Suchergebnisse

ABSTRACTThis article argues that the responses of political parties to social change are mediated by ideology, which offers only a limited range of options. What these are, how and why they are limited, and in what ways they may account for recent political developments are the main themes of the article. They are treated in the context of a general review of the relations between ideologies, parties and change, using a modified model of the traditional Left–Right spectrum based on the concept of a 'relative and dynamic Centre'. The resulting mode of analysis, here called 'idealectics', is illustrated with reference to Western and especially British experience over the last two decades.

Autism is a neurobiological developmental disorder that is detected at around 3 years old. This disorder affects their communication, socialization, and behavioral skills. Its ratio is 1 per 150 and the possibility is greater for boys (2 girls for every 6 boys). A bibliometric analysis, comparing documents in the Scopus and Web of Science databases, has been carried out. It includes some new features such as the evaluation of growth, maturity, conceptual and intellectual maps and trends of a scientific community on top of the bibliometrics traditional approach. This study shows that, although the interest in different aspects related to autism is very high (from the year 2000), there is a significant lack on the prevention or prediction crisis topic. ; Acknowledgements Luisa F. Cabeza would like to thank the Catalan Government for the quality accreditation given to her research group GREiA (2017 SGR 1537). GREiA is a certified agent TECNIO in the category of technology developers from the Government of Catalonia. Author Contribution M.D., M.T., R.G., and L.F.C. contributed to the design and implementation of the research, to the analysis of the results, and to the writing of the manuscript. L.A. contributed to the writing of the manuscript. Funding This work is partially supported by ICREA under the ICREA Academia program.

"The analyses presented in this working paper provide a genuinely interdisciplinary view on Russia's society since the end of socialism. A historian, Hans-Henning Schröder, describes the political sphere, a political scientist, Diana Schmidt, covers civil society, a sociologist and a geographer, David Lane and Denis Eckert, deal with the economic sphere. They all develop a comparative dimension to put the Russian case in context. As the panel title suggests, all papers are concerned with general trends characterising the post-Soviet development of Russia. In order to describe these trends, the authors refer to analytical frameworks of reference provided by their specific discipline and research orientation. Nevertheless, as Valerie Bunce points out in her comment, a number of conclusions on the state of Russian society is supported by all four papers. The most important one seems to be that Russia is marked by a high degree of inequality, fragmentation and political alienation; this in turn questions the stability of the political, economic and social system which has emerged in Russia. However, the main aim of all papers is not to depress the reader or to criticize developments, but to understand what is going on. Here, the authors provide an original, rich and broad overview of ways to analyse and interpret current trends. They present many interesting insights and data and integrate them into a general line of argument which offers a rather comprehensive answer to the question of how to explain Russia's Post-Soviet Political and Economic System." (excerpt). Contents: Hans-Henning Schröder: What kind of political regime does Russia have? (6-22); Diana Schmidt: What kind of civil society does Russia have? (23-45); David Lane: Russia's asymmetric capitalism in comparative perspective (46-60); Denis Eckert: Russia 15 years later: contemporary paradoxes in the organization of economic space (61-67); Valerie Bunce: Commentary on the papers (68-71).

"Crisis and Criticism is a series of interventions from 2009 to 2021 engaging with the literary, cultural and political responses to the capitalist crisis of 2007-8. Challenging the tendency to treat crisis as natural and beyond human control, this book interrogates our cultural understanding of crisis and suggests the necessity of ruthless criticism of the existing world. While responses to crisis have retreated from the critical, choosing to inhabit apocalyptic fantasies instead, only a critical understanding of the causes of crisis within capitalism itself can promise their eventual overcoming"--

"As revealed by John Samples in his essential new book, the battle over the size and role of government has been raging for decades. Arriving at a critical time, with clashes over limiting government occupying more battlefields than ever, The Struggle to Limit Government chronicles this war's history, as well as its implications for the future." "In examining the high and low points of the nearly 30-year struggle, from the Reagan revolution to the Obama administration, Samples first provides a fascinating look at the institutions and policies created by progressives from 1933 to 1968 - the New Deal and Great Society - and their influence on all that has followed. "The institutions and policies of the old regime created both a politics of entitlement and a people who favor the persistence of such benefits," writes Samples. "It fostered a dependence on government amongst a people culturally disposed to liberty."" "Samples then assesses the rise, successes, and failures of Ronald Reagan, the historic 1994 elections, and the ensuing unsuccessful struggles to fulfill Reagan's goal of reversing government's growth. He traces the drift of the Republican majority in Congress, and the epic battles within and between the Republican and Democratic parties, Congress, and Bill Clinton, which left us nowhere - with "neither limited government nor enduring majorities."" "The book then examines the trauma of George W. Bush: his high spending, his mixture of religion with government, and his floundering crusade to bring democracy to the Middle East. The 2006 and 2008 elections, Samples shows, were a repudiation of the Bush presidency, not of limited government." "Samples does not simply point and critique; he also includes extensive prescriptions for improvement. With its political analysis of major government programs, from Medicare and Medicaid to Social Security and taxes, The Struggle to Limit Government is an energetic, sobering, and essential guide to the political battles of today and tomorrow."--Jacket

The purpose of this book is to reconsider economic liberalism from the viewpoint of political liberalism. The author argues that advocates of economic liberalism largely overlook empirical political preferences which, in many societies, go far beyond a limited role of the state. Recent difficulties of reforming the welfare state provide evidence that political preferences are at odds with liberal economic policy in numerous cases. This fact challenges a political conception which demands a limited state role but also claims that citizens' preferences 'as they are' should determine the content of policies. Using an evolutionary perspective on economic liberalism, the book develops new arguments about how economic liberalism can be brought into line with political liberalism

Societies must make collective decisions even when citizens disagree, and they use many different political processes to do so. But how do people choose one way to make a group decision over another? We propose that the human mind contains an intuitive political theory about how to make collective decisions, analogous to people's intuitive theories about language, physics, number, minds, and morality. We outline a simple method for studying people's intuitive political theory using scenarios about group decisions, and we begin to apply this approach in three experiments. Participants read scenarios in which individuals in a group have conflicting information (Experiment 1), conflicting interests (Experiment 2), and conflicting interests between a majority and a vulnerable minority who have more at stake (Experiment 3). Participants judged whether the group should decide by voting, consensus, leadership, or chance. Overall, we find that participants prefer majority‐rule voting over consensus, leadership, and chance when a group has conflicting interests or information. However, participants' support for voting is considerably diminished when the group includes a vulnerable minority. Hence, participants showed an intuitive understanding of Madison's concerns about tyranny of the majority.

Abstrak Tujuan penelitian ini adalah : (1) mengetahui bagaimana implementasi program sertifikasi guru pada guru PPKn di SMP Negeri 2 Kuta Utara, Kabupaten Badung; (2) mengidentifikasi kendala yang dihadapi guru PPKn dalam meningkatkan profesionalisme guru dengan adanya implementasi program sertifikasi guru di SMP Negeri 2 Kuta Utara Kabupaten Badung; dan (3) menganalisis solusi terhadap permasalahan yang di hadapi guru PPKn sehubungan dengan profesionalisme guru di SMP Negeri 2 Kuta Utara Kabupaten Badung. Penelitian ini dilakukan di SMP Negeri 2 Kuta Utara Kabupaten Badung. Subjek penelitian ini adalah para guru PPKn yang sudah bersertifikasi yang berjumlah 5 (lima) orang. Pengumpulan data menggunakan teknik observasi, wawancara, pencatatan dokumen, dan data dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan : (1) implementasi program sertifikasi guru di SMP Negeri 2 Kuta Utara Kabupaten Badung sudah berjalan dengan baik dimana sertifikasi berpengaruh terhadap sikap profesionalisme guru PPKn yang tercermin dari adanya peningkatan kinerja guru; (2) kendala yang dihadapi guru PPKn di SMP Negeri 2 Kuta Utara Kabupaten Badung yaitu penyediaan fasilitas pendidikan yang masih terbatas seperti LCD; masalah terhadap administrasi penilaian siswa sebagai implikasi dari penerapan kurikulum 2013. (3) analisis solusi terhadap kendala yang terjadi yaitu : sekolah dapat mengupayakan pemenuhan kebutuhan fasilitas pendidikan yang memadai dan relevan dengan pembelajaran terkini secara bertahap melalui perencanaan, pengeloalaan dan pemanfaatan dana yang tersedia, baik dari swadaya atau subsidi pemerintah; penyediaan tenaga TI professional untuk memberikan pelatihan guna membantu guru yang masih kesulitan mengerjakan administrasi penilaian siswa karena kendala pengoprasian ICT; perlunya pengaturan intensitas pertemuan MGMP PPKn secara rutin, guna membangun komunikasi yang efektif antar guru mata pelajaran PPKn. Kata-kata kunci: Guru PPKn, Program Sertifikasi Guru, Profesionalisme Guru Abstract The aims of this study are: (1) to find out how the implementation of the teacher certification program to the Pancasila and Civics Education teachers at SMP Negeri 2 Kuta North Badung Regency; (2) to identify the constraints faced by Pancasila and Civic Education teachers toward teacher professionalism with the implementation of teacher certification program at SMP Negeri 2 Kuta North Badung Regency; and (3) analyze the solutions to the problems that the Pancasila and Civics Education teachers often found in the relation of teachers professionalism at SMP Negeri 2 North Kuta Badung Regency. This research was conducted at SMP Negeri 2 Kuta North Badung Regency. The subjects of this research were 5 Pancasila and Civics Education teachers who are already certified. This study used observation, interview, and record-keeping when collecting the data, and then the data were analyzed descriptively. This study found that; (1) the implementation of the teacher certification program at SMP Negeri 2 Kuta North Badung Regency has been done well and the certification is affecting the Pancasila and Civics Education teacher professionalism which reflected in the improvement of teacher performance; (2) the problems that Pancasila and Civics Education teacher at SMP Negeri 2 Kuta North Badung Regency often faced is the educational facilities supplies that are still limited such as the LCD and the administration of student assessments problems as the affect of the implementation of the 2013 curriculum. (3) The Solution to problems that occur are: the school should be able to plan and manage the school budget either from governmental or government subsidies for gradually fulfilling the supply of educational facilities which relevant with the recent learning program; The provision of professionals IT to provide training for helping the teachers who are still working on the administration of student assessments difficulties because of the application of ICT program; the management of regular meeting of the Pancasila and Civics Education MGMPs, in order to establish effective communication among teachers of Pancasila and Civics Education. Keywords: Pancaila and Civics Eduvation Teacher, Teacher Certification Program, Teacher Professionalism

The importance of the concept of state in British political thought has recently been re-assessed, and Dyson's contrast between a continental 'state tradition' and an Anglo-American 'stateless tradition' has been put into question. Yet this paper argues that there remain crucial differences in the way in which French and British political thinkers have understood the concept of state. Focusing on a critical moment in the crystallization of the meaning of 'state', the turn of the twentieth century, and in particular on the anti-statist pluralist school, it analyses how state critics were influenced by national intellectual traditions. French thought has been permeated by the idea of the autonomy of the state vis-à-vis society at large, while British thought has remained committed to an ideal of fluidity between state and society.

In this paper, I tried to connect the text of the Chinese tort law with the institutional context of lawmaking in China from a political economy perspective. Two determinants, political influence and populist pressure, were identified for the tort law legislation in China, and a simple spatial model was presented to demonstrate the mechanism through which these determinants might have affected the text of the law. In particular, my research suggested that, when injurers' political influence kept constant, the populist pressure on the injurer group tended to push the tort law rules toward the pro-victim end. On the contrary, with the similar populist pressure, the politically influential injurers could induce legal rules to their advantage. Even within a particular type of torts, the subgroup of injurers who were better organized to exert political influence would be rewarded with more favorable rules on torts than their fellow injurers, especially where populist pressure was moderate. Hopefully, this research will inspire more efforts among students of Chinese law to explore the operation of law at the microscopic level against the macroscopic institutional backdrops of this country.

This article examines complexity theories and their applicability for social studies. Once these theories revealed complex system of autopoietic self-organization, nonlinearity and far from equilibrium social theoretics were encouraged to apply complexity methodology to investigate social complexity in a frame of political studies, sociology, international relations and other social disciplines.As a particular case, the article studies John Urry's profound contributions to complexity theoretical shifts in social science. He was not only one of the most important British sociologists, but also a scholar network builder and public intellectual who changed the face of British, and indeed global, social theory. Known as a creator of the new mobility paradigm associated with a 'Lancaster School', he stands in contrast to the empiricist traditions inAmerican and British social sciences, while struggling for post-disciplinary approach against the hierarchies of academic departments, and their disciplinary closure. This also explains his critique of conventional sociology and its division from the natural sciences.J. Urry was primarily a macro-level thinker concerned with systems and global processes. Therefore, his project starts with complexity theory and its implications in terms of global complexity, complexity of social sciences in opposition to its previous linearity and structure/agent duality. J. Urry argues for breaking down the division between 'natural' and 'social' sciences, since both are characterized by complexity This complexity turn led Urry directly into his conceptualization of mobilities as a second theoretical turn, which deals with dynamic urban forms and automobility. Finally, a third theoretical turn in his thinking is geo-ecological. Here J. Urry is acting as a micro-level theorist of the body, leisure, consuming, tourism and nature. Tracing this trajectory of his theoretical evolution is more informative for it moves us from his early recognition of large-scaled complexity into reconsidered human-scaled problems of how we ought to live in the world.Key words: social and natural sciences, theory of complex systems, chaos theory, mobility, John Urry. ; У статті аналізуються теорії складності (complexity theories) з точки зору доцільності їх використання в дослідженнях соціальних теоретиків. Відкриття можливості вивчення складних систем, яким притаманні властивості самоорганізації як аутопойезису, нелійності та стану нерівноваги, спонукало соціальних теоретиків до використання інструментарію науки про складність у дослідженнях соціальної складності в межах політології, соціології, міжнародних відносинах та інших дисциплінах про суспільство та людину.В якості конкретного прикладу розглядається відповідний внесок у соціальну теорію соціолога Джона Уррі. Всупереч емпіричній та позитивістській традиції він запропонував пост-дисциплінарний підхід на підставі того, що як соціальні, так і природничі науки характеризуються належністю до складних систем. Наш аналіз еволюції його поглядів фіксує в якості її початкового і фундаментального етапу саме теорію складності. Її можна назвати головним поворотом, який Дж. Уррі здійснив у соціальній теорії. Всі інші його інновації, зокрема теорія соціальної мобільності та геоекологічний підхід у питаннях природи, планетарного споживання і людського тіла, стали закономірним наслідком цього фокусу на теорії складності.Ключові слова: соціальні та природничі науки, теорії складності, теорії хаосу, мобільність. Джон Уррі. В статье анализируются теории сложности (complexity theories) с точки зрения обоснованности их использования в исследованиях социальных теоретиков. Открытие возможности изучения сложных систем, которые обладают свойствами самоорганизации как аутопоэзиса, нелинейности и неравновесности подтолкнуло социальных теоретиков к использованию этого инструментария в изучении социальных сложных систем в рамках политологии, социологии, международных отношений и других дисциплин об обществе и человеке.В качестве конкретного примера рассматривается соответствующий вклад в социальную теорию социолога Дж. Урри. В противовес эмпирической и позитивистской традиции он отстаивает пост-дисциплинарный подход, исходя из того, что и социальные, и естественные науки характеризуются принадлежностью к сложным системам. Наш анализ эволюции его взглядов фиксирует в качестве ее стартового и фундаментального этапа именно теорию сложностей. Ее можно назвать главным поворотом, который Дж. Урри совершил в социальной теории. Все другие его инновации, в частности теория социальной мобильности и гео-экологический подход подход в вопросах природы, планетарного потребления и человеческого тела, стали лишь закономерным следствием этой сфокусированности на теории сложных системКлючевые слова: социальные и естественные науки, теория сложных систем, теория хаоса, мобильность, Джон Урри. This article examines complexity theories and their applicability for social studies. Once these theories revealed complex system of autopoietic self-organization, nonlinearity and far from equilibrium social theoretics were encouraged to apply complexity methodology to investigate social complexity in a frame of political studies, sociology, international relations and other social disciplines.As a particular case, the article studies John Urry's profound contributions to complexity theoretical shifts in social science. He was not only one of the most important British sociologists, but also a scholar network builder and public intellectual who changed the face of British, and indeed global, social theory. Known as a creator of the new mobility paradigm associated with a 'Lancaster School', he stands in contrast to the empiricist traditions inAmerican and British social sciences, while struggling for post-disciplinary approach against the hierarchies of academic departments, and their disciplinary closure. This also explains his critique of conventional sociology and its division from the natural sciences.J. Urry was primarily a macro-level thinker concerned with systems and global processes. Therefore, his project starts with complexity theory and its implications in terms of global complexity, complexity of social sciences in opposition to its previous linearity and structure/agent duality. J. Urry argues for breaking down the division between 'natural' and 'social' sciences, since both are characterized by complexity This complexity turn led Urry directly into his conceptualization of mobilities as a second theoretical turn, which deals with dynamic urban forms and automobility. Finally, a third theoretical turn in his thinking is geo-ecological. Here J. Urry is acting as a micro-level theorist of the body, leisure, consuming, tourism and nature. Tracing this trajectory of his theoretical evolution is more informative for it moves us from his early recognition of large-scaled complexity into reconsidered human-scaled problems of how we ought to live in the world.Key words: social and natural sciences, theory of complex systems, chaos theory, mobility, John Urry.

This essay reviews how three pillars of political economy -- collective action, institutions, & political market imperfections -- help us answer the following question: Why do some countries develop & not others? Each advances our understanding of who wins & who loses in government decision making, generally, but only a subset of this literature helps us answer the question. The study of political market imperfections strongly suggests that the lack of credibility of pre-electoral political promises & incomplete voter information are especially robust in explaining development outcomes. From the institutional literature, the most powerful explanation of contrasting development outcomes links political checks & balances to the credibility of government commitments. 79 References. Adapted from the source document.