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Personas have become an important tool for Human-Computer Interaction professionals. However, they are not immune to limitations and critique, including stereotyping. We suggest that while some of the criticisms to personas are important, the use of personas is open to them in part because of an unquestioned focus on explicating user needs and goals in traditional persona research and creation. This focus, while helping designers, obscures some other potentially relevant aspects. In particular, when the goal of the product or software being designed is associated with social and political goals rather than with bringing a product to the market, it may be relevant to focus personas on political aspirations, social values and the will or capacity of personas to take action. We argue that it is possible when producing personas (and associated scenarios) to partially move away from representing needs and embrace personas which more explicitly represent political or social beliefs and values. We also suggest that a phenomenographic approach to user data analysis is one way to achieve this. We provide empirical evidence for our position from two large-scale European projects, the first one in the area of Social Innovation and the second in the area of eParticipation .

The authors of this work believe that the fact that political iconography can influence reality and intervene in actual events -sometimes by using reinvented motifs and visual narratives from previous iconographic sources, after Warburg's Pathosformel fashion–, is of utmost importance in political campaigns. In modern electoral campaigns, the use of visual themes that represent different emotions constitutes a clear link with the use of pathos in current political communication. From the perspective of political communication, this work analyses the use of iconography in modern electoral campaigns. In doing so, we trace a link between Warburg's concept of the pathos formula and the use of different motifs of pathos developed in modern electoral campaigns. Electoral communication uses images linked to emotions such as enthusiasm, hope, fear and identity, which in this paper are studied from a database of posters and electoral spots from recent Spanish campaigns. The study also makes reference to visual motifs of pathos aimed at activating these emotions in the voters in different comparative campaigns and in electoral propaganda.

Deepfakes are perceived as a powerful form of disinformation. Although many studies have focused on detecting deepfakes, few have measured their effects on political attitudes, and none have studied microtargeting techniques as an amplifier. We argue that microtargeting techniques can amplify the effects of deepfakes, by enabling malicious political actors to tailor deepfakes to susceptibilities of the receiver. In this study, we have constructed a political deepfake (video and audio), and study its effects on political attitudes in an online experiment ( N = 278). We find that attitudes toward the depicted politician are significantly lower after seeing the deepfake, but the attitudes toward the politician's party remain similar to the control condition. When we zoom in on the microtargeted group, we see that both the attitudes toward the politician and the attitudes toward his party score significantly lower than the control condition, suggesting that microtargeting techniques can indeed amplify the effects of a deepfake, but for a much smaller subgroup than expected.

Most current academic work on political polarization treats partisanship as the dominant motivational driver behind social cleavage and mass polarization. This essay engages in the debate by moving beyond the conceptual straitjacket of partisanship-driven polarization, recasting the primary motives behind political polarization into the three situated and interrelated ideologies that drive the phenomenon of polarization at a mass level, namely, populism, system-justifying attitudes, and state-sponsored ideologies (including religiosity and other cultural identities). By signposting more open-ended, processual, and ambivalent conceptions behind polarization, this article attempts to systematically map the alternative motives of polarization, and in doing so supplement our understanding of the deep ideological divides present not only in Western democracies, but also in many (semi-)authoritarian contexts. The article offers a point of departure for appreciating the coexistence, coevolution, and mutual constitution of the different ideological motives behind polarization, and suggests ways to develop paths to depolarization through a grounded, processual–relational analysis of the world.

Investigates impact of political institutions on central banks, and possible correlation between political liberty, political instability, and central bank independence; regression analysis.

Understandings of time have long formed a fundamental part of political ideologies and served to structure political action. The articles in this special issue of the European Review of history explore different ways in which different groups of activists have drawn on, experienced or projected different understandings of time in Europe in the second half of the twentieth century, often in contexts shaped by substantial upheaval and uncertainty. This introduction outlines the strands of the historiography of time, summarises some of the underlying themes of the following articles and examines what may be gained from writing time into the history of political activism.

The article refers to the process of consolidation of the democracy and the economy of the free market in Latin America, from the changes experienced in the continent in the last three decades of the twentieth century. Though the final results of the political and economic system success remain open, it is possible to observe a majority adhesion of the governments to the electoral processes, the state of law, and to economic responsibility.

AbstractThis article offers an explanation for the failures of US military assistance programs in some countries. The author argues that the effects of military aid are conditional upon the vulnerability of the recipient regime. Power consolidation by an insecure leader often provokes violent opposition. However, because military aid strengthens the security forces of the recipient state, it generates a moral hazard that encourages exclusionary power consolidation, with the expectation that continued military aid will help manage violent blowback. Using proxies for regime vulnerability and an instrument for US military aid, the study shows that military aid increases anti-regime violence in new regimes (particularly new democracies) and in all personalist regimes. In contrast, military assistance has no effect on violence in established, non-personalist regimes. The article develops a novel theory of how regime characteristics condition responses to external military support, and identifies a distinct mechanism through which military aid increases domestic political violence.

A conceptual framework for the analysis of global political change is presented and illustrated with examples drawn from the Cold War. The most important issues on an agenda, the critical issues, go through identifiable stages: genesis, crisis, ritualization, dormancy, decision making, and authoritative allocation. The effects of the different stages on behavior of international actors is examined in a preliminary fashion, and a theoretical rationale is offered. Each stage, treated in detail, relates to the others in terms of differences in behavior associated with each stage, the evolving of relationships among actors, and the resolution of issues. The concluding section elaborates the research implications.

Intro -- Contents -- Tables, Figures, and Appendixes -- Preface -- Introduction Ofer Feldman and Linda O. Valenty -- Part I Assessment of Personality and Leadership: Content Analytic Techniques -- Chapter 1 Studying Canadian Leaders at a Distance Peter Suedfeld, Lucian Gideon Conway III, and David Eichhorn -- Chapter 2 Political Leadership and the Democratic Peace: The Operational Code of Prime Minister Tony Blair Mark Schafer and Stephen G. Walker -- Chapter 3 The 1996 Russian Presidential Candidates: A Content Analysis of Motivational Configuration and Conceptual/ Integrative Complexity Linda O. Valenty and Eric Shiraev -- Chapter 4 The Personality and Leadership Style of President Khatami: Implications for the Future of Iranian Political Reform Tanyel Taysi and Thomas Preston -- Part II Profiling the Political Personality: Psychodiagnostic and Psychobiographical Approaches -- Chapter 5 Linking Leadership Style to Policy: How Prime Ministers Influence the Decision- Making Process Juliet Kaarbo -- Chapter 6 Kings, Queens, and Sultans: Empirical Studies of Political Leadership in European Hereditary Monarchies Dean Keith Simonton -- Chapter 7 Mao ZedongÌs Narcissistic Personality Disorder and ChinaÌs Road to Disaster Michael M. Sheng -- Chapter 8 Profiling Russian Leaders from a Psychohistorical and a Psychobiographical Perspective Juhani Ihanus -- Chapter 9 Benjamin Netanyahu: A Psychological Profile Using Behavior Analysis Shaul Kimhi -- Part III The Cultural Context: Applications from East to West -- Chapter 10 Building the War Economy and Rebuilding Postwar Japan: A Profile of Pragmatic Nationalist Nobusuke Kishi Shigeko N. Fukai -- Chapter 11 When and Why Do Hard- Liners Become Soft? An Examination of Israeli Prime Ministers Shamir, Rabin, Peres, and Netanyahu Yael S. Aronoff.

Lu en tant qu'économiste politique, les écrits d'Antonio Gramsci nous munient d'un vocabulaire qui permet de restructurer d'une façon productive les questions qui inspirent à l'étude du capitalisme canadien. Cet article fait le compte‐rendu des termes de référence d'une problématique Gramscienne, examine cinq études récentes sur la crise contemporaine globale qui signale un tournant analytique vers la pensée Gramscienne, et finalement incorpore ces perspectives dans le but de mettre à jour la situation canadienne. Pour les académiques canadiens, le défi posé par Gramsci est de réévaluer, en vue des développements historiques mondiaux, les formes spécifiques avec lesquelles les institutions canadiennes ont structuré le capital et organisé le consensus au Canada, de sonder les transformations présentes et récentes de ces formes, et d'évaluer les aspects positifs ainsi que les dangers que ces changements présentent pour les mouvements émancipatoires.Read as a political economist, Antonio Gramsci provides a vocabulary in terms of which the questions animating studies of Canadian capitalism can be fruitfully re‐framed. This paper first reviews the terms of reference for a Gramscian problematic, then examines five recent studies of the contemporary global crisis which signal an analytic turn toward Gramsci, and finally brings these perspectives to bear upon the case of Canada. For Canadian scholars, the challenge posed by Gramsci is to unravel, in view of world historical developments, the specific institutional forms in which capital has been structured and consent organized within Canada, to probe the recent and ongoing practical transformations in those forms, and to appraise the opportunities and dangers that these changes present for emancipatory movements.

Studies have found that prior involvement in student politics while in school seems to be a good predictor of adult political engagement. While most studies of adults have obtained retrospective data on participation in school elections, there have been few studies of students about this activity. We contribute to this latter relatively unexplored area by reporting the results from a national survey of Australian secondary school students about the relationship between participation in school elections and future intended political engagement activities. We found that voting in school elections is positively related to feeling prepared to vote as an adult, to being committed to vote when 18, to political knowledge, and to engagement in forms of peaceful activism. Running for student government office is related to political knowledge and participation in peaceful activism. These results reinforce the findings of adult retrospective studies, and show that participation in school elections serves as a beneficial experience in the preparation of students for life as an active adult citizen. The implications of these findings for the structure and conduct of student elections in schools are discussed.

This research investigates the preconditions for the Olympics-led process of urban transformation and change of East London. The pre-conditions are interpreted in terms of discourse (the economic, political, media, and legal discourse); which is conceived as reflecting and being reflected in the social, urban, economic and institutional order of the city. The aims of the work are, therefore, to understand: a) how such discourse is construed; b) how the complex of worldviews, ideologies, ideas, beliefs and interests that discourse expresses becomes constructed in the actual urban, social, economic and institutional order of the city; c) how discourse works in enacting and shaping processes of urban transformation and change in East London – and London as a whole. According to the official discourse, the transformation of East London into a site for tourism, shopping, leisure and lifestyle (which is aimed at attracting corporate investments) is the only possible way to enact processes of economic and social growth of 'derelict' urban areas. As it answers the requirements of global capital, which is regarded as an impersonal force, such model of urban renewal is represented as unquestionable. By exploring the possibility of a discourse theory of urban transformation and change (which emphasises the role of social-political action) and employing Critical Discourse Analysis as a methodological framework, the research demonstrates that the corporate-led transformation of East London is instead a social construction. In other words, it relies on the vision of the city of specific social actors. Such vision (which expresses sets of worldviews, ideologies, ideas, beliefs and interests) shapes the economic, political, media a d legal discourse; and is reflected at the same time in the urban form and functions, social order, economic organisation and institutional structure of the city.