se integre a la enseñanza de las ciencias biológicas en la realidad sociopolítica del país y también debe incluirse en la oferta de nuevos programas de posgrado.

Societies are characterized by collective knowledge building, its maintenance, and its territorial control. Colombian society is accompanied by great biodiversity, represented in more than 80 ecosystem types, which represent about 10% of the world's biological diversity. It is also threatened by the extractivist economic model and socio-environmental conflicts at the local and national levels. Colombia had an armed war for more than 50 years, causing human, cultural, and environmental losses. Juan Manuel Santos' government (2010-2018) and the Farc signed a peace agreement that touches tangentially on socio-environmental problems. In this context, it is necessary to foster sustainability among the citizens, so that they relate peacefully to its territory, its resources, and production modes. This paper addresses three lines of inquiry: i) What are the educational guidelines of the biological sciences curricula? ii) What professions partake of the environmental debate in Colombia? iii) Are there topics discussed in the classroom relevant to current reality and contribute critically to the post-conflict? To answer this questions, we carried out a search of the curricula reported in the National System of Higher Education Institutions (snies) and obtained 250 curricula. These curricula have extensive training at the disciplinary level, but lack the disciplines that foster collective, interdisciplinary, and critical construction. In conclusion, the Colombian State is at a differential stage in its history and academic programs have not been transformed to converge with these new realities. Such programs should be geared toward the promotion of professionals who foster peace as a transversal policy that integrates the teaching of biological sciences into the socio-political reality of the country, and they should also be included in the offer of new postgraduate programs. ; Las sociedades se caracterizan por la construcción de conocimiento colectivo, su manutención y control territorial. La sociedad colombiana está acompañada de una gran biodiversidad, representada en más de 80 tipos de ecosistemas, con cerca del 10 % de la diversidad biológica mundial. Paralelamente, esta también es el modelo económico extractivista y los conflictos socioambientales de nivel local y nacional. Por más de 50 años se desencadenó una guerra armada, que ocasionó pérdidas humanas, culturales y ambientales. Finalmente, el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) y las Farc firmaron un acuerdo de paz que toca tangencialmente problemas socioambientales. En este contexto, es necesario promover la sostenibilidad de una ciudadanía que se relacione pacíficamente con el territorio, sus recursos y medios de producción. El presente artículo aborta tres ejes de cuestionamiento: i) ¿cuáles son los lineamientos educativos en los programas de ciencias biológicas?, ii) ¿qué profesiones integran el debate ambiental en Colombia?, y iii) ¿las temáticas tratadas en aula tienen pertinencia con la realidad actual y contribuyen críticamente con el posconflicto? Para resolverlas, se adelantó una búsqueda de los programas reportados en el Sistema Nacional de Instituciones de Educación Superior (snies), de la que se encontraron 250 programas. Extensivamente, cada uno de estos cuenta con amplia formación a nivel disciplinar, pero carece de disciplinas que fomenten la construcción colectiva, interdisciplinar y crítica. En este sentido, el Estado colombiano se encuentra en una etapa diferencial de su historia y los programas académicos no se han transformado para converger en esas nuevas realidades. Debe orientarse la promoción de profesionales que promuevan la paz como una política transversal que se integre a la enseñanza de las ciencias biológicas en la realidad sociopolítica del país y también debe incluirse en la oferta de nuevos programas de posgrado.

One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?

У статті на основі спогадів, електронної переписки, друкованих джерелрозглядається проблема мотивації волонтерської діяльності. Під часвійськових конфліктів тема волонтерства, благодійності, допомоги набуваєактуальності та визначає соціальні орієнтири суспільства. Інтелігенція,науковці, завжди активно відгукувались на виклики часу. 5 грудня всяміжнародна спільнота відзначає День волонтера – International VolunteerDay. 6 грудня – День збройних сил України. Ці два свята нерозривнопов'язані між собою, особливо після революції Гідності та збройногоконфлікту на Сході України. І щодня волонтери своєю працею сприяютьєдності суспільства, демонструючи приклад відданості, самоорганізаціїта мужності. Волонтерство для України є відносно новим суспільнимявищем. Міжнародний день добровольців в ім'я економічного і соціальногорозвитку, проголошений рішенням 40-ї сесії Генеральної Асамблеї ООН 17грудня 1985 року. В Україні волонтерський рух офіційно визнали 10 грудня2003 року.Історії благодійності, зокрема української, присвячена велика кількістьпраць сучасних дослідників. Багато науковців звертається до висвітленняцієї теми через характеристику діяльності окремих діячів, які зробилинеоціненний внесок у розвиток культурно-освітньої, економічної тадуховної сфер. Дослідження волонтерської діяльності нaбули значногорозвитку у зaxiднiй нaукoвiй думцi другoї пoлoвини XX cт. Вони нeIсторичний архiв18припиняютьcя й дoci, aджe нe втрaчaють aктуaльнocтi чeрeз cуcпiльнiпрoцecи, щo чинять вплив нa cтaн вoлoнтeрcькoї дiяльнocтi у cвiтi.Визнaчeння тoгo, щo нacпрaвдi мoтивує людину вчиняти вoлoнтeрcькi дiї,є cклaдним питaнням, aлe йoгo рoзумiння мoжe cлугувaти визнaчaльнимфaктoрoм eфeктивнoї вoлoнтeрcькoї дiяльнocтi, щo пeрeбувaє в плoщинiiнтeрeciв дeржaви тa її oргaнiв. Велике значення в розвитку волонтерського руху мають особистісні якості людини. Саме про це, на прикладідіяльності професора Євгена Сінкевича, й буде йтися в нашій статті. ; In the article the problem of motivation of volunteer activity is considered on the basis of memories, electronic correspondence, printed sources. In the course of military conflicts the topic of volunteering, charity, assistance becomes relevant and determines the social orientations of society. Intelligence and scientists, have always responded actively to the challenges of time. On the 5th of December all international association marks Day of volunteer – International Volunteer Day. On the 6th of December the Day of the armed forces of Ukraine. These two holidays are inextricably linked, especially after the Revolution of Dignity and armed conflict in eastern Ukraine. Every day, volunteers through their work contribute to the unity of society, showing an example of devotion, self-organization and courage. Volunteering for Ukraine is the relatively new public phenomenon. International Volunteer Day for Economic and Social Development, proclaimed by the decision of the 40th session of the UN General Assembly on December 17, 1985. In Ukraine, the volunteer movement was officially recognized on December 10, 2003 year. The history of charity, Ukrainian in particular, is devoted to a large number of works by modern researchers. Many scientists are turning to the coverage of this topic through the characteristic of the activities of some individuals who have made an invaluable contribution to the development of cultural, educational, economic and spiritual spheres. Research volunteer activities have received a considerable development in Western scientific thought in the second half of the XX century. They do not stop and nowadays, because they do not lose relevance due to social processes that affect the state of volunteer activities in the world. What really motivates a person to volunteer is a difficult issue, but its understanding can serve as a determining factor in effective volunteering, which lies on the same plane with the interests of the state and its organs. Of great importance in the development of the volunteer movement are the personal qualities of man. This is exactly what, as exemplified by the activities of Professor Sinkevich, will be discussed in the article.

The research presents the basis to articulate the assessment and preservation of public housing complexes, taking as an object of study the medium-sized cities of Sanlúcar de Barrameda, Setúbal and Lelystad. These complexes appear due to the generalised housing deficit –by the transfer of population from rural to urban areas– which characterised European cities mainly during the 20th century. This period was a time of large growth of cities and, therefore, one of greater architectural and urban production in recent urban history. However, these are assets that, in most cases, lack general heritage recognition, both by specialists and non-specialists and, consequently, do not have comparable preservation levels to other residential types in large cities. To address this study, Sanlúcar de Barrameda, Setúbal and Lelystad are contextualised within the set of medium-sized cities of the Andalusian, Portuguese and Dutch coast, to which they belong. These cities were also receivers of these migratory processes due to their strategic location within the territorial structure of their region. The research seeks to make a sequential approach that addresses, from the general –the construction of the conceptual, theoretical and legislative frame that conditioned the construction of these urban complexes in Spain, Portugal and the Netherlands– to the particular, the analysis of each social housing complexes features and their resulting in the current case studies' urban shape. The study concludes with an approach to the evaluation of the degree of recognition and legal protection of these groups in a comparative analysis among these three contexts. From this approach, and together with the singularities of the cases analysed, there will be gathered the main criteria on which to base their assessment and propose a specific protection instrument. ; La investigación aborda las claves a partir de las cuales articular la valoración y protección de los conjuntos de vivienda pública, tomando como objeto de estudio las ciudades medias de Sanlúcar de Barrameda, Setúbal y Lelystad. Estos conjuntos surgen ante el déficit generalizado de vivienda -por el trasvase de población desde el campo a la ciudad- que caracteriza a las ciudades europeas fundamentalmente durante el siglo XX. Es el momento de mayor crecimiento de las ciudades y, por tanto, el de mayor producción arquitectónica y urbanística de su historia urbana reciente. Sin embargo, se trata de bienes que en la mayoría de casos carecen de un reconocimiento patrimonial generalizado, tanto por parte de especialistas como de no especialistas y, en consecuencia, no cuentan con niveles de protección comparables a otros tipos residenciales en las grandes ciudades. Para abordar este estudio se contextualiza Sanlúcar de Barrameda, Setúbal y Lelystad dentro del conjunto de ciudades medias del litoral andaluz, portugués o neerlandés, al cual pertenecen. Estas ciudades también fueron receptoras de estos procesos migratorios gracias a su ubicación estratégica dentro de la estructura territorial de su región. La investigación intenta realizar una aproximación secuencial que aborda desde lo general, la construcción del marco conceptual, teórico y legislativo que condicionó la construcción de estos conjuntos urbanos en España, Portugal y Países Bajos; a lo concreto, el análisis de las características que definen a los conjuntos de vivienda social de los casos de estudio y que han dado como resultado su configuración urbana actual. El estudio se concluye con una aproximación a la evaluación del grado de reconocimiento y protección jurídica del que gozan estos conjuntos mediante un análisis comparado de los tres contextos. A partir de este acercamiento, y junto a las singularidades de los casos analizados, se recogen los principales criterios en base a los cuales articular su valoración y proponer un instrumento de protección específico.