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Scholars studying classic political texts face an important decision: Should these texts be read as artifacts of history or as sources for still-valid insights about politics today? Competing historical and "presentist" approaches to political thought do not have a methodological dispute—that is, a disagreement about the most effective scholarly means to an agreed-upon end. They instead have an ethical dispute about the respective value of competing activities that aim at different purposes. This article examines six ethical arguments, drawn primarily from the work of Quentin Skinner, in favor of the historical approach. It concludes that while both intellectual history and presentist theory are ethically justifiable, the best justification of the former enterprise is that it can help us achieve the purposes of the latter.

AbstractScholars studying classic political texts face an important decision: Should these texts be read as artifacts of history or as sources for still-valid insights about politics today? Competing historical and "presentist" approaches to political thought do not have a methodological dispute—that is, a disagreement about the most effective scholarly means to an agreed-upon end. They instead have an ethical dispute about the respective value of competing activities that aim at different purposes. This article examines six ethical arguments, drawn primarily from the work of Quentin Skinner, in favor of the historical approach. It concludes that while both intellectual history and presentist theory are ethically justifiable, the best justification of the former enterprise is that it can help us achieve the purposes of the latter.

This article looks at the Swedish Finn Youth Organization's transnational political activities, and how they have developed. In the beginning, the youth organization modelled itself after its mother organization and joined the Finnish Expatriate Parliament (FEP), which made its participation in transnational practices easy. The case study of the Swedish Finn Youth Organization in Stockholm, Sweden, demonstrates that if the younger generation is given an opportunity to establish and govern their own associations, new forms of organization can be expected. The younger generation has distinguished itself from the older generation's associations by cooperating with other minorities and taking more account of the multicultural nature of the Swedish society. Their transnational political practices have been developed through a more direct approach towards the Finnish government.

This article looks at the Swedish Finn Youth Organization's transnational political activities, and how they have developed. In the beginning, the youth organization modelled itself after its mother organization and joined the Finnish Expatriate Parliament (FEP), which made its participation in transnational practices easy. The case study of the Swedish Finn Youth Organization in Stockholm, Sweden, demonstrates that if the younger generation is given an opportunity to establish and govern their own associations, new forms of organization can be expected. The younger generation has distinguished itself from the older generation's associations by cooperating with other minorities and taking more account of the multicultural nature of the Swedish society. Their transnational political practices have been developed through a more direct approach towards the Finnish government. ; peerReviewed

This paper analyzes the political economy of income redistribution when voters are concerned about tax compliance. We consider a two stagemodel where there is a two party competition over the tax rate in the first stage and voters decide about their level of tax compliance in the second stage. We model political competition à la Wittman with the ideology of parties endogenously determined at equilibrium. We calibrate the model for an average of EU-27 countries. Numerical simulations provide the tax rates proposed by the two parties and the level of tax compliance. We find that a decrease in confidence in tax morale, and an increase in parties' uncertainty about the preferences of the median voter increase the probability that the party offering the lowest income tax will win and decrease tax compliance.

This article argues that international and national humanitarian NGOs have a far more fundamental bearing on the social reconstitution of Sri Lankan society as a political, cultural, and moral entity than is usually acknowledged. Through their interventions, humanitarian agencies affect the power relationship between state and non-state actors and between local organizations and the war-affected populations that make up their constituencies. But NGOs also affect the political order by introducing new understandings of the citizen and providing alternative moral arguments to legitimize power and authority. What is taking place, the author contends, is best conceived of as mediations, since the global and the local, the modern and the traditional are coexistent as sources to be strategically drawn upon by the actors. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

The contemporary Mexican situation can be characterised by two elements: a very deep economic crisis and the gradual opening of the electoral system. The middle classes have started to vote as well as participate in the political arena by opposing the official party that has governed the country for more than sixty years in a surprisingly stable climate. Curiously, this opposition has appeared more clearly at the urban level in the large cities. On the basis of the analysis of the experience of the population of Ciudad Satélite, this article presents some reflections on the formation of collective actors among the Mexican middle classes who have traditionally been controlled by the political system through a complex and efficient mechanism that combines cooptation and repression.

Prior research suggests social ties with undocumented immigrants among Latinxs may increase political engagement despite constraints undocumented social networks may introduce. We build on prior research and find across six surveys of Latinxs that social ties with undocumented immigrants are reliably associated with collective, identity expressive activities such as protesting, but not activities where immigration may not be immediately relevant, such as voting. Moreover, we assess a series of mechanisms to resolve the puzzle of heightened participation despite constraints. Consistent with prior research at the intersection of anti-immigrant threat and Social Identity Theory, we find Latinxs with strong ethnic identification are more likely to engage in political protest in the presence of social ties with undocumented immigrants, whereas weak identifiers disengage. We rule out alternative mechanisms that could link undocumented social ties with participation including political efficacy, a sense of injustice, linked fate, acculturation, outgroup perceptions of immigration status, partisan identity, conducive opportunity structures, and prosociality. Our contribution suggests the reason social ties with undocumented immigrants are not necessarily a hindrance to political engagement among Latinx immigrants and their co-ethnics is because they can draw from identitarian resources to overcome participatory constraints.

Governors who have had more than eight years of continuous service and won three or more elections in the past four decades. Examines hypotheses regarding the socioeconomic, political, and individual characteristics associated with their emergence, and their degree of political success during later terms of office.

In 1967, Gordon Tullock asked why firms do not spend more on campaign contributions, despite the large rents that could be generated from political activities. We suggest in this paper that part of the puzzle could come from the fact that one important type of political activity has been neglected by the literature which focuses on campaign contributions or political connections. We call this neglected activity "asset freezing": situations in which firms delay lay-offs or invest in specific technologies to support local politicians' re-election objectives. In doing so, firms bear a potentially significant cost as they do not use a portion of their economic assets in the most efficient or productive way. The purpose of this paper is to provide a first theoretical exploration of this phenomenon. Building on the literature on corporate political resources, we argue that a firm's economic assets can be evaluated based on their degree of "political freezability," which depends on the flexibility of their use and on their value for policy-makers. We then develop a simple model in which financial contributions and freezing assets are alternative options for a firm willing to lawfully influence public policy-making, and derive some of our initial hypotheses more formally.

In 1967, Gordon Tullock asked why firms do not spend more on campaign contributions, despite the large rents that could be generated from political activities. We suggest in this paper that part of the puzzle could come from the fact that one important type of political activity has been neglected by the literature which focuses on campaign contributions or political connections. We call this neglected activity "asset freezing": situations in which firms delay lay-offs or invest in specific technologies to support local politicians' re-election objectives. In doing so, firms bear a potentially significant cost as they do not use a portion of their economic assets in the most efficient or productive way. The purpose of this paper is to provide a first theoretical exploration of this phenomenon. Building on the literature on corporate political resources, we argue that a firm's economic assets can be evaluated based on their degree of "political freezability," which depends on the flexibility of their use and on their value for policy-makers. We then develop a simple model in which financial contributions and freezing assets are alternative options for a firm willing to lawfully influence public policy-making, and derive some of our initial hypotheses more formally.

"Maybe we ought to recall him?" Ted Costa to Mark Abernathy, telephone conversation, November 17th, 2002 (comment of Mark Abernathy, IGS Berkeley Oct 18th).

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Praise for Political Economy of Palestine -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Palestinian Political Economy: Enduring Struggle Against Settler Colonialism, Racial Capitalism, and Neoliberalism -- Introduction -- Critical, Interdisciplinary, and Decolonial -- Palestine and Palestinian Political Economy -- Book Overview -- Conclusion -- References -- Part I Contextualizing Palestinian Political Economy -- 2 Dominate and Pacify: Contextualizing the Political Economy of the Occupied Palestinian Territories Since 1967 -- Introduction -- The Dual Principles of Domination and Pacification -- The Early Years (1967-1979) -- The Relapse of Israeli Strategies in the 1980s -- Political Economy Factors Behind the Oslo Process (1990-1993) -- Oslo's "Legalization" of Economic Domination -- Oslo's "Institutionalization" of Economic Pacification -- Conclusion -- References -- 3 The Political Economy of Dependency and Class Formation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories Since 1967 -- Introduction -- Israeli Occupation and Palestinian Dependency 1967-1993 -- Part One: Dependency -- Palestinian Labor in Israel -- Movement of Goods: The Flip Side of Work in Israel -- Part Two: Class Formation -- The Demise of the Petty Bourgeoisie -- The "Capitalist" Bourgeoisie Class -- Working Class "Identification" -- The "Peace" Process and Neoliberalism (1994-Present) -- Part One: Dependency -- Formalizing Dependencies -- Palestinian Labor and the Role of Agriculture -- Production and Trade -- New Dependencies -- Part Two: Class Formation -- The Emergence of the "New Middle Class" -- The Capitalist Bourgeoisie Class -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 Settler Colonialism and Land-Based Struggle in Palestine: Toward a Decolonial Political Economy -- Introduction.