Suchergebnisse

L'elaborato Il Totalitarismo negli scritti di intellettuali fascisti e di oppositori italiani tratta del concetto di totalitarismo, di come nasce e di come viene percepito dagli attori politici del tempo. A differenza di quel che si pensa il termine totalitarismo non ha radici molto lontane, infatti, viene coniato agli inizi del secolo scorso dagli intellettuali italiani per indicare il Fascismo. Il primo capitolo tratta delle prime apparizioni di questo nuovo termine, infatti, lo ritroviamo negli scritti di Amendola, Sturzo e Gramsci e molti altri intellettuali, che usano la parola totalitario per sottolineare la novità di ciò che accade in Italia, proprio a mostrare la differenza che c'è tra le dittature passate e il nuovo tipo di politica fascista. Il capitolo due viene suddiviso in tre parti: Antonio Gramsci, Luigi Sturzo e il Partito Nazionale Fascista. Questi tre attori fanno parte di schieramenti del tutto diversi, infatti, Gramsci è uno dei massimi pensatori italiani del comunismo, mentre Sturzo è il padre del Partito popolare italiano. Nonostante le divergenze di pensiero tutti e tre utilizzano il termine totalitario. Gramsci ha intuito già prima del suo arresto, la presa di potere forte che il Mussolini ha imposto alla Camera dei deputati. Gramsci è consapevole che il tempo per i comunisti italiani non è ancora maturo ma combatte strenuamente contro i fascisti che si stanno accaparrando tutto il potere in maniera autoritaria. Anche dopo essere stato arrestato e costretto alla carcerazione con una condanna di 20 anni, Gramsci continua il suo lavoro. La produzione del carcere sarà raccolta in seguito nei Quaderni del carcere, l'opera più conosciuta dell'autore. Anche se questo saggio vede la luce dopo la morte del suo autore, i compagni del partito non abbandonano la lotta che Gramsci aveva a cuore. Don Luigi Sturzo è uno dei primi intellettuali a chiamare lo Stato fascista totalitario, la sua lotta per il popolo, con la creazione di casse rurali e di mutuo soccorso per i più deboli fece acquistare molta popolarità al partito popolare, ma Sturzo come Gramsci e tutti gli altri esponenti politici combattono le loro battaglie legalmente, mentre il fascismo è un'organizzazione che basa il suo potere sulla violenza e l'illegalità. Le denunce del prete contro Mussolini non sono servite a molto ma gli sono valse l'allontanamento dalla carica di capo del partito e poi di ministro all'interno della Camera, su volere del Vaticano, che ha già appoggiato il fascismo. Dal suo esilio Sturzo scrive Italia e Fascismo, l'opera conosce un grande successo a livello europeo e viene tradotta in più lingue. Il saggio di Sturzo è una denuncia a ciò che è accaduto in Italia, l'analisi di come il fascismo abbia assunto tanto potere, diventando il primo prototipo di stato totalitario e la somiglianza che questo regime ha con l'Urss. Dal canto suo il Partito Nazionale Fascista una volta imposto il potere ed eliminate le opposizioni, si allontana dal termine totalitario. All'inizio del suo percorso politico Mussolini aveva assunto con grande orgoglio il termine totalitario per descriversi, ma negli anni '40 del 900 prende le distanze da questa etichetta, ridimensionandola. La storia e le azioni fasciste si possono leggere nel Dizionario di politica redatto dal partito e voluto da Mussolini in persona. The paper Il Totalitarism in the writings of fascist intellectuals and Italian opponents deals with the concept of totalitarianism, how it was born and how it is perceived by the political actors of the time. Unlike what is thought, the term totalitarianism does not have very distant roots, in fact, it was coined at the beginning of the last century by Italian intellectuals to indicate Fascism.The first chapter deals with the first appearances of this new term, in fact, we find it in the writings of Amendola, Sturzo and Gramsci and many other intellectuals, who use the word totalitarian to emphasize the novelty of what happens in Italy, just to show the difference. which exists between past dictatorships and the new type of fascist politics. Chapter two is divided into three parts: Antonio Gramsci, Luigi Sturzo and the National Fascist Party. These three actors are part of completely different camps, in fact, Gramsci is one of the greatest Italian thinkers of communism, while Sturzo is the father of the Italian People's Party. Despite the differences of thought, all three use the term totalitarian. Gramsci had already guessed before his arrest, the strong takeover that Mussolini imposed on the Chamber of Deputies. Gramsci is aware that the time for the Italian Communists is not yet ripe but he fights strenuously against the fascists who are grabbing all power in an authoritarian way. Even after being arrested and forced into jail with a 20-year sentence, Gramsci continues his work. The prison production will later be collected in the Prison Notebooks, the author's best known work. Even if this essay sees the light after the death of its author, the comrades of the party do not abandon the struggle that Gramsci had at heart. Don Luigi Sturzo is one of the first intellectuals to call the fascist state totalitarian, his struggle for the people, with the creation of rural funds and mutual aid for the weakest, made the popular party gain a lot of popularity, but Sturzo like Gramsci and all other politicians fight their battles legally, while fascism is an organization that bases its power on violence and illegality. The priest's complaints against Mussolini did not help much but earned him the expulsion from the office of party head and then minister in the Chamber, at the behest of the Vatican, which has already supported fascism. From his exile Sturzo wrote Italy and Fascism, the work enjoyed great success at European level and was translated into several languages. Sturzo's essay is a denunciation of what happened in Italy, the analysis of how fascism took on so much power, becoming the first prototype of a totalitarian state and the similarity that this regime has with the URSS. For its part, the National Fascist Party, once it has imposed power and eliminated the opposition, moves away from the term totalitarian. At the beginning of his political career Mussolini had taken on the term totalitarian with great pride to describe himself, but in the 1940s he distanced himself from this label, resizing it. The history and fascist actions can be read in the Political Dictionary drawn up by the party and wanted by Mussolini himself. .

Development agencies and actors concerned with promoting sustainable development have been joined in recent years by another player - big business. Increasing adherence on the part of senior managers to concepts like corporate citizenship or corporate social responsibility suggests that this sector of business is beginning to recast its relationship with both the environment and its multiple stakeholders. This evolving situation stands in sharp contrast to the scenario of the past when big business was seen to be insensitive to the needs of certain stakeholders and responsible for much of the environmental degradation of the planet. This paper assesses the reality behind the claims of some sectors of business that an increasing number of large firms are adopting policies and practices conducive to the promotion of sustainable development, particularly in developing countries. After describing various institutional developments that have occurred in the 1990s and that appear to be promoting corporate social and environmental responsibility, the paper assesses the current state of play, highlighting in particular the incipient and piecemeal nature of change. It goes on to examine whether there are forces or an enabling environment in place that might permit a scaling up of initiatives associated with corporate responsibility. Some of the more powerful forces that drive corporate responsibility are identified. The question of why some sectors of business are changing reveals an answer that has less to do with a new-found ethical concern among corporate executives for the environmental and social condition of the planet, than with economic, political and structural factors. These include so-called "win-win" opportunities, the possibility of enhancing competitive advantage, "reputation management", pressure group and consumer politics, regulation or the threat of regulation, and changes in the way production and marketing are being organized globally. While such "drivers" may encourage corporations to be more responsive to environmental and social concerns, it is argued that the process of change is likely to remain fairly fragmented, spread unevenly in terms of companies, countries and sectors, and, from the perspective of sustainable development, fraught with contradictions. What amounts to a fairly minimalist and uneven agenda is not simply a reflection of the fact that the process of change is of recent origin; it also derives from the way in which companies choose to respond to the economic, political and structural drivers of change - responses that often involve imagery, public relations and relatively minor adjustments in management systems and practices, as opposed to significant changes in the social and environmental impact of a company's activities. The final section of the paper reflects on how trends associated with corporate environmental and social responsibility might be both scaled up and "deepened", so that business can make a more meaningful contribution to sustainable development. It begins by considering whether the dominant approach that is currently in vogue centred on the promotion of "voluntary initiatives" and "partnerships" is likely to be effective. While there are important benefits that can derive from such institutional arrangements, there may also be a considerable downside that is often overlooked. The success of many voluntary initiatives requires a certain institutional setting - for example, basic laws related to disclosure and freedom of information, watchdog institutions and strong civil society movements. Such conditions may be weak or absent in many countries. Furthermore, certain initiatives, such as codes of conduct and certification systems, have often been designed by Northern actors, be they governments, NGOs or corporate interests. Southern governments and NGOs are often marginalized in the decision-making processes that affect them. Too often, voluntary initiatives are held up as substitutes for government regulation when in fact various forms of legislation and state sanctions are often what motivated such initiatives in the first place and are crucial for their success. Despite the obvious appeal of the pragmatic and co-operative features of "partnerships", involving, for example, business and United Nations agencies or NGOs, serious questions are raised about their impact. Of particular concern are issues related to the weak criteria often used by United Nations and other organizations to select corporate partners, the way in which more critical voices are silenced as NGOs and United Nations agencies get closer to business, and the problem of "institutional capture" as business comes to exercise influence over decision-making processes associated with the public sphere. Perhaps the most significant concern with some forms of voluntary initiatives and partnerships is that they may serve to weaken key drivers of corporate responsibility - namely government regulation, collective bargaining and certain forms of civil society activism. If one examines the history of corporate environmental and social responsibility, and some of the major reforms of corporate policies and practices, one or a combination of these factors has been crucial. The paper ends with a call for "rethinking regulation and partnerships". There is potentially an important role for certain forms of "co-regulation". These may involve, for example, so-called "negotiated agreements" between government and business, and "civil regulation", where NGOs, consumers and trade unions have considerable influence in determining the standards and norms shaping business relations with society and the environment. Key to the success of co-regulation are not only the "softed" features of dialogue and compromise, but also the "hard" ones of government sanctions; laws related to disclosure and freedom of information, freedom of association and collective bargaining; and various forms of civil society protest. To avoid the ongoing proliferation of weak codes of conduct and certification and reporting systems, it is important that there be some degree of harmonization and adherence to higher standards. This implies a greater role for international codes and frameworks, which use as benchmarks internationally agreed standards contained or implied in such documents as Agenda 21 and ILO and human rights conventions. There should also be a greater role for "independent verification" of codes of conduct, environmental management systems and UN-business partnerships. Greater attention needs to be paid, however, to the status or legitimacy of the verifiers. Rethinking partnerships involves not only addressing the concerns raised above, but also recognizing the need to build a stronger civil society movement for change by strengthening links between environmentalists, consumer groups, social-interest NGOs and trade unions.

In the last few years, there have been more academic studies on social imageries in Latin America. The present work aims to show how historiography , as the writing of history, can contribute to social imageries' formation. This article studies two authors, Jesús Silva Herzog and Lorenzo Meyer, who have written about the oil expropriation in Mexico. Both authors, whose works take almost 30 years, write from different points of view. The first one does it as a witness, having participated as part of the committee in charge of analyzing the capacity of the oil companies to face the labor demands of 1938, being influenced to a great extent by Marxist theories. Lorenzo Meyer speaks from and for the institutionalized Academy, specifically El Colegio de México, and influenced by the Dependency theory. However, it's been proved that both authors impacted the social imaginary in Mexico, where oil has a special place linked to national sovereignty. In the first case the study of Silva Herzog's text, reveals that his work legitimizes government discourse. At the same time, Lorenzo Meyer positioned him as a specialist on the subject, making his impact on the imaginary wide as well. Although reading history books can be limited to a small percentage of the population, they are perceived as truth by their readers so their impact can be much broader than what was initially assumed. ; En los últimos años han aumentado los estudios académicos sobre imaginarios sociales en América Latina desde diversas disciplinas. El presente trabajo pretende mostrar la manera en que la historiografía, en cuanto escritura de la historia, aporta elementos para la formación de los imaginarios sociales. Para esto se ha estudiado la obra de dos autores: Jesús Silva Herzog y Lorenzo Meyer, quienes han escrito sobre la expropiación petrolera en México. Ambos autores, cuyas obras abarcan alrededor de 30 años de investigaciones, hablan desde puntos de vista diferentes. El primero habla desde el punto de vista del testigo, al haber participado como parte del comité que integró la junta de conciliación y arbitraje encargada del análisis de la capacidad de las empresas petroleras para afrontar las demandas laborales de 1938, siendo influenciado en buena medida por el pensamiento marxista en boga en esa época. Por su parte, Lorenzo Meyer habla desde y para la academia institucionalizada, específicamente en relación con El Colegio de México, e influenciado por las teorías de la dependencia. Tras el análisis de su obra se ha descubierto que ambos autores tuvieron un impacto sobre el imaginario social en México, en el cual el petróleo tiene un lugar especial por estar ligado a la soberanía nacional. Por un lado, el texto de Silva Herzog sirve como legitimación del discurso de los gobiernos del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (pri), por otro, el de Lorenzo Meyer posicionó a dicho autor como especialista en el tema, con lo que su impacto en el imaginario ha sido también amplio. Aunque la lectura de los libros de historia puede ser limitada a un pequeño porcentaje de la población, se observa que, al ser textos verosímiles para sus lectores, su impacto puede ser mucho más amplio de lo que se pensaría en principio. ; Nos últimos anos, os estudos acadêmicos sobre imaginários sociais, de várias disciplinas, aumentaram na América Latina, . O presente trabalho pretende mostrar de que forma a historiografia, como a escrita da história, contribui com elementos para a formação dos imaginários sociais. Para isso, estudou-se o trabalho de dois autores: Jesús Silva Herzog e Lorenzo Meyer, que escreveram sobre a expropriação do petróleo no México. Ambos os autores, cujas obras abrangem mais de trinta anos, falam de pontos de vista diferentes. O primeiro fala do ponto de vista da testemunha, tendo participado como parte da comissão que constituiu o conselho de conciliação e arbitragem encarregado de analisar a capacidade das petroleiras para lidar com às exigências laborais de 1938, sendo em grande parte influenciado pelo pensamento marxista em voga naquela época. Por sua vez, Lorenzo Meyer fala da e para a academia institucionalizada, especificamente El Colégio de México, e influenciado por suas teorias de dependência. Após a análise de seus trabalhos, descobriu-se que ambos os autores tiveram impacto no imaginário social mexicano, no qual o petróleo tem um lugar especial por estar vinculado à soberania nacional. Por um lado, o texto de Silva Herzog serve de legitimação do discurso dos governos do Partido Revolucionário Institucional (pri), enquanto, por outro lado, o de Lorenzo Meyer posicionou o referido autor como especialista no assunto, com o que seu impacto no imaginário também foi amplo. Embora a leitura de livros de história possa se limitar a uma pequena porcentagem da população, observa-se que, por se tratarem de textos confiáveis para seus leitores, seu impacto pode ser muito mais amplo do que se pensava inicialmente.

Access to land for rural women in Africa: the case of Senegal (from the time of the great kingdoms to the present day)African women constitute the vast majority of the continent's agricultural force and produce almost all foodstuffs. Their importance is such in the agricultural sector that the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) estimate that the percentage of employed women in the non-agricultural sector on the African continent is one of the lowest in the world. They are most often left behind. However, this decisive economic role does not translate into real recognition on the legal level. Indeed laws meant to empower women and empower them are often ignored. Custom frequently conflicts with the law and obstructs its application. To understand the springs of this phenomenon, it is necessary to seek the reasons for which the practices based on the custom are maintained, putting in failure the emancipatory projects. So from the case of Senegal this doctoral thesis aims to trace the evolution of legal rules governing women's access to land in rural environment. The first part focuses on studying the genesis of legal inequalities based on gender with regard to access to land. It is a complex historical legacy constituted by the meeting between traditional law (before and after the expansion of Islam) and the legislation of the colonial times. The second part analyzes how the governments of independent Senegal have managed this right bequeathed by history while striving to respect the egalitarian standards promoted by the international community.African women constitute the vast majority of the continent's agricultural force and produce almost all foodstuffs. Their importance is such in the agricultural sector that the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) estimate that the percentage of employed women in the non-agricultural sector on the African continent is one of the lowest in the world. They are most often left behind. However, this decisive economic role does not translate into real recognition on the legal level. Indeed laws meant to empower women and empower them are often ignored. Custom frequently conflicts with the law and obstructs its application. To understand the springs of this phenomenon, it is necessary to seek the reasons for which the practices based on the custom are maintained, putting in failure the emancipatory projects. So from the case of Senegal this doctoral thesis aims to trace the evolution of legal rules governing women's access to land in rural environment. The first part focuses on studying the genesis of legal inequalities based on gender with regard to access to land. It is a complex historical legacy constituted by the meeting between traditional law (before and after the expansion of Islam) and the legislation of the colonial times. The second part analyzes how the governments of independent Senegal have managed this right bequeathed by history while striving to respect the egalitarian standards promoted by the international community. ; L'accès à la propriété foncière pour les femmes rurales en Afrique : le cas du Sénégal (de l'époque des grands royaumes à nos jours)Les femmes africaines constituent la grande majorité de la force agricole du continent et produisent presque toutes les denrées alimentaires. Leur importance est telle dans le secteur agricole que l'Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economique (OCDE) estime que le pourcentage de femmes salariées dans le secteur non agricole sur le continent africain est l'un des plus faibles du monde. Ces dernières sont le plus souvent laissées pour compte. Pourtant, ce rôle économique déterminant ne se traduit pas par une véritable reconnaissance sur le plan juridique. En effet, les lois censées émanciper les femmes et leur permettre d'atteindre une certaine autonomie sont souvent ignorées. La coutume entre fréquemment en contradiction avec la loi et fait obstacle à son application. Pour comprendre les ressorts de ce phénomène, il faut rechercher les raisons pour lesquelles les pratiques fondées sur la coutume se sont maintenues, mettant en échec les projets émancipateurs. Ainsi, à partir du cas du Sénégal, cette thèse vise à retracer l'évolution des règles juridiques encadrant l'accès des femmes à la terre en milieu rural. La première partie s'attache à retracer la genèse des inégalités juridiques fondées sur le genre au regard de l'accès à la terre. Il s'agit d'un héritage historique complexe, constitué par la rencontre entre le droit traditionnel (antérieur et postérieur à l'expansion de l'Islam) et la législation de l'époque coloniale. La seconde partie analyse comment les gouvernements du Sénégal indépendant ont géré ce droit légué par l'histoire tout en s'efforçant de respecter les normes égalitaires promues par la communauté internationale.

Problem setting. Although modern humanity has proclaimed the universality of human dignity and desperately upholds this value, which is fully in harmony with freedom, equality and fraternity, the truth is that in reality it has not yet been able to go beyond the status of a citizen of the nation state in its legal and political conventions. . In this sense, a very important issue is the representation of the real situation around the categories of "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict in Latin America caused by the persecution of 21st century socialism. Paper objective. This critical essay aims to discuss the real significance of such political and legal categories as "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict that led to the persecution of 21st century socialism in Latin America. Methodology. The methodological field of the research uses documentary observation and dialectical hermeneutics, which help to compare and reconcile categories with different semantic contexts to reconstruct their true meaning. The technique of writing this research was the methodological procedure of the hermeneutic circle, which is a sequential analysis of numerous written documentary sources, combined in a kind of dialogic context with hidden messages that can be read between the lines, as well as interpretive theories and critical thinking. Paper main body. There is much in common between the contemporary political and philosophical programs of the Western cultural space, of which Latin Americans are a part, and the ideas of universal citizenship, globalization, and human rights in a spirit of deep militant universalism that function fully today not only as abstract theories at the disposal of peoples and nations who continue to work to improve their living conditions and strengthen their freedom to exist and act in a better world. As for the tradition of human rights as a modern expression of natural law, it dates back to ancient times and even dates back to the great religions, which in their own way developed and substantiated the idea of human dignity. The history of the Institute of Human Rights has a pronounced anthropocentric character and deserves to be expanded in accordance with the geopolitical realities of the modern world, in order to protect the indisputable value of all life forms affected by such phenomena as global warming and the associated greenhouse effect. economic growth that requires technological and industrial modernization. For its part, "globalization with a human face" means the ability to interconnect and enrich not only material and financial resources, due to the insatiability of international markets, but also the cycle of knowledge and people required by modern world democracies to strengthen their social and human capital. . In this context, the idea of global or universal citizenship, while seeming utopian, is of paramount importance as it broadens the political phenomenon of citizenship, which is vital to modern democracies or polyarchies, forgetting the tradition of history ruled by supreme forces and structures. Although, according to K. Popper, already the historicist concept assigned a fundamental role in building a reality conducive to the exercise of freedom, the citizen, conscious and active. Thus, if globalization is reduced purely to the internationalization of capital and selective human and technological resources solely in the interests of corporate elites and does not turn into a globalization of social welfare and dignity - a process in which universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, then partial globalization, which can do little to promote an open society in the 21st century. Conclusions of the research. The study concludes that if globalization is reduced to the internationalization of capital and individual human and technological resources for the benefit of the corporate elite and does not extend to the globalization of social welfare and dignity, where universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, such globalization is unlikely to contribute building an open society of the XXI century. ; Статья посвящена исследованию дискурса по поводу категорий "универсальное гражданство", "права человека" и "глобализация", а также реальной ситуации вокруг данных категорий в условиях геополитического конфликта в Латинской Америке. В результате исследования сделан вывод о том, что если глобализация будет сведена к интернационализации капитала, а также отдельных человеческих и технологических ресурсов в пользу корпоративной элиты и не распространится на глобализацию социального благополучия и достоинства жизни, при котором универсальное гражданство было бы логическим следствием, такая глобализация вряд ли сможет способствовать развитию открытого общества XXI века. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню дискурсу з приводу категорії "універсальне громадянство", "права людини" й "глобалізація" та реальної ситуації навколо цих категорій в розпалі геополітичного конфлікту у Латинській Америці. В результаті дослідження досягнуто висновку: якщо глобалізація буде зведена до інтернаціоналізації капіталів, а також окремих людських і технологічних ресурсів на користь корпоративній еліті і не розповсюдиться на глобалізацію соціального добробуту та гідності життя, де універсальне громадянство було б логічним наслідком, така глобалізація навряд чи зможе сприяти розвитку відкритого суспільства ХХІ століття.

Problem setting. Although modern humanity has proclaimed the universality of human dignity and desperately upholds this value, which is fully in harmony with freedom, equality and fraternity, the truth is that in reality it has not yet been able to go beyond the status of a citizen of the nation state in its legal and political conventions. . In this sense, a very important issue is the representation of the real situation around the categories of "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict in Latin America caused by the persecution of 21st century socialism. Paper objective. This critical essay aims to discuss the real significance of such political and legal categories as "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict that led to the persecution of 21st century socialism in Latin America. Methodology. The methodological field of the research uses documentary observation and dialectical hermeneutics, which help to compare and reconcile categories with different semantic contexts to reconstruct their true meaning. The technique of writing this research was the methodological procedure of the hermeneutic circle, which is a sequential analysis of numerous written documentary sources, combined in a kind of dialogic context with hidden messages that can be read between the lines, as well as interpretive theories and critical thinking. Paper main body. There is much in common between the contemporary political and philosophical programs of the Western cultural space, of which Latin Americans are a part, and the ideas of universal citizenship, globalization, and human rights in a spirit of deep militant universalism that function fully today not only as abstract theories at the disposal of peoples and nations who continue to work to improve their living conditions and strengthen their freedom to exist and act in a better world. As for the tradition of human rights as a modern expression of natural law, it dates back to ancient times and even dates back to the great religions, which in their own way developed and substantiated the idea of human dignity. The history of the Institute of Human Rights has a pronounced anthropocentric character and deserves to be expanded in accordance with the geopolitical realities of the modern world, in order to protect the indisputable value of all life forms affected by such phenomena as global warming and the associated greenhouse effect. economic growth that requires technological and industrial modernization. For its part, "globalization with a human face" means the ability to interconnect and enrich not only material and financial resources, due to the insatiability of international markets, but also the cycle of knowledge and people required by modern world democracies to strengthen their social and human capital. . In this context, the idea of global or universal citizenship, while seeming utopian, is of paramount importance as it broadens the political phenomenon of citizenship, which is vital to modern democracies or polyarchies, forgetting the tradition of history ruled by supreme forces and structures. Although, according to K. Popper, already the historicist concept assigned a fundamental role in building a reality conducive to the exercise of freedom, the citizen, conscious and active. Thus, if globalization is reduced purely to the internationalization of capital and selective human and technological resources solely in the interests of corporate elites and does not turn into a globalization of social welfare and dignity - a process in which universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, then partial globalization, which can do little to promote an open society in the 21st century. Conclusions of the research. The study concludes that if globalization is reduced to the internationalization of capital and individual human and technological resources for the benefit of the corporate elite and does not extend to the globalization of social welfare and dignity, where universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, such globalization is unlikely to contribute building an open society of the XXI century. ; Статья посвящена исследованию дискурса по поводу категорий "универсальное гражданство", "права человека" и "глобализация", а также реальной ситуации вокруг данных категорий в условиях геополитического конфликта в Латинской Америке. В результате исследования сделан вывод о том, что если глобализация будет сведена к интернационализации капитала, а также отдельных человеческих и технологических ресурсов в пользу корпоративной элиты и не распространится на глобализацию социального благополучия и достоинства жизни, при котором универсальное гражданство было бы логическим следствием, такая глобализация вряд ли сможет способствовать развитию открытого общества XXI века. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню дискурсу з приводу категорії "універсальне громадянство", "права людини" й "глобалізація" та реальної ситуації навколо цих категорій в розпалі геополітичного конфлікту у Латинській Америці. В результаті дослідження досягнуто висновку: якщо глобалізація буде зведена до інтернаціоналізації капіталів, а також окремих людських і технологічних ресурсів на користь корпоративній еліті і не розповсюдиться на глобалізацію соціального добробуту та гідності життя, де універсальне громадянство було б логічним наслідком, така глобалізація навряд чи зможе сприяти розвитку відкритого суспільства ХХІ століття.

Ця стаття має на меті продемонструвати ключові трансформації, які відбулися на місцях Голокосту в Дніпрі (колишній Дніпропетровськ) від кінця нацистської окупації до сьогодні. Досліджено, наскільки ці місця стали місцями вшанування Голокосту, та описано механізми та особливості включення такого вшанування у міський простір міста. Автор аналізує основних ініціаторів і прихильників вшанування Голокосту, щоб оцінити, наскільки ефективно представлена історія винищення євреїв у міському просторі Дніпра та наскільки це відповідає його сучасному образу. Стаття, заснована на існуючій історіографії, описує події у трьох основних місцях Голокосту в Дніпропетровську (Дніпро), де відбувалися найбільш масштабні акти винищення єврейського населення - біля Ботанічного саду (Красноповстанська Балка), єврейське кладовище (парк Писаржевського), село Верхнє (перехрестя вулиць Янгеля та Енергетича). Достатній обсяг досліджень дає досить надійні докази того, що відбувалося у вищезгаданих місцях під час нацистської окупації. Важлива особливість, яка згодом вплинула на поминання цих місць як в радянський, так і в пострадянський періоди полягало в тому, що в першому місці, тобто в Краснопівстанській балці (яр), страчені були виключно євреями, а в інших двох місцях страчували різні категорії нацистських жертв , включаючи значну кількість євреїв звісно. У 1960-1980-х рр., у період вшанування історії Великої Вітчизняної війни, пам'ятники, встановлені для вшанування пам'яті жертв, мали лише написи, характерні для радянської влади. Ці написи не згадували про етнічне походження жертв, розчиняючи їх у евфемістичних формулюваннях, таких як "цивільні особи", "радянські громадяни" тощо. Після розпаду СРСР було знято старі табу та заборонені раніше історичні факти та розповіді, включаючи ідентичність національних груп, які претендують на своє місце в історичній свідомості, почала формуватися. У цій статті проаналізовано різні комбінації меморіальних дискурсів - радянських та єврейських / радянських та пострадянських / єврейських, радянських та українських - та те, як вони співвідносяться (взаємодіють / конфліктують / не спілкуються) у зазначених місцях. На основі свого аналізу автор робить висновок, що єврейська громада міста була головним ініціатором і прихильником збереження пам'яті про Голокост, що призвело до високого ступеня фрагментації вшанування Голокосту в Дніпрі. Тим не менше, завдяки співпраці та несистематичній спільній діяльності єврейських організацій, а також громадських та урядових установ Дніпра, пам'ять про Голокост поступово вписується та займає все більш помітне місце в міському просторі. ; This article aims to demonstrate the key transformations that took place at the Holocaust sites in the Dnipro (former Dnepropetrovsk) from the end of the Nazi occupation to the present day. It explores the extent to which these locations have become places of the Holocaust commemoration and describes the mechanisms and features of inclusion of such commemoration into the city's urban space. The author analyzes the main initiators and supporters of the Holocaust commemoration in order to evaluate how effectively the history of the extermination of Jews is represented in urban space of Dnipro and how much it corresponds to its contemporary image. The article, based on existing historiography, describes events in the three main locations of the Holocaust in Dnepropetrovsk (Dnipro), where the most large-scale acts of the extermination of the Jewish population took place – near the Botanical Garden (Krasnopovstanska Balka), the Jewish Cemetery (Park of Pisarzhevsky), the village of Verkhnie (the intersection of Yangel and Energeticha streets. Sufficient body of research provides fairly reliable evidence of what took place in the aforementioned locales during the Nazi occupation. An important feature that subsequently influenced the commemoration of these places in both the Soviet and the post-Soviet periods was that in the first location, i.e. in the Krasnopovstanska Balka (ravine), those executed were exclusively Jewish, while in the other two locations, different categories of Nazi victims were executed, including a significant number of Jews. In the 1960-1980s, a period of honouring the history of the Great Patriotic War, monuments, erected to commemorate the victims, only bore inscriptions, typical for the Soviet officialdom. These inscriptions did not mention the ethnic origin of Jewish victims, dissolving them in euphemistic formulations, such as "civilians", "Soviet citizens", etc. After the collapse of the USSR, old taboos were lifted and previously forbidden historical facts and narratives, including the identity of national groups claiming their place in historical consciousness began to take shape. This article analyzes various combinations of memorial discourses – Soviet and Jewish / Soviet and post-Soviet / Jewish, Soviet and Ukrainian – and how they relate (interact / conflict / do not communicate) in the mentioned locations. Based on her analysis, the author concludes that the city's Jewish community was the main initiator and supporter of the preservation of the Holocaust memory, which has led to the high degree of fragmentation of the commemoration of the Holocaust in Dnipro. Nevertheless, thanks to the collaboration and occasional joint activities of Jewish organizations, as well as Dnipro's public and governmental institutions, the memory of Holocaust has become gradually incorporated into the urban space, where it occupies a more prominent place.

Uluslararası ilişkiler ve politikada ittifak önemli bir kavramdır. İki ülke veya ülkeler arasında yapılan ittifak örneklerinin tarih boyunca görülmesine karşın ittifak teorilerinin ortaya atılması ve ilgi görmesi 2.Dünya Savaşı sonrasına rastlar. İttifaklar kısaca gerçek veya algılanan tehdit karşısında başta güvenlik endişesi olmak üzere ülkelerin başka devlet veya devletlerle yapmış olduğu resmi birliktelikler olarak bilinir. İran ve Türkiye değişik isimler ve rejimler altında Ortadoğu coğrafyasında yüzyıllardır etkin rol oynamış önemli iki ülke ve iddialı bölgesel güçler olarak tarih sahnesinde kendisinden bahsettirmişlerdir. İnsanlık tarihinin en kapsamlı, can ve maddi kayıplar bakımından en tahripkar savaşı olan 2.Dünya Savaşı sonrası başlayan dönem "Soğuk Savaş" olarak isimlendirilir. ABD'nin liderliğinde kapitalist-liberal Batı bloğu ve SSCB'nin liderlik yaptığı sosyalist-doğu bloğu olmak üzere iki kutuplu bir politik ve ideolojik dünya sistemi başlamış oldu. Soğuk Savaş tüm Ortadoğu'da yaşanmış olmasına karşın en çok etkilenen iki ülke Türkiye ve İran olmuştur. SSCB ve Varşova paktının 1990 yılında başlayan dağılma süreci Soğuk Savaşın sonunu oluşturmuştur. Kısaca 1945-1990 yıllarını kapsayan bu dönemde ülkeler kendilerini bloklardan birisi içinde yer almaya adeta zorunlu hissetmişlerdir. İran tercihini Batı bloğundan, özellikle ABD'den yana kullanmıştır. Soğuk savaşın önemli bir kısmında Rıza Şah Pehlevi ülkeyi yönetmiştir. Rıza Şah Pehlevi'nin liderliğindeki otoriter monarşi birbirine ideolojik olarak çok zıt grupların ortak düşman Şah karşısında birleşmesine neden olmuştur.Bu güçler Şahlık rejimini devirmiştir. Sonrasında ise 20. yüzyılın en önemli değişimlerinden sayılan İslam Cumhuriyeti kurulmuştur. Soğuk Savaşın son çeyreğinde İran'da çok farklı bir ideoloji ve dış politika egemen olmuştur.Yeni kurulan dini referanslı rejim Orta Doğu coğrafyasında ve belli ölçüde küresel düzeyde ciddi politik değişikliklere ve yeni denge hesaplarına yol açmıştır. Türkiyee İran'a benzer şekilde Ortadoğu'nun güçlü ve iddialı bir ülkesidir. Batı bloğunun askeri kanadını oluşturan NATO'nun tek Müslüman ülkesi olarak Soğuk Savaş döneminin önde gelen ülkelerinden olmuştur. Türkiye Batı bloğu lehine tercihini kullanmıştır.Tezin sorunsalı Batı bloğunda yer almak yönünde verilen kararın her iki ülke bakımından iç ve dış nedenlerini,Soğuk Savaş'ın ileri yıllarındaki değişimlerin nedenlerini, bütünüyle Soğuk Savaş döneminin fayda ve zararlarının başta neorealist teori olmak üzere diğer teroilerinde katkısıyla değerlendirilmesini yapmaktır.İki ülkeyi kıyaslayarak bu konuda yapılmış literatürde az çalışma olduğundan bir katkı sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir. Alliances are important elements of international relations and politics. Many examples in history have been observed although alliance theories have been proposed and gained attention following World War II. Alliance theories are dominated to a great extent by realist and neoreliast schools of thought. Alliance is basicly known as a response to real or perceived threat to the security of the nation. Alliances may be established either between two states or between groups of states depending upon the circumstanes. They may be formal or informal. Iran and Turkey have been neighbours for centuries and are important actors in Middle East. They both have searched for power and influence in their region. Their mutual relations have fluctuated depending upon domestic affairs and international politics. The end of II. World War, the most devastating war in human history, marked the beginning of a new era in international arena named as "Cold war". The international political system was divided into two camps under the leadership of United States of America and Soviet Union. United States of America represented the democratic, liberal western bloc while the Soviets represented the socialist eastern bloc.This bipolar system eventually urged countries to make alliances with either of the blocks. Cold war lasted until 1990 when Soviet Union and the Warshaw pact disintegrated which marked the fall of Communist ideology. Iran and Turkey, with similar and reasonable drives preferred to make alliances with western block. Their main concern was to protect their territorial integrity and defend their countries against overt Soviet threat. This threat had historical roots as well as the diplomatic and military initatives taken by USSR during the years of II. World War. During the cold war period both Iran and Turkey suffered from isolation as an inevitable consequence of extreme dependence on west and in particular to USA. Their experience derived from the events and relations of the cold war, Iran and Turkey prompted to revise their international relations and follow relatively multidimensional policies. The detant policy among the two blocks in the following years of cold war faciliated such a limited shift in the international relations of Turkey and Iran. The relations of Iran with USA and other western countries have influnced her relations with Turkey while the reverse is also valid. This thesis aims to analyze the reasons of the alliances of Iran and Turkey during the cold war, pros and cons of their alliances, the events of the cold war, and results of their choices.Search of the literature has revealed not enough studies comparing the two nations during cold war.In that respect contribution to the literature is expected.

La crisis económica internacional tuvo en la Argentina su mayor impacto en 1932. Sus efectos permanecieron presentes durante más de un decenio. La crisis fiscal afectó el financiamiento de la educación pública, que era predominante en la instrucción primaria. Esta coyuntura compleja tuvo efectos transformadores en cuanto a la organización escolar, produciéndose una convivencia de propuestas y prácticas educativas heterogéneas. El Consejo Nacional de Educación, organismo colegiado compuesto por intelectuales y funcionarios de diferente extracción política, elaboró una reforma moderada del currículo y de las prácticas educativas, que combinaba en forma ecléctica la filosofía espiritualista, la psicología experimental, la renovación de escuela activa y la propaganda patriótica. La orientación de esta transformación educativa fue nacionalista y utilitaria, buscando resolver problemas vitales cotidianos al mismo tiempo que fortalecía la adaptación e integración social. Algunos de sus instrumentos pedagógicos y didácticos se consolidaron por su eficacia y permanecieron vigentes durante décadas. En este artículo se analizan la naturaleza y los propósitos de esta reforma así como las prácticas que buscó instalar. El abordaje metodológico se encuadra en la historia cultural, la microhistoria y la historia prosopográfica. ; The international economic crisis had its greatest impact in Argentina in 1932. Its effects remained present for more than a decade. The fiscal crisis affected the financing of public education, which was predominant in primary education. This complex conjuncture had transformative effects in terms of school organization, resulting in a coexistence of heterogeneous educational proposals and practices. The National Council of Education, a collegiate body composed of intellectuals and officials of different political extraction, developed a moderate reform of the curriculum and educational practices, which combined in an eclectic way the spiritualist philosophy, experimental psychology, the renovation of active school and the patriotic propaganda. The orientation of this educational transformation was nationalistic and utilitarian, seeking to solve daily life problems at the same time as strengthening social adaptation and integration. Some of its pedagogical and didactic instruments were consolidated for their effectiveness and remained in force for decades. This article analyzes the nature and purposes of this reform as well as the practices it sought to install. The methodological approach is framed in cultural history, microhistory and prosopographic history. ; La crise économique internationale a eu son plus grand impact en Argentine en 1932. Ses effets sont restés présents pendant plus d'une décennie. La crise fiscale a affecté le financement de l'éducation publique, qui prédominait dans l'enseignement primaire. Cette conjoncture complexe a eu des effets de transformation en termes d'organisation scolaire, entraînant la coexistence de propositions et de pratiques éducatives hétérogènes. Le Conseil National de l'Éducation, une instance collégiale composée d'intellectuels et de responsables de différentes appartenances politiques, a mis au point une réforme modérée du curriculum et des pratiques pédagogiques, associant de manière éclectique la philosophie spiritualiste, la psychologie expérimentale, la rénovation de l'école active et la propagande patriotique. L'orientation de cette transformation éducative était nationaliste et utilitaire, cherchant à résoudre les problèmes de la vie quotidienne tout en renforçant l'adaptation et l'intégration sociales. Certains de ses instruments pédagogiques et didactiques ont été consolidés pour leur efficacité et sont restés en vigueur pendant des décennies. Cet article analyse la nature et les objectifs de cette réforme, ainsi que les pratiques qu'elle cherche à mettre en place. L'approche méthodologique est encadrée dans l'histoire culturelle, la microhistoire et l'histoire prosopographique. ; A crise económica internacional teve o seu maior impacto na Argentina em 1932. Os seus efeitos perduraram por mais de uma década. A crise fiscal afetou o financiamento da educação pública, que predominou na educação primária. Esta conjuntura complexa teve efeitos de transformação em termos de organização escolar, originando a coexistência de práticas educativas heterogéneas. O Conselho Nacional de Educação, um órgão colegial composto por intelectuais e funcionários de diferentes filiações políticas, desenvolveu uma reforma moderada do currículo e das práticas de ensino, associando de maneira eclética a filosofia espiritualista, a psicologia experimental, a renovação da escola ativa e a propaganda patriótica. A orientação desta transformação educativa era nacionalista e utilitária, tentando resolver os problemas da vida cotidiana, reforçando, ao mesmo tempo, a integração e a adaptação sociais. Alguns dos seus instrumentos pedagógicos e didáticos foram consolidados pela sua eficiência e permaneceram em vigor durante décadas. Este artigo analisa a natureza e os objectivos desta reforma, bem como as práticas que pretende implementar. A abordagem metodológica enquadra-se na história cultural, na microhistória e na história prosopográfica. ; Dossier: Conservatisme et Progressisme en éducation: approches critiques et éclairages internationaux ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

This thesis explores how interactions and feedbacks between environmental and socio-historical factors influenced fire management dynamics in north-east Namibia. Fires are mostly human ignited, but precipitation patterns influence when and where fires can occur, and there are feedbacks between fire, climate and vegetation cover. Yet, knowledge of historical and contemporary use of fire by societies is fragmented in southern Africa, and is therefore disputed. As a result, the complex interaction between climate, vegetation and human factors that influence fire dynamics remains poorly understood. This thesis explores how the political history, livelihoods, land-use practices, policy changes, vegetation and climatic variation are relevant to present-day fire regimes and management. The study is located in Bwabwata National Park (BNP), north-eastern Namibia, which is managed for both conservation objectives and people's livelihoods. The park is inhabited by the Khwe (San), former hunter-gatherers, who have been using fire for millennia, and the Bantu-speaking Mbukushu people, who are agriculturalists and pastoralists. The area has been subject to colonial regimes, war, inter-ethnic conflict, social-political resettlement, conservation and associated changing fire management approaches since the 19th century. The vegetation includes omiramba grasslands, savanna-woodlands, Burkea shrublands and riparian types. For this study, qualitative semi-structured interviews with Namibian stakeholders, in combination with multi-year (2000 – 2015) remote sensing products, were used to understand the past and present fire regime characteristics. Interviews with community stakeholders revealed that the Khwe and Mbukushu communities use fire for a diverse range of livelihood activities. Specifically, early season burning is used to assist in hunting, tracking and gathering of veld foods, and for improving forage for livestock. The traditional practice of early season burning is not only culturally and ecologically significant, but has positive consequences for Bwabwata National Park's conservation objectives, and fire policies, in terms of suppressing late season fires. However, explicit marginalisation of the Khwe since the C19th due to colonial regimes and cross-border wars has disrupted traditional fire management. Interviews with government and conservation stakeholders revealed recognition of the benefits of early season burning for biodiversity. Furthermore, despite the complex social-ecological history of the area, recent policy changes reveal an emerging willingness to incorporate traditional fire management into fire management policy. Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectrometer (MODIS) data was used to analyse the fire regime (burned area, fire frequency, fire number and size, intensity, and seasonality), together with climate (El Niño Southern-Oscillation [ENSO] events; local rainfall patterns) and vegetation data in multiple use (inhabited) and core conservation areas, over a time period that covered a shift in policy from fire suppression (2000-2005) to early season burning (2006-2015). Results from the analysis of the MODIS data revealed that a high frequency of early season burning in the inhabited areas of the park reduced the late season fires and dampened the local rainfall and burned area relationship. Nonetheless, grass growth (i.e. available biomass) during ENSO wet season events (La Niña) resulted in greater area burned and fire sizes in above average rainfall years in the early dry season in the community inhabited areas. In contrast, higher fire intensity and larger fire sizes were evident in the conservation core areas where people were not actively burning. Fire frequencies and burned areas were highest in the omiramba grasslands and savanna-woodlands, in the early dry season under the early burning policy in the east of the park, which reduced fire intensities in these vegetation types. In contrast, burning in the Burkea shrublands was frequent in the late dry season, at higher intensities in the Western conservation area under both policy phases. This study indicates that burned area depends on rainfall, ignitions and fire sizes in inhabited landscapes, where people practice early burning, which has consequences for decreasing the intensity and therefore spread and impact of fires on vegetation. This study highlights the complex interactions between people, rainfall seasonality and fuel availability, as well as the need to incorporate historical factors. The study uses a pyrogeographic framework to integrate the social-cultural, climatic-biological, and topographic-environmental factors with fire. The synthesis reveals that the park communities are currently socially and ecologically vulnerable to global environmental change, given their dependence on fire for ecosystem services. However, the study also highlights how traditional fire management, and specifically early season burning, improves food security and contributes to livelihood subsistence and biodiversity conservation in the park. BNP is characterised by complex historical and present-day social-ecological fire dynamics. The study highlights the importance of understanding the historical and political context of fire for determining and managing current spatial-temporal fire patterns. Respect for diverse fire knowledge and culture, communication and shared governance are central to improving community livelihoods and fire management strategies in BNP. Specifically, the shared interest in early season burning provides a point of confluence between diverse stakeholders in BNP and a basis for fire management policies that benefit biodiversity as well as livelihoods.

Within the list of new colombian historical novels, the novel Bolivar's carriage by Evelio Rosero Diago, writer of Nariño ancestry, is published at the beginning of the year, a work that reveals in the south the complex reality of Colombian society in permanent crisis due to Its founding at once, built on an enormous lie, that of the great military Bolivar concerned with public morality, and whose nefarious example given by the "so-called Liberator" founded what would eventually be the Colombian political culture, according to the statement that Dr. Justo Pastor Proceso López, famous gynecologist of the city of Pasto, where the events take place in the middle of the carnival party of Whites and Blacks between December 28, 1966 and until January 6, 67, a character that Seeks to develop in his life, on the one hand, a political project denouncing, in the manner of Sañudo with his Studies on the life of Bolivar, the lies said about Bolivar, and for which he will sponsor a chariot with his figure to remind people Of the south its past history, in addition to his other project to obtain the love of his wife and the affection of his daughters, projects that will develop parallel in the history of the novel, and that will end with the murder of the doctor on the part of a A cell of the national liberation army that, through its contradictory actions, seeks to clean Bolivar's honor, allegedly defamed by the protagonist. The carnivalized vision of the world offered by the text and thanks to which certain freedoms are allowed, which will enable the development of the doctor's life projects, will reveal the condition of a generalized anomic society, that is the existence of an anomic State as it is The Colombian and, of course, the society of the south of the country, governed by a discredited normative that contributes to its deinstitutionalization, and whose causes go back to the very origins of foundation of the homeland and before which, remembering the past of the region And the idyllic chronotope in which its inhabitants lived, seeks to recover the lost, that is, a harmonious and just way of life free from vexations and lies. Rosero adopts a supra-party ideological position in his evaluation of the Colombian reality which allows him to carry out his proposal through the truth of revelation proper to the aesthetic work. ; Dentro del listado de nuevas novelas históricas colombianas, se publica a comienzos del año 2012 la novela La carroza de Bolívar de Evelio Rosero Diago, escritor de ascendencia nariñense, obra que revela en el sur la compleja realidad de la sociedad colombiana en permanente crisis debido a su fundación a deshora, construida sobre una enorme mentira, la del Bolívar gran militar preocupado por la moralidad pública, y cuyo nefasto ejemplo dado por el "mal llamado Libertador" fundó lo que sería con el tiempo la cultura política colombiana, según la afirmación que hace el doctor Justo Pastor Proceso López, afamado ginecólogo de la ciudad de Pasto, lugar donde se desarrollan los acontecimientos en plena fiesta de carnaval de Blancos y Negros entre el 28 de diciembre de 1966 y hasta el 6 de enero del 67, personaje éste que pretende desarrollar en su vida, por una parte, un proyecto político denunciando, a la manera de Sañudo con sus Estudios sobre la vida de Bolívar, las mentiras dichas sobre Bolívar, y para lo cual patrocinará una carroza con su figura para recordar a la gente del sur su historia pasada, además de su otro proyecto consistente en conseguir el amor de su mujer y el cariño de sus hijas, proyectos que se desarrollarán paralelamente en la historia de la novela, y que terminarán con el asesinato del médico por parte de una célula del ejército de liberación nacional que, a través de su accionar contradictorio, busca limpiar la honra de Bolívar, supuestamente difamada por el protagonista. La visión carnavalizada del mundo que ofrece el texto y gracias a la cual se permiten algunas libertades que posibilitarán el desarrollo de los proyectos de vida del médico, revelarán la condición de una sociedad anómica generalizada, esto es la existencia de un Estado anómico como lo es el colombiano y, por supuesto, la sociedad del sur del país, regida por una normatividad desprestigiada que contribuye a su desinstitucionalización, y cuyas causas se remontan a los orígenes mismos de fundación de la patria y ante lo cual, recordando el pasado de la región y el cronotopo idílico en el que moraban sus habitantes, se busca recobrar lo perdido, esto es, una forma de vida armoniosa y justa libre de vejámenes y mentiras. Rosero adopta una posición ideológica suprapartidista en su evaluación de la realidad colombiana lo que le permite llevar a cabo su propuesta a través de la verdad de revelación propia del trabajo estético.

This article analyzes the political transformation polysyllabic societies in the era of modernism in the Second example of institutional reforms in Italy and Spain. The territorial structure of Italy in its present form was constituted in 1970 (special status regions, including Sardinia, Sicily, South Tyrol, were identified earlier). Each region has a population of regional assembly, which in turn elects the executive (government) headed by the president of the region. Regionalization of the Italian political and social life in general took place. This that the «region» replaced «province» of the political hierarchy of the country. The process of reaching a consensus at the regional level was much softer and adjusted, aimed at a compromise. Concern «radical social renewal» changed worry about administrative efficiency and professional level – a change institutional priorities. In general, population and community leaders satisfied with the availability and much greater openness regional administrations versus national. Regional governments have become laboratories of policy innovation, largely determined the «new way of doing politics». Also analyzes the Spanish experience of institutional reforms. New model of territorial organization of Spain called State autonomy. The article notes that the Spanish Constitution does not specify either the number or the name of the autonomous communities, but merely indicates ways to individual provinces or their associations can create such communities (this right was implemented by all provinces and is now in Spain composed of 17 autonomous communities). In Spain, always in one way or another existing political and cultural regionalism, there is always special historical area. The history of the country is in this respect the history of vibrations, movements between centralism and regionalism. ; В статье анализируются политические трансформации многосоставных обществ в эпоху Второго модерна на примере институциональных реформ в Италии и Испании. Территориальная структура Италии в своем современном виде была конституирована в 1970 г. (регионы особого статуса, среди которых Сардиния, Сицилия, Южный Тироль, были выделены ранее). Каждый регион имеет избираемую населением региональную ассамблею, которая, в свою очередь, избирает исполнительную власть (правительство) во главе с президентом региона.Регионализация итальянской политики и общественной жизни в целом состоялась. При этом отмечается, что «регион» вытеснил «провинцию» с политической иерархии страны. Процесс достижения консенсуса на региональном уровне стал гораздо более мягким и отлаженным, нацеленным на компромисс. Озабоченность «радикальным социальным обновлением» изменилась беспокойством по административной эффективности и профессиональному уровню – произошло изменение институциональных приоритетов. В целом население и лидеры местных общин довольны доступностью и несравненно большей открытостью региональных администраций по сравнению с национальной. Региональные правительства стали лабораториями политических инноваций, во многом определили «новый способ делать политику». Также анализируется испанский опыт институциональных преобразований. Новая модель территориального устройства Испании получила название Государство автономий. В статье отмечается, что Конституция Испании не устанавливает ни число, ни названия автономных сообществ, а лишь обозначает пути для того, чтобы отдельные провинции или их объединения могли такие сообщества создавать (это право было реализовано всеми провинциями, и Испания имеет сейчас в своем составе 17 автономных сообществ). В Испании всегда в той или иной степени присутствует политический и культурный регионализм, всегда существовали особые исторические территории. История страны в этом отношении история колебаний, перемещений между централизмом и регионализмом. ; У статті аналізуються політичні трансформації багатоскладових суспільств в епоху Другого модерну на прикладі інституційних реформ в Італії та Іспанії. Територіальна структура Італії у своєму сучасному вигляді була конституйована в 1970 р. (регіони особливого статусу, серед яких Сардинія, Сицилія, Південний Тіроль, були виділені раніше). Кожен регіон має виборну регіональну асамблею, яка, в свою чергу, обирає виконавчу владу (уряд) на чолі з президентом регіону. Регіоналізація італійської політики і суспільного життя в цілому відбулася. При цьому відзначаеться, що «регіон» витіснив «провінцію» з політичної ієрархії країни. Процес досягнення консенсусу на регіональному рівні став набагато більш м'яким і налагодженим, націленим на компроміс. Заклопотаність «радикальним соціальним оновленням» змінилася занепокоєнням щодо адміністративної ефективності та професійного рівня – відбулася зміна інституційних пріоритетів. В цілому населення і лідери місцевих громад задоволені доступністю і незрівнянно більшою відкритістю регіональних адміністрацій порівняно з національною. Регіональні уряди стали лабораторіями політичних інновацій, багато в чому визначили «новий спосіб робити політику».Також аналізується іспанський досвід інституційних перетворень. Нова модель територіального устрою Іспанії отримала назву Держави автономій. У статті зазначається те, що Конституція Іспанії не встановлює ні число, ні назви автономних співтовариств, а лише позначає шляхи для того, щоб окремі провінції або їх об'єднання могли такі спільноти створювати (це право було реалізовано усіма провінціями, і Іспанія має зараз у своєму складі 17 автономних співтовариств). В Іспанії завжди в тій чи іншій мірі наявний політичний і культурний регіоналізм, завжди існували особливі історичні території. Історія країни є в цьому відношенні історією коливань, переміщень між централізмом і регіоналізмом.

El objetivo de este artículo es ahondar en la historia de la industria colonial de la seda en México y de sus trabajadores para demostrar, a partir de un análisis microsocial, la existencia de procesos de exclusión laboral de género de rancia raigambre, así como los mecanismos de integración manifiestos en el marco de modernización institucional que supusieron las reformas borbónicas en ambos lados del Atlántico. Para ello se ha hecho un examen de la bibliografía sobre el tema, se han reconstruido brevemente las políticas virreinales para reavivar la industria y, con esa contextualización necesaria, se han podido entender las circunstancias en que ese proceso se llevó a cabo. Se ha recurrido a fuentes de múltiples fondos del Archivo General de la Nación de México para profundizar en un episodio de la historia social de la Nueva España. En el devenir de la investigación se ha encontrado que las mujeres en la industria de la seda no se hallaban limitadas al rubro de hilanderas y que podían tener aspiraciones mayores. La oposición de Gertrudis Gutiérrez Estrada al gremio de hiladores de seda de la ciudad de México en 1795, y su triunfo, hizo patente la evasión de las restricciones impuestas en el ramo sedero por la pertenencia a un sexo determinado, y la puesta en práctica de mecanismos de resistencia que le fueron construidos tanto institucional —con la legislación borbónica— como socialmente —por su familia—. Fue un caso paradigmático que sirvió para modificar, en 1806, todas las ordenanzas gremiales de la época, y es al mismo tiempo uno de tantos ejemplos que deben rastrearse en los archivos para replantear el papel de las mujeres en la industria colonial. ; The aim of this work is to delve into the history of Mexico's colonial silk industry and of its workers in order to demonstrate, from a microsocial analysis, the existence of long-standing gender-exclusion processes and of integration mechanisms, displayed in the framework of institutional modernization, that were implied by the Bourbon Reforms on both sides of the Atlantic. To this end, an analysis of the bibliography on the subject has been made. The viceroyalty policies created to revive the industry have been briefly reconstructed and it has been possible, within this contextualization, to understand the circumstances in which the process was carried out. Multiple sources from the General Archives of the Nation of Mexico have been used to look into an episode of the social history of New Spain. In the course of the research, it has been found that women in the silk industry were not limited to spinning mills, and that they could have greater aspirations. Gertrudis Gutiérrez Estrada's opposition to the silk spinning guild of Mexico City in 1795, and her triumph in the dispute, showed a circumvention of the restrictions imposed within the silk industry to a particular sex and the implementation of resistance mechanisms that were institutionally —by the Bourbon legislation— and socially —by her family— constructed. It was a paradigmatic case that served to modify, in 1806, all the guild ordinances of the time and it is, at the same time, one of many examples that must be traced in the archives in order to rethink the role of women in the colonial industry. ; O objetivo deste trabalho é aprofundar na história da indústria colonial da seda no México e de seus trabalhadores para demonstrar, a partir de uma análise microssocial, a existência de processos de exclusão laboral de gênero de longo arraigo, como também os mecanismos de integração manifestados no marco da modernização institucional que supuseram as reformas bourbônicas em ambos os lados do Atlântico. Para isto foi feito um exame da bibliografia sobre o tema, reconstruíram-se brevemente as políticas vice-reais para reavivar a indústria e, com essa contextualização necessária, puderam se entender as circunstâncias nas que esse processo foi levado a cabo. Procuraram-se fontes de vários fundos do Arquivo Geral da Nação do México para aprofundar em um episódio da história social da Nova Espanha. No transcorrer da pesquisa encontrou-se que as mulheres na indústria da seda não estavam limitadas ao rubro de fiandeiras e que podiam ter aspirações maiores. A oposição de Gertrúdis Gutiérrez Estrada ao grêmio de fiandeiras de seda da cidade de México em 1795, e seu triunfo, fez patente a evasão das restrições impostas no ramo da seda por pertencer a um sexo determinado, e a posta em prática de mecanismos de resistência que foram construídos tanto institucional —com a legislação bourbônica— como socialmente —pela sua família—. Foi um caso paradigmático que serviu para modificar, em 1806, todas as ordenanças gremiais da época, e é ao mesmo tempo um de tantos exemplos que devem ser rastreados nos arquivos para replantar o papel das mulheres na indústria colonial.

El objetivo de este artículo es ahondar en la historia de la industria colonial de la seda en México y de sus trabajadores para demostrar, a partir de un análisis microsocial, la existencia de procesos de exclusión laboral de género de rancia raigambre, así como los mecanismos de integración manifiestos en el marco de modernización institucional que supusieron las reformas borbónicas en ambos lados del Atlántico. Para ello se ha hecho un examen de la bibliografía sobre el tema, se han reconstruido brevemente las políticas virreinales para reavivar la industria y, con esa contextualización necesaria, se han podido entender las circunstancias en que ese proceso se llevó a cabo. Se ha recurrido a fuentes de múltiples fondos del Archivo General de la Nación de México para profundizar en un episodio de la historia social de la Nueva España. En el devenir de la investigación se ha encontrado que las mujeres en la industria de la seda no se hallaban limitadas al rubro de hilanderas y que podían tener aspiraciones mayores. La oposición de Gertrudis Gutiérrez Estrada al gremio de hiladores de seda de la ciudad de México en 1795, y su triunfo, hizo patente la evasión de las restricciones impuestas en el ramo sedero por la pertenencia a un sexo determinado, y la puesta en práctica de mecanismos de resistencia que le fueron construidos tanto institucional —con la legislación borbónica— como socialmente —por su familia—. Fue un caso paradigmático que sirvió para modificar, en 1806, todas las ordenanzas gremiales de la época, y es al mismo tiempo uno de tantos ejemplos que deben rastrearse en los archivos para replantear el papel de las mujeres en la industria colonial. ; The aim of this work is to delve into the history of Mexico's colonial silk industry and of its workers in order to demonstrate, from a microsocial analysis, the existence of long-standing gender-exclusion processes and of integration mechanisms, displayed in the framework of institutional modernization, that were implied by the Bourbon Reforms on both sides of the Atlantic. To this end, an analysis of the bibliography on the subject has been made. The viceroyalty policies created to revive the industry have been briefly reconstructed and it has been possible, within this contextualization, to understand the circumstances in which the process was carried out. Multiple sources from the General Archives of the Nation of Mexico have been used to look into an episode of the social history of New Spain. In the course of the research, it has been found that women in the silk industry were not limited to spinning mills, and that they could have greater aspirations. Gertrudis Gutiérrez Estrada's opposition to the silk spinning guild of Mexico City in 1795, and her triumph in the dispute, showed a circumvention of the restrictions imposed within the silk industry to a particular sex and the implementation of resistance mechanisms that were institutionally —by the Bourbon legislation— and socially —by her family— constructed. It was a paradigmatic case that served to modify, in 1806, all the guild ordinances of the time and it is, at the same time, one of many examples that must be traced in the archives in order to rethink the role of women in the colonial industry. ; O objetivo deste trabalho é aprofundar na história da indústria colonial da seda no México e de seus trabalhadores para demonstrar, a partir de uma análise microssocial, a existência de processos de exclusão laboral de gênero de longo arraigo, como também os mecanismos de integração manifestados no marco da modernização institucional que supuseram as reformas bourbônicas em ambos os lados do Atlântico. Para isto foi feito um exame da bibliografia sobre o tema, reconstruíram-se brevemente as políticas vice-reais para reavivar a indústria e, com essa contextualização necessária, puderam se entender as circunstâncias nas que esse processo foi levado a cabo. Procuraram-se fontes de vários fundos do Arquivo Geral da Nação do México para aprofundar em um episódio da história social da Nova Espanha. No transcorrer da pesquisa encontrou-se que as mulheres na indústria da seda não estavam limitadas ao rubro de fiandeiras e que podiam ter aspirações maiores. A oposição de Gertrúdis Gutiérrez Estrada ao grêmio de fiandeiras de seda da cidade de México em 1795, e seu triunfo, fez patente a evasão das restrições impostas no ramo da seda por pertencer a um sexo determinado, e a posta em prática de mecanismos de resistência que foram construídos tanto institucional —com a legislação bourbônica— como socialmente —pela sua família—. Foi um caso paradigmático que serviu para modificar, em 1806, todas as ordenanças gremiais da época, e é ao mesmo tempo um de tantos exemplos que devem ser rastreados nos arquivos para replantar o papel das mulheres na indústria colonial.

Url: http://usad.selcuk.edu.tr/usad/article/view/96 ; Recent writing on the crusades has emphasised how much the military success of the First Crusade (1096-1099) owed to political and religious divisions within the Islamic world, which prevented any united Muslim response. Yet given the implacable rivalries between the Great Seljuk sultanate and its claim to leadership of the Sunnī world, and the Shī'ite caliphate of Egypt, one might well question whether any co-operation between them could have been reasonably expected. Much more significant was the lack of significant co-operation between the different Turkish powers. The Seljuks of Rūm, the Danishmendids, and the Artuqids had become independent powers, while the Seljuk sub-kingdoms and emirates of Aleppo, Damascus and Antioch had a high degree of autonomy from their nominal masters in Persia. Yet apart from the Seljuk heartlands of western Persia, and areas of significant Türkmen immigration, such as the Anatolian highlands and the Jazira, the Turks constituted a small military elite ruling over majority populations of Arabs, Greeks, and Armenians. Whereas some modern writing on the crusades claims that Westerners made few real distinctions between different Muslim groups, key sources show that the crusader leadership had a clear perception of the Turks as a distinct ethnic group separate from their subject populations. Drawing on the evidence of the Gesta Francorum, Fulcher of Chartres, Raymond of Aguilers, and Albert of Aachen, this paper will argue that, in contrast to the historical reality of political fragmentation, Western narrative sources present a picture of a powerful and unified Turkish world which extended from the Rūm-Byzantine borderlands to the original Seljuk homelands in Central Asia. In particular, the mysterious land of Corrozana (the Latin name for the historical Khūrasan) figures in chronicles as the epicentre of this empire, a constant source of military reinforcements and a place to which Christian captives are sent. It is argued that the crusaders' perception of a vast, united Turkish world derived from an awareness of the Turks as a conquering military elite, whose organisation and training ensured an effectiveness out of all proportion to their numbers. By the second half of the twelfth century the Franks even produced a history of the Turks which recorded their conquests from Khūrasan to the Levant. Written in the style of Western origin myths, this history thus gives the Turks a similar status to historic Western peoples such as Trojans, Goths, Normans and Scandinavians. It is a further indication of the mixture of fear and admiration with which the early crusaders viewed their Turkish opponents ; Yakın dönemde Haçlı Seferleri üzerine yapılan çalışmalarda Birinci Haçlı Seferi'nin (1096-1099) askeri başarısında Müslümanların birlikte hareket etmesinin önüne geçen İslam dünyasındaki siyasi ve dini bölünmelerin ne denli önemli olduğu vurgulanmaktadır. Ne var ki, Büyük Selçuklu Devleti'nin Sünni dünyasında liderlik iddiası ile Mısır'daki Şii Halifelik arasındaki amansız rekabet göz önüne alındığında, aralarında herhangi bir işbirliği olmasını beklemenin makul olup olmadığı tartışılır. Ancak bundan daha da önemlisi, farklı Türk güçleri arasında belirgin bir işbirliği olmamasıydı. Selçukluların Halep, Şam ve Antakya'daki eyaletleri İran'daki sözde yöneticilerinden yüksek ölçüde özerklik elde etmiş, Anadolu Selçukluları, Danişmendliler ve Artuklular bağımsız birer güç haline gelmişti. Ne var ki, Selçukluların İran'ın batısındaki merkezi ile Anadolu yaylaları ve Cezire gibi çok sayıda Türkmen göçmenin bulunduğu bölgeler dışında Türkler, Arap, Yunan ve Ermenilerden oluşan çoğunluk topluluklarını yöneten küçük, askeri bir elit kesimi teşkil ediyordu. Haçlı Seferleri hakkındaki bazı modern çalışmalarda, Batılıların farklı Müslüman grupları arasında gerçekte pek ayrım yapmadığı iddia edilmesine rağmen, konuya ilişkin ana kaynaklar Haçlı liderlerinin Türkleri yönettikleri topluluklardan ayrı, müstakil bir etnik grup olarak algıladıklarını göstermektedir. Gesta Francorum ile Chartres'lı Fulcherus, Aguilers'li Raimundus ve Aachen'lı Albertus'un eserlerindeki kanıtlara dayanarak, bu tebliğde, Batılı yazılı kaynaklarda, siyasi parçalanmanın tarihsel gerçekliğinin aksine, Anadolu Selçukluları ile Bizans arasındaki sınırdan Büyük Selçukluların Orta Asya'daki vatanına uzanan güçlü ve birleşik bir Türk dünyası ortaya koyulduğu iddia edilmektedir. Vakayinamelerde, özellikle gizemli Corrozana (tarihsel Horasan kentinin Latince adı) bu imparatorluğun merkez üssü olarak yer almakta; Horasan'dan sabit askeri takviye kaynağı ve Hristiyan tutsakların gönderildiği yer olarak bahsedilmektedir. Haçlıların engin ve birleşik Türk dünyası algısının ardında ise sayıca az olmalarına rağmen örgütlenmeleri ve eğitimleri sayesinde beklenmedik bir etkinlik gösteren Türklerin Haçlılar tarafından fetheden, askeri bir elit olarak görülmelerinin yattığı ileri sürülmektedir. On ikinci yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Franklar tarafından Horasan'dan Levant'a Türklerin fetihlerini kayıt altına alan bir Türk tarihi dahi kaleme alınmıştır. Batının köken efsaneleri tarzında yazılan bu tarihi anlatı, böylelikle Türklere Troyalılar, Gotlar, Normanlar ve İskandinavlar gibi tarihsel Batılı halklarınkine benzer bir statü vermektedir. Bu da, erken dönem Haçlıların Türk hasımlarına karşı duyduğu korku ve hayranlık karışımının bir diğer göstergesidir.