Suchergebnisse

Indonesia is a democratic country striving to realize people's sovereignty in the government. Indonesia consists of 34 provinces, one of which is Jakarta. This research aimed to analyze the democracy and political power in Jakarta in 2019 by employing the literature review. The researchers had collected the data from primary and secondary sources found in the articles and the web, which were then analyzed using a descriptive qualitative approach. The results show that democracy and political power are closely related. In political practice, democracy exists as an instrument to gain power. The aspect of democracy in gaining political power has been well implemented in the political, social, and cultural factors. Besides, the Indonesian democracy index reveals that Jakarta ranks first in Indonesia. Jakarta already has an exemplary democracy, but it still needs to continue to evaluate each indicator to defend its ranking.

Indonesia is a democratic country striving to realize people's sovereignty in the government. Indonesia consists of 34 provinces, one of which is Jakarta. This research aimed to analyze the democracy and political power in Jakarta in 2019 by employing the literature review. The researchers had collected the data from primary and secondary sources found in the articles and the web, which were then analyzed using a descriptive qualitative approach. The results show that democracy and political power are closely related. In political practice, democracy exists as an instrument to gain power. The aspect of democracy in gaining political power has been well implemented in the political, social, and cultural factors. Besides, the Indonesian democracy index reveals that Jakarta ranks first in Indonesia. Jakarta already has an exemplary democracy, but it still needs to continue to evaluate each indicator to defend its ranking.

Social media are recognized as important outlets for youth political expression, yet the affordances of different platforms may shape the forms and styles of expression that young people deploy. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the ways social media affordances shape youth voice, this article examines young people's political expression on the popular app musical.ly in the context of the 2016 US presidential election. Employing quantitative and qualitative content analysis on 1651 youth-created videos, we examine how young people use platform affordances, political hashtags, and memetic dimensions to convey a range of expressive political practices. In particular, through the analysis of content, form, and stance, our research illuminates how social media afford collective political expression for youth, by allowing them to deliberately connect to an assumed like-minded audience with similar beliefs through the use of shared symbolic resources.

Political and administrative changes in the occupied territory of Poland between 1939 and 1945 -- Political migrations in Polish lands in the years 1939-1950 -- The influence of the population movements on the development of the population size of post-war Poland and the transformation of its ethnic structure

Politics, coming back to its original meaning which might be defined as influencing other people and which is involves the making of a common decision for people, then, life is never politics-free. When we are thinking, we are contributing in the political life, how to influence or how to be influenced, how to make a decision in life or how to follow a decision. Politics contain of many dimensions, one might think politics in a negative or positive way depending on which dimensions he stick the politics with. Political party is one of the main institutions in the political life which used in practicing the democracy as the representative system needed by the community. It used as a media to transfer the political messages from the community to the government, as peoples' media to send their aspiration to the people 'above', which existence is influencing the development of the policies of the country depending on its effectiveness. As a Muslim-Largest country, Islam has a very important role in Indonesia's political zone. Though, not everything that has an "Islam" name is able to completely represent Islamic values and so some "non-Islam" might also represent Islamic ethical values. The point of this article is to focus more on how is the relationship between politics and Islam in Indonesia by observing the development of Islamic Political Parties and its phenomena. It will be well observed by the historic-phenomenology approach, which is describing and observing the history of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia and the social facts that happened in the society

Scholars working in or sympathetic to American political development (APD) share a commitment to accurately understanding the history of American politics -- and thus they question stylized facts about America's political evolution. Like other approaches to American politics, APD prizes analytical rigor, data collection, the development and testing of theory, and the generation of provocative hypotheses. Much APD scholarship indeed overlaps with the American politics subfield and its many well developed literatures on specific institutions or processes (for example Congress, judicial politics, or party competition), specific policy domains (welfare policy, immigration), the foundations of (in)equality in American politics (the distribution of wealth and income, race, ethnicity, gender, class, and sexual and gender orientation), public law, and governance and representation. What distinguishes APD is careful, systematic thought about the ways that political processes, civic ideals, the political construction of social divisions, patterns of identity formation, the making and implementation of public policies, contestation over (and via) the Constitution, and other formal and informal institutions and processes evolve over time -- and whether (and how) they alter, compromise, or sustain the American liberal democratic regime. APD scholars identify, in short, the histories that constitute American politics. They ask: what familiar or unfamiliar elements of the American past illuminate the present? Are contemporary phenomena that appear new or surprising prefigured in ways that an APD approach can bring to the fore? If a contemporary phenomenon is unprecedented then how might an accurate understanding of the evolution of American politics unlock its significance?

Understand the way in which the armed conflict is presented in the department of Nariño five years after the final signing of the Peace Agreement and from this to integrate aspects that contribute to the construction of historical peace. Method: the research was developed from the mixed paradigm, therefore, the application of semi-structured interviews was carried out to 11 people among victims of the armed conflict, a signatory of the Peace Agreement, human rights defenders, also of a Likert scale survey applied to a sample of 402 people, over 18 of age, inhabitants of the 13 subregions that make up the department of Nariño. Results: despite the signing of the Peace Agreement between the FARC-EP and the Colombian State, the armed conflict continues to be latent in the department of Nariño, to build a real and historic peace requires the integral presence of the State in the territories, guarantee of social rights, the active participation of citizens in decision-making, social justice and human dignity. Conclusions: (!) To end the armed conflict in Colombia, it is necessary to respond to the causes of the war; (!) the concept of peace must be constructed from the perceptions of the different social sectors, it cannot be an imposed concept; (¡¡)) the armed conflict in Nariño has caused social, political, economic, cultural and psychosocial affectations. ; Comprender la forma en que se presenta el conflicto armado en el departamento de Nariño luego de cinco años de la firma final del Acuerdo de Paz y a partir de ello integrar aspectos que aporten a la construcción de la paz histórica. Método: la investigación se desarrolló desde el paradigma mixto, por ende, se llevó a cabo la aplicación de entrevistas semiestructuradas a 11 personas entre víctimas del conflicto armado, un firmante del Acuerdo de Paz, defensores de Derechos Humanos, también de una encuesta escala de Likert aplicada a una muestra de 402 personas, mayores de 18 de edad, habitantes de las 13 subregiones que integran el departamento de Nariño. Resultados: pese a la firma del Acuerdo de Paz entre las FARC-EP y el Estado colombiano el conflicto armado sigue estando latente en el departamento de Nariño, para construir una paz real e histórica se requiere de la presencia integral del Estado en los territorios, garantía de derechos sociales, la participación activa de los ciudadanos en la toma de decisiones, la justicia social y la dignidad humana. Conclusiones: (¡) Para dar fin al conflicto armado en Colombia se necesita dar respuesta a las causas de la guerra; (¡¡) el concepto de paz debe construirse desde las percepciones de los distintos sectores sociales, no puede ser un concepto impuesto; (¡¡¡) el conflicto armado en Nariño ha provocado afectaciones sociales, políticas, económicas, culturales y también psicosociales.

This paper has as it main goal to socialize the research advancements with respect to the specific objectiveof the investigation "Recognize the Peace Special Jurisdiction's particularities and singularities in relationto the Justice formal administration". This, it states the relation between the Peace Special Jurisdiction andthe ordinary justice, establishing the existing differences and similarities and identifying the elementsthat make this Jurisdiction, implemented in the 1991 Political Constitution of Colombia and regulated bythe Law 497 of 1999, a particular one. The above is accomplished through a reference framework in whichthe appearance of the Peace justice in Colombia is inscribed, as well as the set up of current theoreticaldebates in relation to the pairing special jurisdiction–formal justice, in contrast with the peace judges'perceptions to finally lay out the consequences that originate theoretical disjunctives around this topic. ; Este Artículo se propone socializar los avances de investigación respecto al objetivo específico de la investigación "Reconocer la particularidad y singularidad de la Jurisdicción Especial de Paz frente a la administración formal de justicia". Así, plantea la relación de la Jurisdicción Especial de Paz (JEP) con la justicia ordinaria, estableciendo las diferencias y similitudes existentes para identificar los elementos que hacen particular a la JEP, instaurada en la Constitución Política de 1991 y regulada por la Ley 497 de 1999. Lo anterior se logra a partir de un marco referencial, en el cual se inscribe el surgimiento de la justicia de paz en Colombia, así como en el planteamiento de los debates teóricos existentes con relación al binomio jurisdicción especial–justicia formal, contrastados con las percepciones de jueces de paz, para esbozar finalmente las consecuencias que generan las disyuntivas teóricas en torno al tema.

In this paper we are interested in the relationship between globalization, political institutions (notably, democracy) and international environmental commitments. This relationship has been the subject of a particularly intensive debate and the existing literature offers a wide range of partly competing claims with respect to the driving forces of international environmental cooperation. While some authors argue that democracy and globalization tend to promote international efforts to mitigate or resolve environmental problems others have challenged these propositions theoretically and empirically. We argue that existing studies suffer from three weaknesses. First, they are based on very small samples of multilateral environmental treaties in respect to which commitment is coded (usually in terms of treaty ratification) and are cross-sectional. Second, they examine the effects of globalization and political institutions on international environmental policy separately and ignore potential joint effects. Third, they ignore interdependency (diffusion) effects - i.e., they do not account for the possibility that international commitment of one country is likely to depend on what other countries and specific types or groups of other countries do (network effects). Based on a new panel dataset that includes the commitments of 180 countries with regard to international environmentaltreaties from 1902 to 2005 we study whether and how international economic and political integration, and domestic political institutions jointly affect international environmental commitments. We also study interdependency (network) effects on our dependent variable. Our preliminary results show that the net effect of democracy on environmental cooperation is rather diffuse and so is the effect of economic integration (trade openness).

This paper studies the determinants of liberalization commitments in the context of trade in services used as intermediate inputs. Compared to goods, services inputs are mostly complementary to other factors of production and non-tradable. We build a theoretical trade policy framework in which (i) foreign investment as a way to contest a market for non-tradable services can be restricted by the government and (ii) the role of services as complementary inputs explains unilateral commitment to services trade liberalization. Commitment helps governments to avoid political pressures that would result in protectionist measures leading downstream producers to inefficiently reduce their production. In addition we provide new results on the influence of lobbying by both national firms and foreign multinationals. We discuss how the bargaining power of the government, the size of national services sectors and the difference in valuation between national and foreign contributions affect the willingness of the government to sign a services trade agreement.

This article addresses some of the effects of political transformations and conflicts on the identity of the Iraqi capital, Baghdad. It illustrates the gradual "Islamization" of space by Saddam Hussein's regime, which reflected a sectarian bias as it denied Shi'a religious identity the level of visibility given to Sunni religious identity. After the fall of the regime, there was an upsurge in Shi'a symbolism and rituals in Baghdad, which further de-­secularized and sectarianized the public space. The article also addresses some of the cultural consequences for the sectarian segregation in Baghdad, especially by looking into the mosques and worship places, their sectarian distribution and the contesting claims regarding some of them. The rise of sub-­national cultures and the competition between Shi'as and Sunnis have further fragmented Baghdad's identity and downgraded the cross-sectarian representations. This has been mirrored in the conflict of narratives about the city which is discussed in the last part of this article.