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This article surveys recent scholarship on the history of political economy in the United States. Its focus is on work published since the mid-1990s on the long nineteenth century that opened with the adoption of the federal Constitution and closed with World War I. In no sense is it intended to be comprehensive; rather, it seeks merely to highlight some of the most important recent trends.

ABSTRACTIt is two years since a microbe, SARS‐CoV‐2, a 'novel' coronavirus, travelled through the world to wreak havoc on the lives of humans across the globe. Although the total number of global COVID‐19 deaths, currently estimated at 6 million, comes nowhere near the 50 million deaths of the Spanish flu pandemic of 1918‒19 to which it has been compared, the impact of COVID‐19 and the measures to control it have been far more devastating to humans and economies. This virtual issue gleans insights from selected papers in previous issues of Development and Change to contribute to the ongoing debate on the COVID‐19 pandemic by touching upon its political economy aspects. The articles put together in this virtual issue try to demonstrate that pandemics are not a 'fact of life'. They are very much rooted in the processes of capital accumulation and the ensuing destruction of the global ecosystems that makes zoonoses a recurring imminent threat. In the context of a hyper‐connected globalized world, regional and global pandemics could well become the norm. Meanwhile, neoliberal reforms and restructuring have left the health sector unable to handle the public health crisis caused by COVID‐19. At the same time, with the waiving and dilution of well‐established norms of regulation for testing and marketing of vaccines and drugs, the pandemic has created opportunities for accumulation in the healthcare technology industry, specifically the pharmaceutical sector. It is hoped that this virtual issue will contribute to the ongoing debate on the emergence of 'novel' diseases and pandemics by shifting the current focus from the disease agent (the virus) and broadening the concern to include the larger social determinants which are rooted in the global political economy.

This article presents the results of the author's study of conceptual metaphor in political dystopia «Animal Farm» by George Orwell, an English Socialist writer. The aim of the work was to confirm the hypothesis that the work represents a conceptual metaphorical model «Totalitarian state is Animal Farm» in both structural and meaningful ways.In modern cognitive linguistics, metaphor is regarded as one of the basic mechanisms of cognitive knowledge, structuring and explanation of the world. Since metaphorization has associative connections within the human experience, it creates metaphors which borrow lexical means and meanings from the fields, which are based on the conceptualization of the people themselves and the world in the process of cognitive activity (the donor sphere). The metaphorical process requires a second element the target sphere (a new conceptual domain). In describing the metaphorical model, we describe the model scenarios related to the model frames and components of each sample frame slots (as described by A.P. Chudinov).The dictatorship in the USSR during the reign of I.V. Stalin is transferred to the structural organization of the farmyard and the qualities of real people on animals. Orwell gave each animal (or every kind of it) a certain set of properties, characteristics and actions that we have tried to identify and relate to the corresponding prototype. The donor sphere of the conceptual metaphor in this work is the animal world (naturemorfic and zoomorphic metaphors). The target sphere is the Soviet state with the dictatorship of the leader. The working class and the peasantry are portrayed as a spineless flock meekly obeying the will of the leader, who, with the help of his assistants, operates the «flock».The working hypothesis was confirmed. The research results can be used both in the cognitive theory of metaphor, as well as in such areas as literature, discourse analysis, political linguistics, and others.

This article investigates the example of a state-funded secondary school in colonial Sierra Leone to get at the natutre of political struggles over education and over knowledge, power, and identity more broadly. Bo School was formed as a school for indigenous chiefs' sons and intended to create a more "modern" chieftancy to aid in British indirect rule. However, the participants remade the school to suit their own strategic goals. The essay problematizes a simplistic notion of school as a manipulable machine for the skill and knowledge transfer and rather situates the institution historically and politically in everyday practice. Connections are mode to the ongoing civil war in the region. ; Este artigo analisa o caso de uma escola secundária pública em Serra Leoa colonial, perspectivando-a no âmbito das lutas políticas relativas à educação e ao conhecimento, ao poder e à identidnde nos seus sentidos amplos. A "Bo School" foi instituída como uma escola para filhos de chefes indígenas, com a intenção de criar chefias mais "modernas" e cooperativas com o domínio indirecto britânico. Entretanto, os participates reformularam a escola para atender aos seus próprios objetivos estratégicos. Este ensaio problematiza a noção simplista de escola como um aparelho manipulável de transferência de habilidades e de conhecimento, situando assim a instituição histórica e políticamente no âmbito das práticas quotidianas. Fazem-se ainda ligações com o presente de guerra civil da região. ; This article investigates the example of a state-funded secondary school in colonial Sierra Leone to get at the natutre of political struggles over education and over knowledge, power, and identity more broadly. Bo School was formed as a school for indigenous chiefs' sons and intended to create a more "modern" chieftancy to aid in British indirect rule. However, the participants remade the school to suit their own strategic goals. The essay problematizes a simplistic notion of school as a manipulable machine for the skill and knowledge transfer ...

L'analyse de la production sociologique au Québec, de 1945 à 1980, ne saurait être entreprise sans faire référence à la transformation des conditions generates d'enonciation qu'a connue la société québécoise durant la période. On peut schématiquement regrouper cette sociographie en quatre courants distincts. Le premier, de 1945 à 1960, se donne comme un savoir critique dc l'adaptation illustrant l'inadéquation de la référence au traditionalisme. Le début des années soixante marque le passage à la dominance d'une forme de la représentation présentant désormais le Québec comme une société politique. Une sociologie fonctionnelle de l'adaptation se développe dés lors, liée à la mise en place de L'État keynésien. Les années soixante‐dix voient au contraire l'affirmation d'une sociologie de l'émancipation. Divisée en deux courants antagonistes, culturaliste et politiste, cette sociologie travaille à la redéfinition d'une société québécoise dorénavant soumise aux pleines déterminations de la modernité.The modernity of sociological production in Québec from 1945 to 1980 cannot be attempted without referring to the transformation in the general conditions of Québec's expression of itself as a society during this period. We can regroup this sociography schematically into four distinct approaches: the first, from 1945 to 1960, presented itself as a form of critical knowledge of adaptation which illustrated the inadequacy of references to traditionalism. The beginning of the 1960s marked the transition towards the predominance of a representational form which thereafter presented Québec as a political society. In the third tendency a functionalist sociology, linked to the consolidation of the Keynesian state, took root. The 1970s saw in contradistinction the affirmation of a sociology of emanicipation. Divided between two mutually antagonistic approaches, culturalist and political, Québec sociology is working towards the redefinition of a Québecois society henceforth caught in the determining web of modernity.

Thanks to theoretical advances in the natural sciences and the decreased cost of computer technology, computational modeling is becoming an increasingly popular tool in the social sciences. Due to its relative novelty and somewhat marginal position in most disciplines, however, research of this kind has primarily focused on methodological challenges posed by applications to social phenomena. By contrast, the method's theoretical foundations are still relatively poorly understood and many theoretical possibilities remain unexplored by computational scholars. At the same time, social theorists, following in the footsteps of Georg Simmel's pioneering contributions a century ago, have developed a process-based research tradition that anticipates the scientific practices of today's computer-based research. In short, if the sociological process theorists have been computational modelers avant la lettre, the latter can be seen as process theorists "après la lettre".

Based on an insightful and innovative reading of Kant's theory of knowledge, this book explores the political implications of Kant's philosophical writings on knowledge. It suggests that Kant offers a stable foundation for the reconsideration of the idea of progress as crucial in matters of political management at the outset of the 21st Century.