It is a necessary condition that people have an opinion about groups before they can use groups to help make sense of the political world. Beyond individual resources and motivation, the strength of social ties and amount of agreement within networks situated within more or less supportive social contexts affect whether individuals seek out and receive information about groups sufficient to form an opinion of them. The author tests this argument with a sample of Republican primary voters in order to address the implications for the place of interest groups in society and the study of social interaction. Adapted from the source document.
Political education in school is aimed at preparing adolescents for their role as citizens, which comprises political participation as well as political knowledge. While it is generally agreed that basic knowledge about politics is a prerequisite to participation, the specific link between knowledge and participation is left unclear in normative theories of democracy and didactic approaches of political education. A study with 1324 German ninth graders tries to clarify the relationship between the two constructs. The findings show a positive effect from knowledge to the expressed willingness to participate in politics in the future. But against the expectations, already performed political participation does not increase knowledge about politics. Furthermore, girls and pupils with migration background show less knowledge and express less willingness to participate.
This article explores two theoretical possibilities for why personal health may affect political trust: the psychological-democratic contract theory, and the role of personal experience in opinion formation. It argues that citizens with health impairments are more likely to experience the direct effects of political decisions as they are more dependent on public health services. Negative subjective evaluations of public services can lower trust levels, especially if people's expectations are high. Using European Social Survey data, the association between health and trust in 19 Western European states is analysed. The results indicate that people in poor health exhibit lower levels of trust towards the political system than people in good health. The differences in trust between those in good and poor health are accentuated among citizens with left-leaning ideological values. The results suggest that welfare issues may constitute a rare context in which personal, rather than collective, experiences affect opinion formation. ; Peer reviewed
La igualdad de género en la ciencia es un área de intervención pública de reciente creación en España. En este artículo se estudia el impacto en su formación (2002-2014) de dos tipos de fenómeno: por una parte, la existencia de un sólido conjunto de propuestas a nivel europeo; por otro, los cambios de partido en el gobierno en 2004, del PP al PSOE, y en 2011/2012, del PSOE al PP. Se caracteriza primero la incorporación del tema a la agenda gubernamental nacional desde un enfoque combinado de ventana de políticas con transferencia de políticas, y a continuación la creación y evolución de la Unidad Mujeres y Ciencia como eje central de la intervención gubernamental en este sector. A partir de entrevistas semiestructuradas a personas que han participado en la formulación y/o puesta en marcha de medidas se (reconstruye) la representación del problema de la desigualdad de género en universidades y centros de investigación públicos. Después de identificar los cambios observados a partir del último cambio de partido en el gobierno, se ofrecen algunas conclusiones relativas a la influencia relativa de factores internacionales y domésticos en el proceso de formación de la política española de igualdad de género en la ciencia. ; Gender equality in science is an area of public intervention of recent creation in Spain. In this article I explore its process of formation (2002-2014) attending to the foreseeable impact of two kinds of phenomena: on the one hand, a solid pool of European proposals; on the other, two turnovers in national government in 2004, from PP to PSOE, and in 2011/2012, from PSOE to PP. Firstly I characterize its entry in the national governmental agenda following a mixed approach –policy window plus policy transfer—, and the creation and development of the Women and Science Unit as the central axe of the governmental intervention in this policy sector. From interviews to people involved in formulation and implementation of such measures en 2006/2010 I (re)construct the problem representation of gender inequity in public universities and research institutes. After having identified the major changes observed in this policy since the last government turnover, I offer some conclusions about the relative influence of international and domestic factors in the process of formation of the Spanish gender equality policy in science.
Ethiopia is currently undergoing a significant political transition, a transition that began with the ascendency of Abiy Ahmed as a new chairman of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and Prime Minister of the country. In a span of a little over a year, bold political reforms have been introduced. At the same time, these reforms have exacerbated ethnic tensions in the country. In a country that has experimented with ethnic federalism and where ethnicity is the main political organizing principle, the pressure towards ethno-national political movements is quite strong. This pressure has transformed the political identity of many groups, including the Amhara. Despite its longtime role as a major constituency for pan-Ethiopianist movements, many Ethiopians claim that the Amhara, the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, has recently exhibited a trend towards ethnonationalism. In this paper we explore two questions. First, is there evidence that an Amhara nationalism is emerging? And if so, what may be causing this? Using recent data from both the Afrobarometer and World Values Survey, we find a growing sense of defensive Amhara nationalism among Amhara respondents, although there is no indication of a general abandonment of the "Ethiopianist ( Ethiopiawinet)" ideal. We argue that this defensive nationalism is a product of a "security dilemma" dynamic facing the Amhara as the result of the continuation of the "Oppressor/Oppressed" narrative that has been adopted by the EPRDF regime. This ethnonational appeal resonates with young Amhara males, and those who believe that their group has been unfairly treated by the current regime.
This article argues for the recovery and re-incorporation of lost voices and debates into the history of political thought by focusing on the issue of sovereignty. It begins by examining why such a narrow understanding of the canon has come to dominate the sub-discipline and argues for critical approaches that treat the past as a "contested terrain" rather than an unfolding plot. It then turns to early twentieth-century Britain as an example of an era when thinkers who have been largely forgotten by today's political theorists argued loudly about the future of state sovereignty. It next focuses on a 1916 exchange of essays entitled "The Nature of the State in View of Its External Relations" by Delisle Burns, Bertrand Russell, and G.D.H. Cole, as an example of some of the most innovative and radical ideas to emerge from the period. The article concludes by arguing that re-engaging the work of these forgotten thinkers can broaden our conceptual horizons about sovereignty, speak to some of the most urgent issues of our time, and force open the concept of "the political" to radical reinterpretation.
This report highlights the work accomplished in training a group of social science faculty in instructional design and participatory learning pedagogy to help them enhance and improve the global studies sections taught in their individual courses. The workshops and training imparted focused on helping these faculty incorporate current scholarship into their course materials from underrepresented world areas such as the European Union, Eastern Europe, Eurasia, and Russia. This project concluded with the addition of sample teaching materials and redesigned syllabi on global studies to Parkland College's open access repository—SPARK. This collection of teaching resources—represented by sample assignments, rubrics, and faculty reflections—is meant to be a resource to other community college faculty, students, and scholars interested in globalization education. Material from last year's cohort has been downloaded and viewed widely and the contributions created by this year's participants is expected to continue to provide a resource for effective teaching and contribute to student success and retention. This project was successfully executed during the Fall of 2018 and Spring of 2019. The following pages detail the faculty training and professionalization process through a faculty academy practicum in the fall semester, and the benefits derived from the courses that were redesigned and taught in the following spring.
The concept of political economy developed in the framework of political anthropology is considered. The key aspects of political economy in terms of political entrepreneurs, primitive money, power-property, social contracts are defined. The prospects of using the political economy methodology in the analysis of the Ukrainian political process are outlined.Political anthropology examines the pre-state pre-capitalist polity and economy. And that is why it can be a source of promising analytical tools for the analysis of post-Soviet, Ukrainian in particular, political process characterized by the weakness of the national institutions of the state and oligarchic distortion of the market economy. One of such advanced analytical tool is the concept of political economy. Political economy can be defined in three dimensions. First, it is a set of institutions by which political elites withdraw and convert resources for their own financing. Second, political economy is a field of struggle between political elites - ambitious political entrepreneurs that compete for power and resources and form different proto-state polity (network and hierarchy). Third, political economy can be defined by specific social contracts that elite conclude with a subservient population about the rules on withdrawal the resources and funding political apparatus. The concept of political economy can serve as a methodology for the analysis of post-Soviet political systems. Within this concept we can organize and analyze a number of fundamental issues of our political and economy (such as management privatization, buying seats on the party lists, stability of presidents authorities and oligarchs, etc.). ; Рассматривается разработанная в рамках политической антропологииконцепция политической экономики. Определяются ключевые аспекты политической экономики в терминах политических предпринимателей, примитивных денег, власти-собственности, социальных контрактов. Очерчивается перспектива использования методологии политической экономики в анализе украинского политического процесса ; Розглядається розроблена в рамках політичної антропології концепціяполітичної економіки. Визначаються ключові аспекти політичної економіки в термінах політичних підприємців, примітивних грошей, влади-власності, соціальних контрактів.Окреслюється перспектива використання методології політичної економіки в аналізі українського політичного процесу.
Escalation of political conflict in many developing countries and their impact on economic development has been a topical issue in recent development literature. The overwhelming emphasis on 'ethnic conflicts' in this literature has, however, precluded looking at political conflict in the wider context of the development process, going beyond the ethnic dimension. In particular, because of the preoccupation with the ethnic roots as the prime source of these conflicts, reverse causation running from economic policy to political conflict has been virtually ignored in the debate. The purpose of this paper is to redress this gap through an in-depth case study of the 'twin political conflict' in Sri Lanka.the Tamil separatist war in the North and the Sinhala youth uprising in the South.with emphasis on its economic roots. The findings suggest that fundamental contradictions in the national development policy throughout the post independence era were in the heart of the country's twin political conflict.
Bangladesh hovered between democracy and dictatorship in 2007. January elections were postponed, emergency rule was declared, and an army-supported caretaker government suspended political activity and launched a massive anti-corruption campaign. Former Prime Ministers Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wajed were jailed. The government pledged to hold elections by late 2008 after institutional reforms are in place.
Theoretically, this article draws on political agency theory to formulate hypotheses. Empirically, it shows that political institutions have a role in explaining the prevalence of political corruption in American states. In the states, a set of democracies where the rule of law is relatively well established and the confounding effects of differing electoral systems and regimes are absent, institutional variables relating to the openness of the political system inhibit corruption. That is, other things equal, the extent to which aspiring politicians can enter and gain financial backing, and to which voters can focus their votes on policies and thereby hold incumbent politicians accountable for policy outcomes and find substitutes for them if dissatisfied with those outcomes, reduce corruption as a general problem of agency. These institutional effects are estimated in the presence of controls for variables representing other approaches.
Theoretically, this paper draws on political agency theory to formulate hypotheses. Empirically, it shows that political institutions have a role in explaining the prevalence of political corruption in American states. In the states, a set of democracies where the rule of law is relatively well established and the confounding effects of differing electoral systems and regimes are absent, institutional variables relating to the openness of the political system inhibit corruption. That is, other things equal, the extent to which aspiring politicians can enter and gain financial backing, and to which voters can focus their votes on policies and thereby hold incumbent politicians accountable for policy outcomes and find substitutes for them if dissatisfied with those outcomes, reduce corruption as a general problem of agency. These institutional effects are estimated in the presence of controls for variables representing other approaches.
The focus of this collection of essays is to explore issues which relate to processes that collectively constitute globalization and the historical and contemporary notions of national citizenship. The essays explore questions related to human personhood and communal belonging as well as the experiences of individual nation states in a globalized world.
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