During the past decade, scholars have produced a substantial body of literature on the negative impact of advanced industrial capitalism upon the Third World. These writings, now referred to as dependency theory, lead us to examine the ways in which foreign governments, trade unionists, industrial, commercial, and financial interests, as well as international organizations, bolster the Latin American ruling classes, providing them with resources they would not otherwise possess (see Chilcote, 1974b; Latin American Perspectives, I, (Spring 1974) and II, (Spring 1975): 7-66, 136-148). Most dependency analysts concentrate on the international productive, financial, and trading systems and, especially, on the relationships between them and their counterpart systems in Third World countries. Few of these writers, however, make explicit the ways in which dependent integration into the world capitalist economy has affected the Latin American working classes. We begin this task here.
Chile's neoliberal central water management gives shape to a series of conflicts arising from diverse understandings and ways of life linked to water. This article addresses the question of who is responsible for the ecological costs regarding water use of mining activity in the north of Chile. From the perspective of hydro-social territories, we analyze how the local population in Tarapacá is acting on unequal footing regarding environmental information and knowledge. Local and practical experiences are devalued against technical and scientific modeling, supported by legal and political definitions of "the environment" and "water". Focusing on diverse local narratives, we show how the local population feels threatened by the environmental impacts of mining activity but struggles to find legitimate ways of articulating those anxieties to gain a sense of agency. We conclude that the local ecological consequences of extractivism in this region can only be understood in the context of the wider legal and economic framework regulating the appropriation of water as a resource and that long-term efforts in more participatory sociohydrological modeling might help to broaden the knowledge base for contested decision-making. ; Peer Reviewed
<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="section"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>En el presente artículo nos proponemos estudiar las maneras en que el Estado chileno responde a las huelgas laborales mediante la acción policial, analizando 552 huelgas entre 2010 y 2015 registradas por el Observatorio de Huelgas Laborales (UAH-COES). Los resultados sugieren que la decisión sobre a qué huelgas enviar policías tiene un carácter político-económico destinado a salvaguardar el control y el orden productivo. Específicamente, la presencia policial aumenta en huelgas realizadas en posiciones estratégicas de la producción económica en Chile, que involucran un mayor número de trabajadores, que demandan un mayor control del proceso de trabajo, y que actúan disruptivamente. Por otra parte, una vez que la policía está presente, sus acciones son más violentas cuando aumenta el número de trabajadores involucrados, se utilizan tácticas disruptivas, y hay presencia de subcontratados. </span></p></div></div></div></div>
Desempenho e legitimidade são temas clássicos da literatura sobre burocracia. Entretanto, grande parte da produção acadêmica sobre o tema na América Latina baseia-se em referenciais conceituais relacionados ao funcionamento da burocracia em períodos autoritários. A experiência democrática vem se consolidando há mais de duas décadas na região e representa uma rica oportunidade para a realização de novos estudos, principalmente daqueles que buscam extrapolar a análise de um único governo nacional. Nesse sentido, este trabalho propõe, a partir da análise dos casos empíricos chileno e brasileiro, estudar duas formas de composição dos cargos da alta burocracia, entre diversas existentes, por meio dos estudos de caso dos Altos Directivos Públicos no Chile e dos Especialistas em Políticas Públicas e Gestão Governamental no Brasil. As duas dimensões analíticas são: desempenho governamental e legitimidade. A tese apresentada como síntese das análises é a da tecnificação da política, no caso chileno, e da politização da burocracia, no brasileiro, ambas tratadas sob uma perspectiva histórica. O referencial metodológico adotado baseia-se em análise qualitativa exploratória dos casos, operacionalizada por revisão da literatura, análise documental e entrevistas semiestruturadas com burocratas.
This article evaluates the configuration of the political elites in Chile after the social protest of October 2019. We develop a descriptive analysis comparing the profiles and careers of the members of the Chamber of Deputies (2018-2022) from Chile and the members of the Constitutional Convention elected in 2021. In this way, we observe 310 cases under the theoretical frame of elite's studies and capitals from the political sociology, emphasizing the species of political, familiar, and technical capital. We compare both institutions to show the differences and similarities of both institutions. Also, we report the presence of outsiders, which are not possible to analyze throw the capitals mentioned before because of the emergence of new actors that doesn't respond to the traditional analysis patterns. ; El presente trabajo busca evaluar la configuración de las élites políticas en Chile después de las protestas sociales de octubre de 2019. Para esto, se realiza un análisis descriptivo comparado de los perfiles y trayectorias de los integrantes de la Cámara de Diputados de Chile (2018-2022) y de la Convención Constitucional electa en 2021. De este modo, se observan 310 casos bajo el marco teórico del estudio de élites y capitales de la sociología política, poniendo énfasis en las especies de capitales político, familiar y cultural. Buscamos comparar ambas instituciones para evidenciar aquellas lógicas que presentan similitudes y diferencias. Además, se reporta la presencia de outsiders que no son susceptibles de analizar a partir de los capitales preponderantes mencionados anteriormente, debido al surgimiento de nuevos actores que no responden a los patrones tradicionales de análisis.
El discurso de la calidad en educación es un supuesto expansivo que regula y activa los conflictos y políticas en educación. En este trabajo, proponemos teorizar el discurso de la calidad con la noción de límite para dar cuenta de las fronteras que este suscita en las narrativas de diferentes actores de la elite programática de centro-izquierda en Chile, quienes han participado de manera protagónica en las políticas educativas, en los debates públicos y en el campo de la investigación en educación en el Chile de postdictadura. A partir de aquella propuesta interpretativa, mostramos como el discurso de la calidad articula ideológicamente a dichos actores, dando paso a la naturalización de las jerarquías que consagran la desigualdad como una configuración, minando así, el imaginario igualitario presente en los proyectos históricos de la izquierda chilena hasta al menos 1973. = The discourse of quality of education is an expansive assumption through which education conflicts and policies are activated and regulated. We propose to theorize such a discourse through the notion of limit aiming to give an account of the frontiers that are elicited in the narratives of different center-left programmatic elite actors in Chile, who have led the education policies, public debates and research agendas in education in the post dictatorship's Chile. From that politics of interpretation, we show how the discourse of quality ideologically articulates those actors, giving place to the naturalization of the hierarchies that consecrate inequality as a fixed configuration impossible to interrupt. This undermines the existing egalitarian imaginary in the Chilean left historical projects until 19173.
A partir de la teoría fundamentada, se presenta una reflexión sobre las relaciones políticas entre el Estado chileno y el pueblo mapuche en el periodo 1990-2010, específicamente, se abordan estas relaciones según las tensiones generadas entre estos actores en el espacio público-político. Para ello se ha requerido, por un lado, observar los fenómenos emergentes de carácter étnico —distintos movimientos y sus respectivas demandas de reconocimiento— y, por el otro, analizar el rol de un Estado con características liberales como el chileno. Ante la negación política del reconocimiento multicultural en Chile, las tensiones que lo han impedido pueden ser enfrentadas si, en efecto, el vigente liberalismo, marcadamente monocultural, se apropiara de ciertos desarrollos del multiculturalismo, esto es, las tensiones encontrarían vías de escape para ser abordadas y el liberalismo no tendría por qué traicionarse a sí mismo.
This article discusses the public-private partnership that exists in Chile and in the United States to collaborate on issues of child welfare. By comparing both countries, we look at ideologies and economic issues that have historically shaped the contemporary perspective of public-private partnerships in child welfare. Additionally, we probe the role of social work in this area to see its current position within the public and private sectors in child welfare provision. Some conclusions are that neoliberalism and a residual worldview about childhood have shaped this public-private partnership. Also, social work has historically played a relevant role in advocacy and development of child policies and in both countries, private sector primarily implements child welfare policies and public sector funds them. Some of the lessons for critical social work include the importance of promoting a change in the way we address social phenomena in child welfare, and demanding an effective installation of the human rights approach to guide public-private partnerships on child welfare in both countries.
This dissertation examines literary representations of the neoliberal transformations of urban space in Santiago, Chile and Havana, Cuba since the 1990s. It draws on the influential work of scholars who argue that throughout the later part of the twentieth century cities have acquired important significance as spaces that register the conflicts that emerge in national contexts and are perpetuated on a global scale by neoliberalism. This dissertation evaluates how the urban imaginaries of Santiago and Cuba have been reshaped since 1990 as a neoliberal reconfiguration of urban space has taken place in each city as a result of important transitions that occur after political and economic crises that have strongly impacted social justice debates. In the Chilean context, it focuses on how neoliberalism was institutionalized with the political transition from a dictatorship to a democracy. In the Cuban context, it focuses on how amidst the economic crisis of the special period, the State began to transition from a socialist planned economy to a mixed system that integrates partially neoliberal policies. This dissertation analyzes how, through the respective direct and indirect neoliberal reconfiguration of Santiago and Havana, the discourse of the neoliberal market imposes a neoliberal imaginary of Chile as a neoliberal paradise and Cuba as a revolution in ruins. Thus this dissertation examines how those imaginaries are dismantled in Cuban and Chilean literary production. Chapter one analyzes literary representations of the social production of the city in Nancy Alonso's Tirar la primera piedra (Cuba, 1997), Ramón Díaz Eterovic's La oscura memoria de las armas (Chile, 2008), Pedro Lemebel's De perlas y cicatrices : crónicas radiales (Chile, 1998), and Ena Lucía Portela's Cien botellas en una pared (Cuba, 2002). The chapter evaluates how the texts intervene in the social production of postdictatorship Santiago and special period Havana by establishing a relationship between memory, time, and space that opposes the dominant conceptions of these that are established through the neoliberal reconfiguration of urban space. It argues that the texts re-write the city to re-think the possibilities for social change by theorizing memory as a vehicle that constantly elucidates an oppositional re-mapping of the city. Chapter two analyzes literary representations of the act of writing the city in Roberto Bolaño's Estrella distante (Chile, 1996), Díaz Eterovic's La oscura memoria de las armas, Ena Lucía Portela's Cien botellas en una pared, and Anna Lidia Vega Serova's Noche de ronda (Cuba, 2001). The chapter revisits the foundational relationship between writing and power in Latin America to examine transformations in the texts' literary depictions of how intellectuals map out Santiago and Havana. It contends that by tracing the relationship between those transformations and the economic and political transformations that have taken place in Chile and Cuba since 1990, the texts situate themselves at the margins of the State and the market as a strategy toward social justice that proposes an alternate relationship to power and knowledge. Chapter three analyzes the literary construction of the act of walking in Alonso's Tirar la primera piedra, Lemebel's De perlas y cicatrices : crónicas radiales, Karla Suárez's Silencios (Cuba, 1997), and Diamela Eltit's Jamás el fuego nunca (Chile, 2007). The chapter reviews foundational theorizations of the construction of the urban walker to understand the ways in which the neoliberal reconfiguration of postdictatorship Santiago and special period Cuba determines the characters' movement through those cities. It argues that as the characters walk through Santiago and Havana documenting the changes--forms of justice and injustice-- that have taken place since 1990, they not only identify different forms of marginality that have emerged both in public and private spaces but also represent how the reconstruction of urban space inevitably redefines their identities. This dissertation concludes with an analysis of how debates on justice became a central focus in Chile and Cuba since the mid-twentieth century. It explores the ways in which those debates were impacted in Chile by the military coup d'�tat that in 1973 established the dictatorship as the embodiment of injustice, and in Cuba as the success of the 1959 Cuban Revolution was seen as the triumph of justice. It explores how the works make significant interventions in current social justice debates in each country through their focus on the neoliberal reconfiguration of the city. The conclusion argues that the texts dismantle the neoliberal imaginaries of Chile and Cuba to open a space for new theorizations of social justice beyond the limits of the market and the State. It contends that in refuting the neoliberal reconfiguration of their cities the texts propose alternate relationships between time, space, and memory that represent a possibility to conceptualize social justice not as a closed project imposed from above but as a struggle from below that must constantly be redefined to address diverse injustices. This dissertation underlines the importance of the intersections of culture, politics, economics, and history to understand social justice struggles in Chile and Cuba. By examining how the neoliberal transformations of the city impact conceptualizations of social justice transnationally, this dissertation is relevant for understanding these debates in other contexts where the logic of neoliberalism is posited as the only possibility for a prosperous future
Resumen Este trabajo puso en relieve una experiencia pionera en Chile en lo que se refiere a la gestión de los residuos de construcción y demolición (RCD). El caso estudiado corresponde a la construcción de 17 viviendas unifamiliares ubicadas en un condominio habitacional en la ciudad de Temuco, Región de la Araucanía. Para su implementación se aplicó una metodología basada en un modelo de gestión de residuos desarrollado en España para estimar los RCD. Con la adopción de esta metodología de separación en obra de los residuos, los costos materiales se redujeron a la mitad; también se redujo el costo medioambiental de las obras en construcción. Con ello se ha comprobado que es viable la adaptación de la metodología española a un proyecto de urbanización chileno. Además, la aplicación de esta metodología genera un triple beneficio que repercute en lo ambiental, lo social y lo económico. Al mismo tiempo, se ha comprobado que la reutilización, reciclaje, tratamiento o eliminación de los residuos genera nuevos desafíos en el plano legislativo y de gestión de gobierno, elementos a considerar si Chile aspira a alcanzar estándares de países como Brasil o los de la Comunidad Europea en lo que respecta a la gestión de RCD.
