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This synthesis paper brings together the research findings from four papers prepared by the Uganda team as a part of the UNRISD Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development project, which addresses three broad themes: bargaining and contestation, key relations, and institution building with regard to mobilizing resources for social development. In the paper we analyse how political economy factors affect revenue raising and social spending priorities in Uganda. We establish a theoretical framework based on the political settlement theory, within which we explore instances of revenue bargain, which we understand as political negotiations that shape revenue mobilization, the actual revenue composition and policy priorities guiding revenue allocation. We focus on three instances of revenue bargains: legislative tax reform, institutional performance of the revenue agencies, and policy making. The first two instances relate to the actual mobilization of resources, whereas the third example focuses on bargains over spending priorities within a given revenue base. We find that in Uganda, a low-income country with competing political factions, there are specific challenges to mobilizing resources for social development. The need to maintain political power has led to reduced tax intakes, as a result of abolishing taxes levied on rural voters and introducing tax exemptions for powerful supporters. On the spending side, social development concerns compete with other public policy areas as well as the pressure to allocate resources for political purposes. ; Prepared for the UNRISD project on Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development

Science and engineering fields are important to a nation's economy, especially in the areas ofinnovation and technology development (Committee on Science, Engineering, and Public Policy,2007). The demand for scientists and engineers is increasing globally, making it more difficult fororganizations to attract and retain qualified professionals in these fields as schools and industriescompete on a global level for top talent (Committee on Science, Engineering, and Public Policy, 2005).It is not surprising, then, that academia and industry are increasing their focus on the science andengineering workforce. Indeed, a recent National Academies report stated that "identifying the best,brightest, and the most innovative science and engineering talent will be crucial" to maintaining acompetitive advantage (Committee on Maximizing the Potential of Women in Academic Science andEngineering, 2006, p. 1-1).Foreign-born workers comprise

Strategies employed by the directors of Arnold Schwarzenegger's gubernatorial replacement campaign in CA to deal with his alleged sexual misconduct are studied. Overviews of the circumstances surrounding Schwarzenegger's supposed sexual misconduct, the relatively small gender gap in his popularity among male & female voters, & male & female voters' level of support for the recall of CA Governor Gray Davis are provided. Several measures undertaken by the Schwarzenegger campaign that contributed to his electoral success are identified: framing the allegations as sexual harassment rather than sexual battery; delineating opposition campaigns as "smear campaigns" designed to attack Schwarzenegger's personal past; emphasizing Schwarzenegger's close connection to sundry prominent Democrats; & equating Schwarzenegger's alleged sexual misconduct with that committed by former President Bill Clinton. Despite these factors, it is argued that the American public's inability to develop a consistent approach when addressing politicians' sexual impropriety was the primary reason for the Schwarzenegger campaign's success. The implications of the Schwarzenegger campaign's success for women's rights movements are also contemplated. 2 Tables, 7 References. J. W. Parker

This paper examines the conceptual development of the philosophical justifications for tyrannicide. It posits that the political philosophy of tyrannicide can be categorised into three distinct periods or models, the classical, medieval, and liberal, respectively. It argues that each model contained unique themes and principles that justified tyrannicide in that period; the classical, through the importance attached to public life and the functional role of leadership; the medieval, through natural law doctrine; and the liberal, through the postulates of social contract theory. Subsequent analysis of these different models however, reveals that these historical models are unable to provide a sufficient philosophical basis for a contemporary justification of tyrannicide. In Part II, it will be contended that a reinvigorated conception of self-defence, a theme common to all three models, when coupled with the modern notion of universal human rights, may provide the foundation for a contemporary theory of tyrannicide.

Parents, the press and political scientists have increasingly shown interest in the influence of the entertainment media on young adults' political beliefs. This research examines the impact of celebrities' endorsements of certain political beliefs on the attitudes on young Americans, and finds that young people are significantly more likely to agree with a position when it is endorsed by a celebrity. Causes and candidates are cautioned to select celebrity endorsers carefully, because not all celebrities are created equal when it comes to influencing public opinion, with the evidence suggesting celebrity status in and of itself may not be most important factor, but credibility and appropriate match-up between idea and endorser matter as well. Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

We investigate whether the hiring relationships of candidates and political consulting firms better resembles the predictions of the "adversarial" or "allied" models of consultant‐party interaction. We find that the highest‐quality consultants are not allocated to the most competitive races, consultant‐candidate relationships persist even as candidates' electoral prospects change, and firms who work for challengers face a higher risk of market exit than firms working for incumbents. The market focuses entirely on win‐loss records and ignores the information on consultant performance available in candidates' vote shares. These findings depict a market driven by individual candidate, rather than aggregate party, goals.

Introduction : still good for a laugh? : political humor in a changing media landscape / Jody C Baumgartner and Amy B. Becker -- The rise of advocacy satire / Don J. Waisanen -- Journalist or jokester? : an analysis of Last Week Tonight with John Oliver / Julia R. Fox -- Partisan trends in late night humor / S. Robert Lichter and Stephen J. Farnsworth -- The limits of attitude change : political humor during the 2016 campaign / Jody C Baumgartner -- Interviews and viewing motivations : exploring connections between political satire, perceived learning, and elaborative processing / Amy B. Becker -- Inoculation against/with political humor / Josh Compton -- The political ethology of debate humor and audience laughter : understanding Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and their audiences / Patrick A. Stewart, Reagan G. Dye, and Austin D. Eubanks -- The joke is on you : satire and blowback / Sophia A. McClennen - What is funny to whom? : applying an integrative theoretical framework to the study of political humor appreciation / Christiane Grill -- Political entertainment in comparative perspective : exploring the applicability of the gateway hypothesis across media systems / Michael A. Xenos, Patricia Moy, Gianpietro Mazzoleni, and Julian Meuller-Herbst -- The causes and consequences of affinity for political humor / Mark Boukes -- Freedom of the press in Israeli and American satire / Edo Steinberg -- A new generation of satire consumers? : a socialization approach to youth exposure to news satire / Stephanie A. Edgerly -- The context for comedy : presidential candidates and comedy television / Michael Parkin -- The ides of September : Jimmy Fallon, Donald Trump, and the changing politics of late night television / Jonathan S. Morris -- Conclusion : looking ahead to the future : why laughing will matter even more in the decade to come / Amy B. Becker and Jody C Baumgartner

The COVID-19 pandemic has confirmed the relevance of social reproduction as a key analytical lens to interrogate contemporary capitalist processes. Building on insights from distinct theoretical traditions, in this introductory contribution to the special issue in Feminist Global Political Economies of Work we propose social reproduction as a prism to examine labour and work in the Global South from a feminist standpoint. We develop a social reproduction-centred methodology to the study of labour processes and relations, based on combined insights from Feminist IPE (FIPE), Feminist Economics (FE), and Feminist Political Economy of Development (FPED). Insights from these three disciplinary frontiers of feminist work are well-equipped to analyse the complexities of labouring in the Global South and how reproductive dynamics co-constitute the 'everyday' in the global economy in manifold ways. These include relations with the state and ('crisis' of) care provisions; the blending of productive and reproductive temporalities of work across labour processes; the continuum of paid/unpaid work within and beyond the household; and novel global processes of commodification of life and the everyday. In setting the contours of this ambitious agenda, we reflects on the complexity of feminist research methods; on positionality and ethics.

Political organizing by men and women in Boston's Latino community.

The aim of this study is to find out whether there is a significant relationship between perceivedpolitical discrimination and dissent behaviour displayed by primary school teachers. This study was designed with correlational research method and survey technique was used to collect data. Primary school teachers working in Tuzla, Istanbul constitute the research population of the study. 362 teachers willing to answer the scales participated in the study. The data were collected through the Political Discrimination Scale for Teachers developed by Keskinkılıç-Kara and Büyüköksüz (2013) and Dissent Behaviours Scale developed by Özdemir (2013). The results have shown that the level of discrimination in administrative issues perceived by teacher is "high" and the level of discrimination in social relations "medium". The level of political discrimination perceived by teachers does not significantly differ by gender, age, seniority or duration of employment at the institution. It has been found that there is a significant positive relationship between the administrative discrimination sub-dimension of political discrimination and the latent dissent sub-dimension of organizational dissent and that discrimination in administrative issues is a low predictor of latent dissent.