Suchergebnisse

Is global democracy possible? The most prominent institutional manifestations of this concept-the UN, WTO, IMF and World Bank-have been skewered as cloistered anti-democratic institutions by anti-globalization activists. Meanwhile, proponents of globalization advocate reforming these institutions to make them more transparent. Michael Goodhart argues that both views fail to recognize the complex link between modern democracy and the sovereign state and the degree to which globalization challenges the modern conceptualization of democracy. Original and historically informed, Democra

First published in 1984, this work explores the issues surrounding the industrialisation of the Third World at the beginning of the 1980s. The expectation that Newly Industrialising Countries would facilitate industrial growth via an outward-orientated strategy had begun to be the combination of growing recession, growing protectionism and the diffusion of radical microelectronics-related technical change. In addition, the high indebtedness of developing countries made them increasingly dependent on assistance from the IMF and IBRD, whose policies increased the tendency towards de-industrialis

Prepared by the IMF African Department, and published twice a year in English and French, Regional Economic Outlook: Sub-Saharan Africa analyzes the macroeconomic performance and short-term prospects of sub-Saharan Africa and provides and in-depth analysis of selected topics. The April 2009 Outlook includes two chapters: one on the macroeconomic impact of the global financial crisis on sub-Saharan Africa, and the other on the impact of the crisis on financial systems in the region. Detailed country data are provided in a statistical appendix

A pressing question at the forefront of current global political debates is: how can we salvage the democratic project in the context of 'globalization'? In recent years political activists have mounted high-profile campaigns for the democratization of powerful international institutions such as the World Bank and IMF, and for greater 'corporate accountability'. In turn, many of the NGOs linked to these campaigns have themselves faced demands for greater democratic legitimacy. Global Stakeholder Democracy responds to these challenges by outlining an innovative theoretical and institutional fra

Is the international financial architecture debate over? Not according to leading experts gathered together in this impressive volume who try to identify the key trends that will fashion the international financial system in the years ahead. As history has shown, the evolution of the international monetary system is a slow process. However, the authors argue that we may be entering a new era in which a combination of factors will have lasting consequences on the functioning of the international monetary system and the future role of the IMF

Is global democracy possible? The most prominent institutional manifestations of this concept-the UN, WTO, IMF and World Bank-have been skewered as cloistered anti-democratic institutions by anti-globalization activists. Meanwhile, proponents of globalization advocate reforming these institutions to make them more transparent. Michael Goodhart argues that both views fail to recognize the complex link between modern democracy and the sovereign state and the degree to which globalization challenges the modern conceptualization of democracy. Original and historically informed, Democra.

This book presents an analysis of Caribbean fiscal problems, with particular emphasis on the relationship between high levels of public expenditure and balance of payments problems. The study examines deficit financing, public expenditure growth, and IMF stabilization policies. Other issues raised relate to income distribution and problems of taxation and tax reform. The work focuses on Jamaica, Guyana, Barbados, and Trinidad and Tobago. The economies of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States are also considered.||This work will interest scholars in economics and economic policy-making

In the IMF and World Bank supported adjustment programs in sub-Saharan Africa, emphasis is always placed on exchange rate policies. Devaluation is one of the major tools in the set of measures used to straighten out African economies. From the analysis of 16 countries' exchange policy experiments during the 1980-1987 period (not belonging to the French franc area: Mauritania, Gambia, Guinea, Ghana, Nigeria, Sudan, Somalia, Kenya, Zaire, Burundi, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Madagascar, Mauritius) this book appraises its trade, economic, financial and social effects

International observers have not been kind to Italy during the past two decades. The International Monetary Fund (IMF, 2016) wrote about the country's two lost decades, the Economist (19 May 2005) described it as the real sick man of Europe and eminent economists, such as Bruno Pellegrino and Luigi Zingales (Pellegrino and Zingales, 2017), tried to diagnose the Italian disease. Italy's GDP has barely grown since the mid-1990s and the past decade was the worst in the history of its economy, world wars included.

Abstract
In the words of the IMF, the economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic have generated "a crisis like no other". Economic shocks often result in social and political quivers within states but also affect relations between states. In the short conceptual note that follows, we concentrate on the European Union and we explore the possible effects the COVID-19 economic fallout will have on its already strained cohesion. We argue that it has the potential to act as an accelerator towards greater European integration.

This paper tries to apply Lijphart's way of description with ten factors for the two models of democracy to the Republic of Turkey. Turkey, with her important location, which is a country with a different political structure and social structure, can be added to Lijphart example. This research mainly analysis Turkish political system with Lijphart's majoritarian and consensus democracy idea. In this study, while examining the case of Turkey, the World Bank, IMF, and IV project, Freedom House reports and data were used.

Donors cannot pre-commit to support scaled-up public spending programs on a continuing basis, nor can governments credibly commit to curtail expenditure rapidly in the event that aid revenues contract. An aid boom may therefore be accompanied by a credibility problem. When this is the case, the absorb-and-spend strategy recommended by the IMF leads to capital flight, higher inflation, and large current account surpluses inclusive of aid. The right policy package combines a critical minimum degree of fiscal restraint with reverse sterilization.

Donors cannot pre-commit to support scaled-up public spending programs on a continuing basis, nor can governments credibly commit to curtail expenditure rapidly in the event that aid revenues contract. An aid boom may therefore be accompanied by a credibility problem. When this is the case, the absorb-and-spend strategy recommended by the IMF leads to capital flight, higher inflation, and large current account surpluses inclusive of aid. The right policy package combines a critical minimum degree of fiscal restraint with reverse sterilization.

Donors cannot pre-commit to support scaled-up public spending programs on a continuing basis, nor can governments credibly commit to curtail expenditure rapidly in the event that aid revenues contract. An aid boom may therefore be accompanied by a credibility problem. When this is the case, the absorb-and-spend strategy recommended by the IMF leads to capital flight, higher inflation, and large current account surpluses inclusive of aid. The right policy package combines a critical minimum degree of fiscal restraint with reverse sterilization.

This paper investigates the political economy behind the three economic reforms in Indonesia, in 1983-91, 1994-97 and the reform under the IMF umbrella immediately after the 1997-98 economic crisis. The prevailing belief is that the Indonesian political economy scenario during those periods closely matched that of Weberian patrimonialism, in which the patron-client system was managed personally by Soeharto. Our findings indicate that, whereas economic reform was possible within the patron-client system in the initial stages of economic reform, this was not the case in later stages.